Plutarch's Lives

LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

PIAITARCH S LIVES
Vil |

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO
ALEXANDER AND CAESAR

Translated by
BERNADOTTE PERRIN

Complete list of Loeb titles can be
found at the end of each volume

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PLUTARCH (Plutarchus, c. Α.Ὁ. 45-
120, was born at Chaeronea in Boeotia
in central Greece, studied philosophy at
Athens, and, after coming to Rome as a
teacher in philosophy, was given consular
rank by the emperor Trajan and a procura-
torship in Greece by Hadrian. Married
and father of one daughter and four sons,
he appears as a man of kindly character
and independent thought. Studious and
learned, he wrote on many subjects. Most
popular have always been the 46 Parallel
Lives, biographies planned to be ethical
examples in pairs (in each pair one Greek
person and one similar Roman), though
the last four lives are single. All are in-
valuable sources of our knowledge of the
lives and characters of Greek and Roman
statesmen or soldiers or orators. Plutarch’s
many other varied extant works, about
60 in number, are known as ‘Moral
Essays’ or ‘Moral Works’. They are of
high literary value, besides being of great
use to people interested in philosophy,
ethics and religion,

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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.

EDITED BY
E. H. WARMINGTON, M.a., F.R.HIST.SOC.

FORMER EDITORS
ΠΕ PAGE. πὶ EiTr.D. ΤῈ: CAPES, PH-D., Liab.
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PLUTARCH'’S LIVES
VII

99

GLE ART CULO © unre ΝΣ

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* ι

PLUTARCH’S
LIVES

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
BERNADOTTE PERRIN

IN ELEVEN VOLUMES
ΝΠ

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO
ALEXANDER AND CAESAR

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

MOMLXVII

First printed 1919
Reprinted 1928, 1949, 1958, 1967

Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS

PAGE
Pet UTD NIUOIE ΝΟ om ou eG 6 decal eoNmo Glaus 6

ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES IN THIS EDITION . . . Viii

TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES. .... ix
DEMOSTHENES* 2 024 ΠΥ ΥΣ Δ BOs Sieg Fe, ]
ΠΟΘΕΝ mere Sar ees Sa Bol a οὐ πολ, τ OL

COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO ...2.. . 21)

ALEXANDERS US FOUR OR ἐσ Ὁ O Ws, Qs Ahi S228
CRA RIE ee ey Pek eee a AR he 44]
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES ..... 2... e«-. 61)

PREFATORY NOTE

As in the preceding volumes of this series, agree-
ment between the Sintenis (Teubner, 1873-1875)
and Bekker (Tauchnitz, 1855-1857) editions of the
Parallel Lives has been taken as the basis for the
text. Any preference of one to the other, and any
important departure from both, have been indicated.
An abridged account of the manuscripts of Plutarch
may be found in the Introduction to the first volume.
None of the Lives presented in this volume are con-
tained in the two oldest and most authoritative
manuscripts—the Codex Sangermanensis (55) and
the Codex Seitenstettensis (S), or in the excellent
Paris manuscript No. 1676 (F*). Their text there-
fore rests principally on the Paris manuscripts
Nos. 1671, 1673, and 1674 (ACD), although in a few
instances weight has been given to readings from
the Codex Matritensis (M*), on the authority of the
collations of Charles Graux and his editions of the
Demosthenes and Cicero. No attempt has been made,
naturally, to furnish either a diplomatic text or a

vi

PREFATORY NOTE

full critical apparatus. For these, the reader must
be referred to the major edition of Sintenis (Leipzig,
1839-1846, 4 voll., 8vo), or to the rather inaccessible
text of the Lives by Lindskog and Ziegler, in the
Teubner Library of Greek and Latin texts (Vol. IIL,
Fase. I. was published in 1915). In the present
edition, the reading which follows the colon in the
brief critical notes is that of the Teubner Sintenis,
and also, unless otherwise stated in the note, of the
Tauchnitz Bekker.

All the standard translations of the Lives have
been carefully compared and _ utilized, including
those of the Cicero and Caesar by Professor Long.
And more or less use has been made of the follow-
ing works: Graux, Vie de Démosthene, and Vie de
Cicéron, Paris, 1883 and 1882; Holden, Plutarch’s
Demosthenes, Cambridge, Pitt Press Series, 1893;
Gudeman, Sources of Plutarch’s Cicero, Philadelphia,
1902; Sihler, Cicero of Arpinum, New Haven, 1914,
and Annals of Caesar, New York, 1911.

B. PERRIN.

New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A.
November, 1918.

Vii

ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES

IN THIS

EDITION IN THE CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE
OF THE GREEK LIVES.

VouuME I.

(1) Theseus and Romulus.
Comparison.

(2) Lycurgus and Numa.
Comparison.

(3) Solon and Publicola.
Comparison.

VouumeE II.

(4) Themistocles and
Camillus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the
Elder.
Comparison.
(13) Cimon and Lucullus.
Comparison.

VouumeE III.

(5) Pericles and Fabius Max-
imus.
Comparison.
(14) Nicias and Crassus.
Comparison.

VouumeE IV.

(6) Alcibiades and Cortola-
nus.
Comparison.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.
Comparison.

VoLuME V.

(16) Agesilaiis and Pompey.
Comparison.
(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.
Comparison.

viii

Ι

|
1

Voiume VI,
(22) Dion and Brutus.
Comparison.
(7) Timoleon and Aemilius
Paulus.
Comparison.

VouumE VII.

(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
Comparison.
(17) Alexander and Julius
Caesar.

VouumE VIII.

(15) Sertorius and Kumenes.
Comparison.
(18) Phocion and Cato the
Younger.

VouLuME IX.
(21) Demetrius and Antony.

Comparison.
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.

VoutumME X.

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and
Tiberius and Caius
Gracchus.

Comparison.

(10) Philopoemen and Flam-

ininus.
Comparison.

VouumeE XI.

(24) Aratus.
(23) Artaxerxes.
(25) Galba,

(26) Otho.

THE TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE
PARALLEL LIVES.

(1) Theseus and Romulus.

(2) Lycurgus and Numa.

(3) Solon and Publicola.

(4) Themistocles and Camillus.

(5) Pericles and Fabius Maximus,
(6) Alcibiades and Coriolanus.

(7) Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus,

(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the Elder.
(10) Philopoemen and Flamininus,
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.

(13) Cimon and Lucullus.

(14) Nicias and Crassus.

(15) Sertorius and Eumenes.

(16) Agesilaiis and Pompey.

(17)

(18) Phocion and Cato the Younger.
)

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and Tiberius and Caius
Gracchus.

Alexander and Julius Caesar.

(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
(21) Demetrius and Antony.
(22) Dion and brutus.

. . . . . . . . . Φ . s e 9
(23) Artaxerxes.

(24) Aratus,

(25) Galba.

(26) Otho.

nsiparison.
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‘aulloo eh καὶ eaigels (ὃ)...

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nwo ποδί bier: atisteaogn (8 6). 5.
esque) asia ry Sg, τος τς

Sea «ἢ
Mus

DEMOSTHENES

ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΗΣ

Ν lol ΄’, A
ΤΙ. Ὁ μὲν γράψας τὸ ἐπὶ TH νίκῃ τῆς ᾽Ολυμ-
, ς / > ᾽ / > ,
πίασιν ἱπποδρομίας els ᾿Αλκιβιάδην ἐγκώμιον,
ΑΒΕ bf / e ¢ δὴ a μ vf?
εἴτ᾽ Εὐριπίδης, ὡς ὁ πολὺς κρατεῖ λόγος, εἴθ
9 , an A
ἕτερός τις ἣν, Σόσσιε, φησὶ χρῆναι TO εὐδαίμονι
A erg a CoN , Br 55S
πρῶτον ὑπάρξαι “ τὰν! πόλιν εὐδόκιμον" ἐγὼ
δὲ τῷ μὲν εὐδαιμονήσειν μέλλοντι τὴν ἀληθινὴν
Dp OVHTELY | ἣν ἀληθινὴ
b) , he > » \ / Ν A ,
εὐδαιμονίαν, ἧς ἐν ἤθει καὶ διαθέσει τὸ πλεῖστόν
/ cr 2 U
ἐστιν, οὐδὲν διαφέρειν ἡγοῦμαι ἀδόξου καὶ ταπει-
A a Ν ’ / \ rn
vas πατρίδος ἢ μητρὸς ἀμόρφου Kai μικρᾶς γε-
, a \ 7 7 \ ’ /
νέσθαι. γελοῖον yap εἴ τις οἴοιτο τὴν ᾿Ιουλίδα,
μέρος μικρὸν οὖσαν οὐ μεγάλης νήσου τῆς Κέω,
a ’ A
καὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν, ἣν τῶν ᾿Αττικῶν τις ἐκέλευεν
ὡς λήμην ἀφαιρεῖν τοῦ []ειραιῶς, ὑποκριτὰς
\ > \ / \ / Ψ ’ >
μὲν ἀγαθοὺς τρέφειν καὶ ποιητάς, ἄνδρα δ᾽ οὐκ
ἄν ποτε δύνασθαι͵ δίκαιον καὶ αὐτάρκη καὶ νοῦν
/ a
ἔχοντα Kal μεγαλόψυχον προενεγκεῖν. Tas yap
» / 2 Ul 5 \ 5 / x ,
ἄλλας τέχνας εἰκός ἐστι πρὸς ἐργασίαν ἢ δόξαν
συνισταμένας ἐν ταῖς ἀδόξοις καὶ ταπειναῖς πό-
/ \ ᾽
λεσιν ἀπομαραίνεσθαι, τὴν δ᾽ ἀρετήν, ὥσπερ
Ν / a
ἰσχυρὸν καὶ διαρκὲς φυτόν, ἐν ἅπαντι ῥιζοῦσθαι
΄, a \ / a
τόπῳ, φύσεώς TE χρηστῆς καὶ φιλοπόνου ψυχῆς
/ e 3 9 lal Ὁ“
ἐπιλαμβανομένην. ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ ἡμεῖς, εἴ τι τοῦ

1 τὰν Sintenis', and Graux with M®: τὴν.

Paris
Edition,
a. 1624, }.

846

DEMOSTHENES

I. Tue author of the encomium upon Alcibiades
for his victory in the chariot-race at Olympia,!
whether he was Euripides, as the prevailing report
has it, or some other, says, Sosius,? that the first
requisite to a man’s happiness is birth in “a famous
city’; but in my opinion, for a man who would
enjoy true happiness, which depends for the most
part on character and disposition, it is no disad-
vantage to belong to an obscure and mean city,
any more than it is to be born of a mother who
is of little stature and without beauty. For it were
laughable to suppose that Iulis, which is a little
part of the small island of Ceos, and Aegina, which
a certain Athenian was urgent to have removed as
an eye-sore of the Piraeus,*? should breed good
actors and poets,! but should never be able to
produce a man who is just, independent, wise, and
magnanimous. The arts, indeed, since their object
is to bring business or fame, naturally pine away
in obscure and mean cities; but virtue, like a strong
and hardy plant, takes root in any place, if she
finds there a generous nature and a spirit that shuns
no labour. Wherefore we also, if we fail to live

1 See the Alcibiades, chapter xi.

2 One of Plutarch’s Roman friends. See the note on
the Theseus, i. 1. 3 See the Pericles, viii. 5.

4 The great poet Simonides was of Ceos, and the great
actor Polus of Aegina.

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φρονεῖν ὡς δεῖ καὶ βιοῦν ἐλλείπομεν, τοῦτο τῇ
σμικρότητι τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλ᾽ αὑτοῖς δικαίως
ἀναθήσομεν.

1. Τῷ μέντοι σύνταξιν ὑποβεβλημένῳ καὶ
ἱστορίαν ἐξ οὐ προχείρων οὐδ᾽ οἰκείων, ἀλλὰ
ξένων τε τῶν πολλῶν καὶ διεσπαρμένων ἐν
ἑτέροις συνιοῦσαν ἀναγνωσμάτων, τῷ ὄντι χρὴ
πρῶτον ὑπάρχειν καὶ μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν εὐ-
δόκιμον καὶ φιλόκαλον καὶ πολυάνθρωπον, ὡς
βιβλίων τε παντοδαπῶν ἀφθονίαν ἔχων, καὶ
ὅσα τοὺς γράφοντας διαφεύγοντα σωτηρίᾳ μνήμης
ἐπιφανεστέραν εἴληφε πίστιν ὑπολαμβάνων ἀ ἀκοῇ
καὶ διαπυνθανό ὄμενος, μὴ πολλῶν μηδ᾽ ἀναγκαίων
ἐνδεὲς ἀποδιδοίη τὸ ἔργον. ἡμεῖς δὲ μικρὰν
οἰκοῦντες πόλιν, καὶ ἵνα μὴ μικροτέρα γένηται
φιλοχωροῦντες, ἐν δὲ Ρώμῃ καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὴν
Ἰταλίαν διατριβαῖς οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης γυμνά-
ζεσθαι περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον ὑπὸ χρειῶν
πολιτικῶν καὶ τῶν διὰ φιλοσοφίαν πλησια-
ζόντων, ὀψέ ποτε καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἠρξά-
μεθα “Ῥωμαϊκοῖς γράμμασιν ἐντυγχάνειν. καὶ
πρᾶγμα θαυμαστὸν μέν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀληθὲς ἐ ἐπάσχομεν.
οὐ γὰρ οὕτως ἐκ τῶν ὀνομάτων τὰ πράγματα
συνιέναι καὶ γνωρίζειν συνέβαινεν ἡμῖν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν
πραγμάτων ἁμῶς γέ πως εἴχομεν ἐμπειρίαν ἐπα-
κολουθεῖν δι’ αὐτὰ ' καὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασι. κάλλους
δὲ “Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἀπαγγελίας καὶ τάχους αἰσθάνεσθαι
καὶ μεταφορᾶς ὀνομάτων καὶ ἁρμονίας καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων οἷς ὁ λόγος ἀγάλλεται, χάριεν μὲν ἡγού-

' ἐμπειρίαν... δι᾽ αὐτὰ with M4 and Graux: ἐμπειρίας. ..
διὰ ταῦτα (Bekker, av... ἐμπειρία).

4

DEMOSTHENES, 1, 3-11. 3

and think as we ought, will justly attribute this,
not to the smallness of our native city, but to
ourselves.

II. However, when one has undertaken to com-
pose a history based upon readings which are not
readily accessible or even found at home, but in
foreign countries, for the most part, and scattered
about among different owners, for him it is really
necessary, first and above all things, that he should
live in a city which is famous, friendly to the liberal
arts, and populous, in order that he may have all
sorts of books in plenty, and may by hearsay and
enquiry come into possession of all those details
which elude writers and are preserved with more
conspicuous fidelity in the memories of men. He
will thus be prevented from publishing a work
which is deficient in many, and even in essential
things. But as for me, I live in a small city, and
I prefer to dwell there that it may not become
smaller still; and during the time when I was in
Rome and various parts of Italy I had no leisure
to practise myself in the Roman language, owing
to my public duties and the number of my pupils
in philosophy. It was therefore late and when 1
was well on in years that I began to study Roman
literature. And here my experience was an astonish-
ing thing, but true. For it was not so much that
by means of words I came to a complete under-
standing of things, as that from things I somehow
had an experience which enabled me to follow
the meaning of words. But to appreciate the
beauty and quickness of the Roman style, the
figures of speech, the rhythm, and the other
embellishments of the language, while I think it

5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μεθα καὶ οὐκ ἀτερπ ς᾽ ἡ δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο μελέτη
καὶ ἄσκησις. οὐκ εὐχερής, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς τίσι πλείων
τε σχολὴ καὶ τὰ τῆς ὥρας ἔτι πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας
ἐπιχωρεῖ φιλοτιμίας.

III. Διὸ καὶ γράφοντες ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ τούτῳ,
τῶν παραλλήλων βίων ὄντι πέμπτῳ, περὶ Δη-
μοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος, ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ
τῶν πολιτειῶν τὰς φύσεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς δια-
θέσεις πρὸς ἀλλήλας ἐπισκεψόμεθα, τὸ δὲ τοὺς
λόγους ἀντεξετάζειν καὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι πότερος
ἡδίων ἢ δεινότερος εἰπεῖν, ἐάσομεν. “Κακὴ γάρ,"
ὥς φησιν ὁ Ἴων, “ ἡ δελφῖνος ἐν χέρσῳ Bia,’ }
ἣν ὁ περιττὸς ἐν ἅπασι Κεκίλιος ἀγνοήσας ἐνε-
ανιεύσατο σύγκρισιν τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέ-
ρωνος ἐξενεγκεῖν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἴσως, εἰ παντὸς
ἣν TO Pred σαυτὸν ἔχειν πρόχειρον, οὐκ ἂν
ἐδόκει πρόσταγμα, θεῖον εἶναι.

Δημοσθένην γὰρ καὶ Κικέρωνα τὸν αὐτὸν
ἔοικε πλάττων ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ὁ δαίμων πολλὰς μὲν
ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν φύσιν αὐτῶν τῶν ὁμοιοτήτων,
ὥσπερ τὸ φιλότιμον καὶ φιλελεύθερον ἐν τῇ
πολιτείᾳ, πρὸς δὲ κινδύνους καὶ πολέμους ἄτολ-
μον, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἀναμῖξαι καὶ τῶν τυχηρῶν. δύο
γὰρ ἑτέρους οὐκ ἂν εὑρεθῆναι δοκῶ ῥήτορας ἐκ
μὲν ἀδόξων καὶ μικρῶν ἰσχυροὺς καὶ μεγάλους
γενομένους, προσκρούσαντας δὲ βασιλεῦσι καὶ
τυράννοις, θυγατέρας δ᾽ ἀποβαλόντας, ἐκπεσόντας
δὲ τῆς πατρίδος, κατελθόντας δὲ μετὰ τιμῆς,

1 Kaki)... βία an iambic trimeter (Nauck, Τγαρσ. Graec.
Frag.” p. 744), restored by Reiske: Kaxe?. . . Ἴων, δελφῖνος

... Bla (for in this attempt the dolphin’s might would be on
dry land).

6

847

DEMOSTHENES, τι. 3-111. 3

a graceful accomplishment and one not without
its pleasures, still, the careful practice necessary
for attaining this is not easy for one like me, but
appropriate for those who have more leisure and
whose remaining years still suffice for such pursuits.

III. Therefore, in this fifth book! of my Parallel
Lives, where I write about Demosthenes and Cicero,
I shall examine their actions and their political
careers to see how their natures and dispositions
compare with one another, but I shall make no
critical comparison of their speeches, nor try to
show which was the more agreeable or the more
powerful orator. “ For useless,” as Ion says, “is a
dolphin’s might upon dry ground,” a maxim which
Caecilius, who goes to excess in everything, forgot
when he boldly ventured to put forth a comparison
of Demosthenes and Cicero. But really it is pos-
sible that, if the “Know thyself’? of the oracle?
were an easy thing for every man, it would not
be held to be a divine injunction.

In the case of Demosthenes and Cicero, then,
it would seem that the Deity originally fashioned
them on the same plan, implanting in their natures
many similarities, such as their love of distinction,
their love of freedom in their political activities,
and their lack of courage for wars and dangers,
and uniting in them also many similarities of
fortune. For in my opinion two other orators could
not be found who, from small and obscure begin-
nings, became great and powerful; who came into
conflict with kings and tyrants; who lost each a
daughter; who were banished from their native
cities and returned with honour; and who, after

1 See the note on the Dion, ii. 4. 2 At Delphi.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀποδράντας δ᾽ αὖθις καὶ ληφθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν
πολεμίων, ἅμα δὲ παυσαμένῃ τῇ τῶν πολιτῶν
ἐλευθερίᾳ τὸν βίον συγκαταστρέψαντας" ὥστε,
εἰ γένοιτο τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ τύχῃ καθάπερ τεχνί-
ταις ἅμιλλα, χαλεπῶς ἂν διακριθῆναι πότερον
αὕτη τοῖς τρόποις ἢ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐκείνη τοὺς
ἄνδρας ὁμοιοτέρους ἀπείργασται. λεκτέον δὲ
περὶ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου πρότερον.
1V. Δημοσθένης ὁ πατὴρ Δημοσθένους ἣν μὲν
τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ
Θεόπομπος, ἐπεκαλεῖτο δὲ μαχαιροποιὸς ἐργα-
στήριον ἔχων μέγα καὶ δούλους τεχνίτας τοὺς
τοῦτο πράττοντας. ἃ δ᾽ Αἰσχίνης ὁ ῥήτωρ εἴρηκε
περὶ τῆς μητρός, ὡς ἐκ Γύλωνός τινος ἐπ᾽ αἰτίᾳ
προδοσίας φεύγοντος ἐξ ἄστεος γεγόνοι καὶ βαρ-
βάρου γυναικός, οὐκ ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν εἴτ᾽ ἀληθῶς
εἴρηκεν εἴτε βλασφημῶν καὶ καταψευδόμενος.
ἀπολειφθεὶς δ᾽ ὁ Δημοσθένης ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς
, 2 ’ ’ Ἂ \ > ΄ ς
ἑπταέτης ἐν εὐπορίᾳ (μικρὸν γὰρ ἀπέλιπεν ἡ
σύμπασα τίμησις αὐτοῦ τῆς οὐσίας πεντεκαίδεκα
ταλάντων) ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἠδικήθη, τὰ μὲν
νοσφισαμένων, τὰ δ᾽ ἀμελησάντων, ὥστε καὶ τῶν
διδασκάλων αὐτοῦ τὸν μισθὸν ἀποστερῆσαι. διά
τε δὴ τοῦτο τῶν ἐμμελῶν καὶ προσηκόντων ἐλευ-
θέρῳ παιδὶ μαθημάτων ἀπαίδευτος δοκεῖ γενέσθαι
καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀσθένειαν καὶ θρύψιν,
οὐ προϊεμένης τοῖς πόνοις τῆς μητρὸς αὐτόν, οὐδὲ
προσβιαζομένων τῶν παιδαγωγῶν. nv γὰρ ἐξ
ἀρχῆς κάτισχνος καὶ νοσώδης, καὶ τὴν λοιδορου-

8

DEMOSTHENES, 11. 3-1v. 3

taking to flight again and being captured by their
enemies, ended their lives as soon as their country-
men ceased to be free. So that, if there should
be a competition between nature and fortune, as
between artists, it would be difficult to decide
whether the one made the men more alike in their
characters, or the other in the circumstances of their
lives. But I must speak of the more ancient first.
1V. Demosthenes, the father of Demosthenes,
belonged to the better class of citizens, as Theo-
pompus tells us, and was surnamed Cutler, because
he had a large factory and slaves who were skilled
workmen in this business. But as for what Aeschines
the orator says of the mother of Demosthenes,}
namely, that she was a daughter of one Gylon,
who was banished from the city on a charge of
treason, and of a barbarian woman, I cannot say
whether he speaks truly, or is uttering slander
and lies. However, at the age of seven, Demos-
thenes was left by his father in affluence, since
the total value of his estate fell little short of
fifteen talents ;? but he was wronged by his guar-
dians, who appropriated some of his property to
their own uses and neglected the rest, so that
even his teachers were deprived of their pay. It
was for this reason, as it seems, that he did not
pursue the studies which were suitable and proper
for a well-born boy, and also because of his bodily
weakness and fragility, since his mother would
not permit him to work hard in the _palaestra,
and his tutors would not force him to do so. For
from the first he was lean and sickly, and_ his
1 On the Crown, §§ 171 f.

2 A talent was equivalent to about £235, or $1,200, with
five or six times the purchasing power of modern money.

9

or

to

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ig ’ / \ / ᾽ \ a
μένην ἐπωνυμίαν, tov Βάταλον, εἰς τὸ σῶμα
/ , \ a / a
λέγεται σκωπτόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν παΐδων λαβεῖν.
Φ δὲ τ / e \ Ψ Ἁ 2 \
ἣν δὲ ὁ BataXos, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοί φασιν, αὐλητὴς

ἴω / \ / lal
TOV κατεαγότων, Kal δραμάτιον εἰς τοῦτο κωμῳ-
= > \ ᾽ ΄ , ,
δῶν αὐτὸν ᾿Αντιφάνης πεποίηκεν. ἔνιοι δέ τινες
“ WN ,
ὡς ποιητοῦ τρυφερὰ καὶ παροίνια γράφοντος
fa) / al \ a
tov Βατάλου μέμνηνται. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τῶν οὐκ
la) na a , /
εὐπρεπῶν TL λεχθῆναι τοῦ σώματος μορίων παρὰ
- 3 rn / rn c >
τοῖς ᾿Αττικοῖς τότε καλεῖσθαι βάταλος. ὁ ὃ
> cr \ lo / lal ,
Apyas (καὶ τοῦτο yap φασι τῷ Δημοσθένει
, ΄ τ \ \ ,
γενέσθαι παρώνυμον) ἢ πρὸς τὸν τρόπον, ὡς
\ \ / Ν \ > »
θηριώδη καὶ πικρὸν ἐτέθη: τὸν γὰρ ὄφιν ἔνιοι
an a rn ’ aA \
τῶν ποιητῶν apyav ὀνομάζουσιν: ἢ πρὸς τὸν
/ a /
λόγον, ὡς ἀνιῶντα TOUS ἀκροωμένους" καὶ yap
Αργας τοὔνομα ποιητὴς ἣν νόμων πονηρῶν καὶ
/ a
ἀργαλέων. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν TavTy.}
yer δὲ \ \ (2 ς n b] \ 2 -
V. Τῆς δὲ πρὸς τοὺς λόγους ορμῆς ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ
fA / lol Cae
φασι τοιαύτην γενέσθαι. Καλλιστράτου τοῦ ῥή-
/ \ οἷ rn Λ
τορος ἀγωνίζεσθαι τὴν περὶ ᾿Ωρωποῦ κρίσιν ἐν
rn te / i , an /
τῷ δικαστηρίῳ μέλλοντος ἣν προσδοκία τῆς δίκης
id ΄ \ CRE, / > lal
μεγάλη διά TE τὴν TOU ῥήτορος δύναμιν, ἀνθοῦντος
tr A 60 \ ὃ Oy \ nr iy
τότε μάλιστα TH δόξῃ, Kal διὰ THY πρᾶξιν οὗσαν
΄ / e / a
περιβόητον. ἀκούσας οὖν ὁ Δημοσθένης τῶν
/ la) an
διδασκάλων Kal TOV παιδαγωγῶν συντιθεμένων
lal [4 -“ \ a
τῇ δίκῃ παρατυχεῖν, ἔπεισε τὸν ἑαυτοῦ παιδα-
x , 4 “
γωγὸν δεόμενος καὶ προθυμούμενος ὅπως αὐτὸν

1 After these words Bekker retains the κατὰ Πλάτωνα
which Coraés, Sintenis, and Graux, after Wyttenbach, reject
as a gloss. Cf. Plato, Symposium, p. 220, c.

Io

848

DEMOSTHENES, iv. 3~v. 2

opprobrious surname of Batalus is said to have been
given him by the boys in mockery of his physique.
Now Batalus, as some say, was an effeminate flute-
player, and Antiphanes wrote a farce in which he
held him up to ridicule for this. But some speak
of Batalus as a poet who wrote voluptuous verses
and drinking songs. And it appears that one of
the parts of the body which it is not decent to
name was at that time called Batalus by the
Athenians. But the name of Argas (for they tell
us that Demosthenes had this nickname also) was
given him either with reference to his manners,
which were harsh and savage, the snake being
called “argas”’ by some of the poets; or with
reference to his way of speaking, which was dis.
tressing to his hearers, Argas being the name of
a composer of vile and disagreeable songs. So
much on this head.

V. The origin of his eager desire to be an orator,
they tell us, was as follows. Callistratus the orator
was going to make a plea in court on the question
of Oropus,' and the trial was eagerly awaited, not
only because of the ability of the orator, who was
then at the very height of his reputation, but
also because of the circumstances of the case,
which was notorious. Accordingly, when Demos-
thenes heard the teachers and tutors agreeing
among themselves to be present at the trial, with
great importunity he persuaded his own tutor to

1 In 366 B.c. Oropus, a town on the confines of Attica and
Boeotia, was wrested from Athens by the Thebans. Sub-
sequently there was « trial for treason at Athens, in which
Callistratus the orator and Chabrias the general figured, but
the details of the trial are obscure.

II

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ ͵7ὔ Ν Ἁ ’ / € δ᾽ » \ \
ἀγάγοι πρὸς THY ἀκρόασιν. ὁ δ᾽ ἔχων πρὸς τοὺς
Ni / ,
ἀνοίγοντας Ta δικαστήρια δημοσίους συνήθειαν,
, Φ / ς a ΄
εὐπόρησε χώρας ἐν ἡ καθήμενος ὁ παῖς ἀδήλως
ἀκούσεται τῶν λεγομένων. εὐημερήσαντος δὲ
nr / \ 7 e A
τοῦ Καλλιστράτου καὶ θαυμασθέντος ὑπερφυῶς,
, / \ , Ἂς a
ἐκείνου μὲν ἐζήλωσε τὴν δόξαν, ὁρῶν προπεμπό-
\ “ a \ , “
μενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν καὶ μακαριζόμενον, τοῦ
a /
δὲ λόγου μᾶλλον ἐθαύμασε Kal κατενόησε τὴν
1 χειροῦσθαι καὶ τιθασεύειν
/ -“ 3» \ \ / \
πεφυκότος. ὅθεν ἐάσας τὰ λοιπὰ μαθήματα Kal
\ / Ν Ν
τὰς παιδικὰς διατριβάς, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἤσκει καὶ
/ a / XN lal
διεπόνει ταῖς μελέταις, ὡς ἂν τῶν λεγόντων
\ > , ᾽ ΄ \ ᾽ /
ἐσόμενος καὶ αὐτός. ἐχρήσατο δὲ ᾿Ισαίῳ πρὸς
a , ᾽
τὸν λόγον ὑφηγητῇ, καίπερ ᾿Ισοκράτους τότε
, /
σχολάζοντος, εἴτε, WS TIVES λέγουσι, TOV ὡρισμένον
/
μισθὸν ᾿Ισοκράτει τελέσαι μὴ δυνώμενος, τὰς
΄ a N \ 3 ,, » “ A
δέκα μνᾶς, διὰ τὴν ὀρφανίαν, εἴτε μᾶλλον τοῦ
΄ la)
‘Icaiov τὸν λόγον ws δραστήριον Kal πανοῦρ-
\ δ > ,
γον ἐπὶ τὴν χρείαν ἀποδεχόμενος. Ἵρμιππος
, a
δέ φησιν ἀδεσπότοις ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχεῖν ἐν
Ν ,
οἷς ἐγέγραπτο τὸν Δημοσθένην συνεσχολακέναι
Πλάτωνι καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς τοὺς λόγους ὠφελῆς-
’ δὲ , , \
σθαι, KrnowBiov δὲ μέμνηται λέγοντος παρὰ
n ,
Καλλίου tod Συρακουσίου καί τινων ἄλλων τὰς
? / / \ \ bd , /
Ισοκράτους τέχνας καὶ τὰς ᾿Αλκιδάμαντος κρύφα
, N a
λαβόντα τὸν Δημοσθένην καταμαθεῖν.
€ a 3 ς ,» 4 A 3
VI. Ὡς γοῦν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενόμενος τοῖς ἐπι-
’ Δ a
τρόποις ἤρξατο δικάζεσθαι καὶ λογογραφεῖν ἐπ᾽

᾽ \ e
ἰσχὺν ὡς πάντα

1 ὡς πάντα Graux with M4: πάντα,

12

DEMOSTHENES, v. 2- νι. 1

take him to the hearing. This tutor, having an
acquaintance with the public officials who opened
the courts, succeeded in procuring a place where
the boy could sit unseen and listen to what was
said. Callistratus won his case and was extravagantly
admired, and Demosthenes conceived a desire to
emulate his fame, seeing him escorted on his way
by the multitude and congratulated by all; but
he had a more wondering appreciation of the
power of his oratory, which was naturally adapted
to subdue and master all opposition. Wherefore,
bidding farewell to his other studies and to the
usual pursuits of boyhood, he practised himself
laboriously in declamation, with the idea that he
too was to be an orator. He also employed Isaeus
as his guide to the art of speaking, although Isocrates
was lecturing at the time; either, as some say,
because he was an orphan and unable to pay Iso-
crates his stipulated fee of ten minas,! or because
he preferred the style of Isaeus for its effectiveness
and adaptability in actual use. But Hermippus says
that he once came upon some anonymous memoirs
in which it was recorded that Demosthenes was
a pupil of Plato and got most help from him in
his rhetorical studies. He also quotes Ctesibius
as saying that from Callias the Syracusan and
certain others Demosthenes secretly obtained the
rhetorical systems of Isocrates and Alcidamas and
mastered them.

Vl. However this may be, when Demosthenes
came of age he began to bring suits against his
guardians and to write speeches attacking them.

1 Equivalent to about £40, or $200, with five or six times
the purchasing power of modern money.

13

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ \ i /
αὐτοὺς πολλὰς διαδύσεις καὶ παλινδικίας evpi-
\ \ /
σκοντας, ἐγγυμνασάμενος, κατὰ TOV Θουκυδίδην,
a f » / xo? ’ A
ταῖς μελέταις οὐκ ἀκινδύνως οὐδ᾽ ἀργῶς, κατευ-
/ 3 a \ Oe EX: Ν 10 Nal
τυχήσας ἐκπρᾶξαι μὲν οὐδὲ πολλοστὸν ἠδυνήθη
A , , oA Xi \ ,
μέρος τῶν πατρῴων, τόλμαν δὲ πρὸς TO λέγειν
id \ MS \ A
καὶ συνήθειαν ἱκανὴν λαβὼν Kal γευσάμενος τῆς
a /
περὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας φιλοτιμίας καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπε-
΄ὔ ? ΄ \ \
χείρησεν εἰς μέσον παριέναι καὶ TA κοινὰ πράτ-
Ν / / \ 2 /
τειν. Kal καθάπερ Λαομέδοντα τὸν ᾿Ορχομένιον
7 , \ \ , ,
λέγουσι καχεξίαν τινὰ σπληνὸς ἀμυνόμενον δρό-
Ὁ Qn lal ’ a
μοις μακροῖς χρῆσθαι τῶν ἰατρῶν κελευσάντων,
ν᾽) ef / \ “ 2 / lal
εἶθ᾽ οὕτως διαπονήσαντα τὴν ἕξιν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς
» A \ n , 7
στεφανίταις ἀγῶσι καὶ τῶν ἄκρων γενέσθαι
δολιχοδρόμων, οὕτως τῷ Δημοσθένει συνέβη τὸ
χ ρ μ a 73 ὶμ μ
A , ty na 207
πρῶτον ἐπανορθώσεως ἕνεκα τῶν ἰδίων ἀποδύντι
\ \ , ΄
πρὸς τὸ λέγειν, ἐκ τούτου κτησαμένῳ δεινότητα
, na “
καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἤδη καθάπερ
, a , a \ a
στεφανίταις ἀγῶσι πρωτεύειν τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ βή-
ματος ἀγωνιζομένων πολιτῶν.
, , a 2 ΄ a /
Καίτοι τὸ ye πρῶτον ἐντυγχάνων τῷ δήμῳ
΄ / \ a be?
θορύβοις περιέπιπτε Kal κατεγελᾶτο δι᾽ ἀήθειαν,
lal / s nr /
τοῦ λόγου συγκεχύσθαι ταῖς περιόδοις Kal Be-
/ “ 7 lal
βασανίσθαι τοῖς ἐνθυμήμασι πικρῶς ἄγαν Kai
4 a /
κατακόρως δοκοῦντος. ἣν δέ τις, ὡς ἔοικε, Kal
“ > / \ / ’ 77 \ ΄
φωνῆς ἀσθένεια καὶ γλώττης ἀσάφεια καὶ πνεύ-
/ \ an lal
ματος κολοβότης ἐπιταράττουσα τὸν νοῦν τῶν
λεγομένων τῷ διασπᾶσθαι τὰς περιόδους. τέλος
’ “ ἐᾷ «
δ᾽ ἀποστάντα τοῦ δήμου καὶ ῥεμβόμενον ἐν 11ει-

14

DEMOSTHENES, vi. 1-4

They devised many evasions and new trials, but
Demosthenes, after practising himself in these ex-
ercises, as Thucydides says,! not without toil and
danger, won his cause, although he was able to
recover not even a small fraction of his patrimony.
However, he acquired sufficient practice and con-
fidence in speaking, and got a taste of the dis-
tinction and power that go with forensic contests,
and therefore essayed to come forward and engage
in public matters. And just as Laomedon the
Orchomenian—so we are told—practised long-dis-
tance running by the advice of his physicians, to
ward off some disease of the spleen, and then,
after restoring his health in this way, entered the
great games and became one of the best runners
of the long course, so Demosthenes, after apply-
ing himself to oratory in the first place for the
sake of recovering his private property, by this
means acquired ability and power in speaking,
and at last in public business, as it were in the great
games, won the first place among the citizens who
strove with one another on the bema.

And yet when he first addressed the people he
was interrupted by their clamours and laughed at
for his inexperience, since his discourse seemed to
them confused by long periods and too harshly and
immoderately tortured by formal arguments, He
had also, as it would appear, a certain weakness of
voice and indistinctness of speech and shortness of
breath which disturbed the sense of what he said by
disjoining his sentences. And finally, when he had
forsaken the assembly and was wandering about

1 2? / 2 ΄ Ν U ἊΣ , ,
Καὶ ἐμπειρότεροι ἔγένοντο μετὰ κινδύνων τὰς μελέτας ποιού-
μενοι (i. 18, 3 οὗ the Athenians and Lacedaemonians).

19

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ραιεῖ δι’ ἀθυμίαν Evvopos ὁ Θριάσιος ἤδη πάνυ
γέρων θεασάμενος ἐπετίμησεν, ὅτι τὸν λόγον
ἔχων ὁμοιότατον τῷ Περικλέους προδίδωσιν ὑπ᾽
ἀτολμίας καὶ μαλακίας ἑαυτόν, οὔτε τοὺς ὄχλους
ὑφιστάμενος εὐθαρσῶς, οὔτε τὸ σῶμα πρὸς
τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐξαρτυόμενος, ἀλλὰ τρυφῇ περιορῶν
μαραινόμενον.

VIL. Πάλιν δέ ποτέ φασιν ἐκπεσόντος αὐτοῦ
καὶ ἀπιόντος οἴκαδε συγκεχυμένου 1 καὶ βαρέως
φέροντος ἐπακολουθῆσαι Σάτυρον τὸν ὑποκριτὴν
ἐπιτήδειον ὄντα καὶ συνελθεῖν. ὀδυρομένου δὲ
τοῦ Δημοσθένους πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτι πάντων φιλο-
πονώτατος ὧν τῶν λεγόντων καὶ μικροῦ δέων
καταναλωκέναι τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀκμὴν εἰς τοῦτο
χάριν οὐκ ἔχει πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ἀλλὰ κραιπαλῶν-
τες ἄνθρωποι ναῦται καὶ ἀμαθεῖς ἀκούονται καὶ
κατέχουσι τὸ βῆμα, παρορᾶται δ αὐτός, “" ᾿Αληθῆ
λέγεις, ὦ Δημόσθενες," φάναι τὸν Σάτυρον, " “ἀλλ᾽
ἐγὼ τὸ αἴτιον ἰάσομαι ταχέως, ἄν μοι τῶν Εὐρι-
πίδου τινὰ ῥήσεων ἢ Σοφοκλέους ἐθελήσῃς εἰπεῖν
ἀπὸ στόματος." εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους
μεταλαβόντα τὸν Σάτυρον οὕτω πλάσαι καὶ
διεξελθεῖν ἐν ἤθει πρέποντι καὶ διαθέσει τὴν
αὐτὴν ῥῆσιν ὥσθ᾽ ὅλως ἑτέραν τῷ Δημοσθένει
φανῆναι. πεισθέντα δ᾽ ὅσον ἐκ τῆς ὑποκρίσεως
τῷ λόγῳ κόσμου καὶ χάριτος πρόσεστι, μικρὸν
ἡγήσασθαι καὶ τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι τὴν ἄσκησιν ἀμε-
λοῦντι τῆς προφορᾶς καὶ διαθέσεως τῶν λεγο-
μένων. ἐκ τούτου κατάγειον μὲν οἰκοδομῆσαι

1 συγκεχυμένονυ Graux with M4: συγκεκαλυμμένου (with
muffled head).

16

849

DEMOSTHENES, vi. 4-vu. 3

dejectedly in the Piraeus, Eunomus the Thriasian,
who was already a very old man, caught sight of him
and upbraided him because, although he had a style
of speaking which was most like that of Pericles,
he was throwing himself away out of weakness and
lack of courage, neither facing the multitude with
boldness, nor preparing his body for these forensic
contests, but suffering it to wither away in slothful
neglect.

VII. At another time, too, they say, when he had
been rebuffed by the people and was going off
homewards disconcerted and in great distress, Satyrus
the actor, who was a familiar acquaintance of his,
followed after and went indoors with him. Demos-
thenes lamented to him that although he was the
most laborious of all the orators and had almost
used up the vigour of his body in this calling, he
had no favour with the people, but debauchees,
sailors, and illiterate fellows were listened to and
held the bema, while he himself was ignored. “You
are right, Demosthenes,” said Satyrus, “ but I will
quickly remedy the cause of all this, if you will con-
sent to recite off-hand for me some narrative speech
from Euripides or Sophocles.” Demosthenes did so,
whereupon Satyrus, taking up the same speech
after him, gave it such a form and recited it with
such appropriate sentiment and disposition that it
appeared to Demosthenes to be quite another. Per-
suaded, now, how much of ornament and grace
action lends to oratory, he considered it of little
or no use for a man to practise declaiming if he
neglected the delivery and disposition of his words.
After this, we are told, he built a subterranean

17

PLUTARCH'S LIVES

a \ a
μελετητήριον, ὃ δὴ διεσώξετο Kal καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς,
ἐνταῦθα δὲ πάντως μὲν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας κατιόντα

\ / a
πλάττειν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν καὶ διαπονεῖν THY φωνήν,
/ \ \ a CRA ΄ \ a /
πολλάκις δὲ καὶ μῆνας ἑξῆς δύο Kal τρεῖς συνά.-
΄ A a
Trew, Evpovmevoy τῆς κεφαλῆς θάτερον μέρος
ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ βουλομένῳ πάνυ προελθεῖν ἐνδέ-
χεσθαι δι’ αἰσχύνην.
\ \
VIII. Ov μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Tas πρὸς τοὺς ἐκτὸς
, / \ / \ > 7 < /
ἐντεύξεις Kal λόγους καὶ ἀσχολίας ὑποθέσεις
2 cad \ b) N a o »
ἐποιεῖτο καὶ ἀφορμᾶς τοῦ φιλοπονεῖν. ἀπαλ-
Ν ἴω
λαγεὶς γὰρ αὐτῶν τάχιστα κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ
/ Ν UA / / ’ A
μελετητήριον, Kai διεξήει τάς τε πράξεις ἐφεξῆς
καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀπολογισμούς. ἔτι δὲ τοὺς
/
λόγους ols παρέτυχε λεγομένοις, ἀναλαμβάνων
Ν ᾽ , a 4
εἰς ἑαυτὸν εἰς γνώμας ἀνῆγε καὶ περιόδους, ἐπαν-
Ν \
ορθώσεις τε παντοδαπὰς Kal μεταφράσεις ἐκαινο-
a / e €
τόμει τῶν εἰρημένων ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἢ
ς la Ν f
ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ πάλιν πρὸς ἄλλον. ἐκ τούτου δόξαν
η id > > \ ” > > ΟῚ ,
εἶχεν ὡς οὐκ εὐφυὴς ὧν, ἀλλ ἐκ πόνου συγκει-
/ A / , lg
μένῃ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει χρώμενος. ἐδόκει TE
a 3 7 \ \ ’ fol
τούτου σημεῖον εἶναι μέγα TO μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἀκοῦσαί
ἴον /
τινα Δημοσθένους ἐπὶ καιροῦ λέγοντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ
/ 2 b] / / a 7
καθήμενον ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πολλάκις τοῦ δήμου
ἴω 2 \ \ ““ > \
καλοῦντος ὀνομαστὶ μὴ παρελθεῖν, εἰ μὴ τύχοι
a
πεφροντικὼς Kal παρεσκευασμένος. εἰς τοῦτο
fal lal /
δὲ ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἐχλεύαζον
, ΄ Ν , 3 , ’ / yy
αὐτόν, καὶ Πυθέας ἐπισκώπτων ἐλλυχνίων ἔφη-

18

DEMOSTHENES, vir. 23- νι]. 3

study, which, in fact, was preserved in our time,}
and into this he would descend every day without
exception in order to form his action and cultivate
his voice, and he would often remain there even for
two or three months together, shaving one side of
his head in order that shame might keep him from
going abroad even though he greatly wished to do so.

VIII. Nor was this all, but he would make his
interviews, conversations, and business with those
outside, the foundation and starting point for eager
toil. For as soon as he parted from his associates,
he would go down into his study, and there would
go over his transactions with them in due order,
and the arguments used in defence of each course.
And still further, whatever speeches he chanced to
hear delivered he would take up by himself and
reduce to propositions and periods, and he would in-
troduce all sorts of corrections and changes of ex-
pression into the speeches made by others against
himself, or, contrariwise, by himself against others.
Consequently it was thought that he was not a
man of good natural parts, but that his ability
and power were the product of toil. And there
would seem to be strong proof of this in the fact
that Demosthenes was rarely heard to speak on the
spur of the moment, but though the people often
called upon him by name as he sat in the assembly,
he would not come forward unless he had given
thought to the question and was prepared to speak
upon it. For this, many of the popular leaders
used to rail at him, and Pytheas, in particular, once
told him scoftingly that his arguments smelt of lamp-

1 An erroneous tradition identifies this with the choragic
monument of Lysicrates (the ‘‘ Lantern of Demosthenes ”).

19

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

9, a \ a 4
4 σεν ὄζειν αὐτοῦ τὰ ἐνθυμήματα. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν
a ς \
ἠμείψατο πικρῶς ὁ Δημοσθένης: “Ov ταὐτὰ
, 9 2 EN \ , "34 Il AL ς ΄
yap, εἶπεν, “ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί, ὦ ἸΠυθέα, ὁ λύχνος
, ” Ν \ \ », 3 /
σύνοιδε." πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους οὐ παντάπασιν
᾽ fr
ἣν ἔξαρνος, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε γράψας οὔτ᾽ ἄγραφα
n , / \
κομιδῆ λέγειν ὡμολόγει. Kal μέντοι δημοτικὸν
» , x Ν / lal
ἀπέφαινεν ἄνδρα τὸν λέγειν μελετῶντα' θερα-
πείας γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτο δήμου παρασκευήν, τὸ δ᾽
“ “ e \ Ν᾿ \ , ᾽
ὅπως ἕξουσιν οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς τὸν λόγον ἀφρον-
fal ’ lal Ν ἧς rn A lal
τιστεῖν ολιγαρχικοῦ Kat βίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ πειθοῖ
/ a x ‘ \ 3 / > aA
5 προσέχοντος. τῆς δὲ πρὸς καιρὸν ἀτολμίας αὐτοῦ
καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦνται σημεῖον, OTL Δημάδης μὲν
9 ΄, , / ’ \ 3)
ἐκείνῳ θορυβηθέντι πολλάκις ἀναστὰς ἐκ προ-
/ a 5 a 2 ᾽ / i
χείρου συνεῖπεν, ἐκεῖνος δ᾽ οὐδέποτε Δημάδῃ.
, €
IX. Πόθεν οὖν, φαίη τις ἄν, ὁ Αἰσχίνης πρὸς
\ a
τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τόλμαν θαυμασιώτατον ἀπε-
κάλει τὸν ἄνδρα; πῶς δὲ Πύθωνι τῷ Βυζαντίῳ
7 Ν e/ aA Ν an 9
θρασυνομένῳ καὶ ῥέοντι πολλῷ κατὰ τῶν ᾿Αθη-
, \ / “-“ la)
ναίων ἀναστὰς μόνος ἀντεῖπεν, ἢ Λαμάχου τοῦ
, ,
Μυριναίου γεγραφότος ἐγκώμιον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καὶ
A /
Φιλίππου τῶν βασιλέων, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ Θηβαίους
᾽ > lal ,
2 καὶ ᾿Ολυνθίους εἰρήκει κακῶς, Kal ἀναγινώσκον-
3 ’ \
tos Ὀλυμπίασι, παραστὰς καὶ διεξελθὼν μεθ᾽
, , δ Υ
ἱστορίας καὶ ἀποδείξεως ὅσα Θηβαίοις καὶ Χαλ-
κιδεῦσιν ὑπάρχει καλὰ πρὸς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, καὶ

1 See Aeschines, On the Crown, ὃ 152.
20

DEMOSTHENES, vin. 3-1x. 2

wicks. To him, then, Demosthenes made a sharp
answer. “Indeed,” said he, “thy lamp and mine,
O Pytheas, are not privy to the same pursuits.” ΤῸ
the rest, however, he made no denial at all, but
confessed that his speeches were neither altogether
unwritten, nor yet fully written out. Moreover,
he used to declare that he who rehearsed his
speeches was a true man of the people: for such
preparation was a mark of deference to the people,
whereas heedlessness of what the multitude will
think of his speech marks a man of oligarchical
spirit, and one who relies on force rather than on
persuasion. Another circumstance, too, is made a
proof of his lack of courage for an emergency,
namely, that when he was interrupted by the
clamours of the people, Demades often rose and
spoke off-hand in his support, but he never rendered
such a service to Demades.

IX. How, then, some one might say, could
Aeschines call him a man of the most astonishing
boldness in his speeches?! And how was it that,
when Python of Byzantium? was inveighing with
much boldness and a great torrent of words against
the Athenians, Demosthenes alone rose up and spoke
against him? Or how did it happen that, when
Lamachus the Myrinaean had written an encomium on
Kings Philip and Alexander, in which many injurious
things were said of Thebes and Olynthus, and while
he was reading it aloud at Olympia,? Demosthenes
came forward and rehearsed with historical proofs all
the benefits which the peoples of Thebes and Chal-
cidice had conferred upon Greece, and, on the other

2 An envoy of Philip to the Athenian assembly, in 343 B.c,
See Demosthenes, On the Crown, § 136. 3 In 324 Ὁ Ὁ

VOL. VII. B at

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πάλιν ὅσων αἴτιοι γεγόνασι κακῶν οἱ KONAKEVOV-
τες Μακεδόνας, οὕτως ἐπέστρεψε τοὺς παρόντας
ὥστε δείσαντα τῷ θορύβῳ τὸν σοφιστὴν ὑπεκδῦ-
ναι τῆς πανηγύρεως;

"ANN ἔοικεν ὃ ἀνὴρ τοῦ Περικλέους τὰ μὲν
ἄλλα μὴ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἡγήσασθαι, τὸ δὲ πλάσμα
καὶ τὸν σχηματισμὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ μὴ ταχέως
μηδὲ περὶ παντὸς ἐκ τοῦ παρισταμένου λέγειν,
ὥσπερ ἐκ τούτων μεγάλου γεγονότος, ζηλῶν καὶ
μιμούμενος, οὐ πάνυ προσΐεσθαι τὴν ἐν τῷ καιρῷ
δόξαν, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τύχη πολλάκις ἑκὼν εἶναι ποιεῖ-
σθαι τὴν δύναμιν. ἐπεὶ τόλμαν γε καὶ θάρσος οἱ
λεχθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγοι τῶν γραφέντων μᾶλ-
λον εἶχον, εἴ τι δεῖ πιστεύειν ᾿Βρατοσθένει καὶ
Δημητρίῳ τῷ Φαληρεῖ καὶ τοῖς κωμικοῖς. ὧν
᾿Ερατοσθένης μέν φησιν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις
πολλαχοῦ γεγονέναι παράβακχον, ὁ ὁ δὲ “Φαληρεὺς
τὸν ἔμμετρον ἐκεῖνον ὅρκον ὀμόσαι ποτὲ πρὸς τὸν
δῆμον ὥσπερ ἐνθουσιῶντα"

μὰ γῆν, μὰ κρήνας, μὰ ποταμούς, μὰ νάματα.

a lal bs / \ a
τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μέν τις αὐτὸν ἀποκαλεῖ ῥωπο-
€ \ / /
περπερήθραν, ὁ δὲ παρασκώπτων ὡς χρώμενον
a e
τῷ ἀντιθέτῳ φησὶν οὕτως"
Α. ἀπέλαβεν ὥσπερ ἔλαβεν.
Β ἠγάπησεν ἂν
Δα ον A \ /
TO ῥῆμα τοῦτο παραλαβὼν Δημοσθένης.

----

1 Kock, Com. Att. Frag. ii. p. 128. From Plutarch’s
Morals, p. 845b, it is to be inferred rather that this was a
verse of Antiphanes ridiculing the perfervid manner of
Demosthenes. 2 Kock, op. cit., ili. p. 461.

22

x—— a

DEMOSTHENES, 1x. 2-5

hand, all the evils of which the flatterers of the Mace-
donians had been the cause, and thereby so turned
the minds of the audience that the sophist was
terrified at the outcry against him and slunk away
from the festival assemblage ?

But although Demosthenes, as it would appear,
did not regard the other characteristics of Pericles
as suitable for himself, he admired and sought to
imitate the formality οἱ his speech ana bearing, as
wel) ag his refusal to speak suddenly or on every
subject that might present itself, as if his greatness
was due to these things; but he by no means sought
the reputation which is won in a sudden emergency,
nor did he often of his own free will stake his
influence upon chance. However, those orations
which were spoken off-hand by him had more
courage and boldness than those which he wrote
out, if we are to put any confidence in Eratosthenes,
Demetrius the Phalerian, and the comic poets. Of
these, Eratosthenes says that often in his speeches
Demosthenes was like one frenzied, and the Phal-
erean says that once, as if under inspiration, he
swore the famous metrical oath to the people :—

« By earth, by springs, by rivers, and by streams.”’}
Of the comic poets, one calls him a “ rhopoperpere-

39 υ . . .
thras, or trumpery-braggart,” and another, ridiculing
his use of the antithesis, says this :---

(First slave) “ My master, as he took, retook.”
(Second slave (?)) “ Demosthenes would have been
delighted to take over this phrase.”’ 3
3 Kock, op. cit., ii. p. 80. A verse precedes which may be
translated : ‘‘ My master, on receiving all his patrimony,”
and the point apparently is that the heir took what was a
gift as his rightful due.

23

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, Ν ? \ x , \ \ e \ ς fe
ἐκτὸς εἰ μὴ νὴ Ata πρὸς τὸν ὑπὲρ AXovynaov
, ςγ5 ΄ \ \ ΄ ἃ ’
λόγον ὁ ᾿Αντιφάνης καὶ τουτὶ πέπαιχεν, ἣν ᾿Αθη-
/ / , \ ΄,
vatots Δημοσθένης συνεβούλευε μὴ λαμβάνειν,
\ fd
ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολαμβάνειν παρὰ Φιλίππου.
r , vA ,
X. Πλὴν τόν γε Δημάδην πάντες ὡμολόγουν
lal / / τῷ \ /
τῇ φύσει χρώμενον ἀνίκητον εἶναι, καὶ παραφέρειν
> ΄ a if. /
αὐτοσχεδιάζοντα τὰς τοῦ Δημοσθένους σκέψεις
\ ΄ ᾽ (7 > ἐξ => τ
καὶ παρασκευάς. ᾿Αρίστων δ᾽ ὁ Χῖος καὶ Θεο-
\ , e , \ A r
φράστου τινὰ δόξαν ἱστόρηκε περὶ τῶν ῥητόρων.
/ Xx ς alt an ,ὔ
ἐρωτηθέντα γὰρ ὁποῖος τις αὐτῷ φαίνεται ῥήτωρ
΄ , a ͵ a f 3»
ὁ Δημοσθένης, εἰπεῖν: “Αξιος τῆς πόλεως:
Tal [4 / «
ὁποῖος δὲ Δημάδης, “ Ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν." ὁ δ᾽
/ iA e A \
αὐτὸς φιλόσοφος [Πολύευκτον ἱστορεῖ τὸν Σφήτ-
al /
τίον, ἕνα τῶν τότε πολιτευομένων ᾿Αθήνησιν,
/ 7 \
ἀποφαίνεσθαι μέγιστον μὲν εἶναι ῥήτορα Anpo-
, ΄ \ a 7 r
σθένην, δυνατώτατον δὲ εἰπεῖν Pwxiwva: πλεῖ-
\ > / / fal > / \
στον yap ἐν βραχυτάτῃ λέξει νοῦν ἐκφέρειν. Kal
\ \ / ie
μέντοι καὶ τὸν Δημοσθένην φασὶν αὐτόν, ὁσάκις
Γι εἰ > a 2 OA , > , ,
av‘ avtepav αὐτῷ Φωκίων ἀναβαίνοι, λέγειν
\ \ 6 co © rn ΟἹ rn i \
πρὸς Tous συνήθεις" “Ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων κοπὶς
ΕΧ] A κ᾿
ἀνίσταται." τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ἄδηλον εἴτε πρὸς τὸν
/ lal 3 \ €
λόγον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὁ Δημοσθένης εἴτε πρὸς τὸν
7 \ \ , Ἧ / »“ 7 \
βίον καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἐπεπόνθει, πολλῶν πάνυ Kal
lal f a cn fal
μακρῶν περιόδων ἕν ῥῆμα καὶ νεῦμα πίστιν
᾽ ,
ἔχοντος ἀνθρώπου κυριώτερον ἡγούμενος.
r nm \ r
XI. Tots δὲ σωματικοῖς ἐλαττώμασι τοιαύτην
“ 7 € \ [2
ἐπῆγεν ἄσκησιν, ὡς ὁ Φαληρεὺς Δημήτριος στο-

1 ἂν omitted by Bekker, after Coraés and Schaefer ; also
by Graux with M8,

24

DEMOSTHENES, 1x. 5—x1. 1

Unless, indeed, this, too, was a jest of Antiphanes
upon the speech of Demosthenes concerning Halon-
nesus,' in which the orator counselled the Athenians
not to take the island from Philip, but to re-
take it.

X. Still, all men used to agree that Demades, in
the exercise of his natural gifts, was invincible, and
that when he spoke on the spur of the moment he
surpassed the studied preparations of Demosthenes.
And Ariston the Chian records an opinion which
Theophrastus also passed upon the two orators.
When he was asked, namely, what sort of an orator
he thought Demosthenes was, he replied: “ Worthy
of the city” ; and what Demades, “‘ Too good for the
city.’ And the same philosopher tells us that
Polyeuctus the Sphettian, one of the political leaders
of that time at Athens, declared that Demosthenes
was the greatest orator, but Phocion the most in-
fluential speaker; since he expressed most sense in
fewest words. Indeed, we are told that even De-
mosthenes himself, whenever Phocion mounted the
bema to reply to him, would say to his intimates:
“Here comes the chopper of my speeches.” Now,
it is not clear whether Demosthenes had this feeling
towards Phocion because of his oratory, or because
of his life and reputation, believing that a single
word or nod from a man who is trusted has more
power than very many long periods.

XI. For his bodily deficiencies he adopted the
exercises which I shall describe, as Demetrius the
Phalerian tells us, who says he heard about them from

1 Or. vii., wrongly attributed to Demosthenes. There is
in § 5 a phrase similar to the one under comment.

25

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

pel, λέγων αὐτοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀκούειν πρεσβύ-
του γεγονότος, τὴν μὲν ἀσάφειαν καὶ τραυλότητα
τῆς γλώττης ἐκβιάζξεσθαι καὶ διαρθροῦν εἰς τὸ

“στόμα ψήφους λαμβάνοντα καὶ ῥήσεις ἅμα λέ-

2 γοντα, τὴν δὲ φωνὴν ἐν τοῖς δρόμοις γυμνάζεσθαι
καὶ ταῖς πρὸς τὰ σιμὰ προσβάσεσι διαλεγόμενον
καὶ λόγους τινὰς ἢ στίχους ἅμα τῷ πνεύματι
πυκνουμένῳ προφερόμενον' εἶναι δ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα
κάτοπτρον οἴκοι, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο τὰς μελέτας ἐξ
ἐναντίας ἱστάμενον περαίνειν.

Λέγεται δέ, ἀνθρώπου προσελθόντος δεομένου
συνηγορίας καὶ διεξιόντος ὡς ὑπό του λάβοι
πληγάς, “᾿Αλλὰ σύ ye,’ φάναι τὸν Δημοσθένην,

3 “τούτων ὧν λέγεις οὐδὲν πέπονθας. ἐπιτείναν-
τος δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ βοῶντος
“Kyo, Δημόσθενες, οὐδὲν πέπονθα ;” “ Νὴ Δία,"
φάναι, “νῦν ἀκούω φωνὴν ἀδικουμένου καὶ πε-
πονθότος.᾽ οὕτως WETO μέγα πρὸς πίστιν εἶναι
τὸν τόνον καὶ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν τῶν λεγόντων. τοῖς
μὲν οὖν πολλοῖς ὑποκρινόμενος ἤρεσκε θαυμαστῶς, 851
οἱ δὲ χαρίεντες ταπεινὸν ἡγοῦντο καὶ ἀγεννὲς
αὐτοῦ τὸ πλάσμα καὶ μαλακόν, ὧν καὶ Δημήτριος

4 ὁ Φαληρεύς ἐστιν. Αἰσίωνα δέ φησιν Eppittos,
ἐρωτηθέντα περὶ τῶν πάλαι ῥητόρων καὶ τῶν
καθ᾽ αὑτόν, εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀκούων μὲν ἄν τις ἐθαύ-
μασεν ἐκείνους εὐκόσμως καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς τῷ
δήμῳ διαλεγομένους, ἀναγινωσκόμενοι δ᾽ ot Δημο-
σθένους λόγοι πολὺ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ δυνάμει
διαφέρουσιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν γεγραμμένοι τῶν λόγων

26

DEMOSTHENES, x1. 1-4

Demosthenes himself, now grown old. The indis-
tinctness and lisping! in his speech he used to
correct and drive away by taking pebbles in his
mouth and then reciting speeches. His voice he
used to exercise by discoursing while running or
going up steep places, and by reciting speeches or
verses at a single breath. Moreover, he had in his
house a large looking-glass, and in front of this he
used to stand and go through his exercises in
declamation.

A story is told of a man coming to him and
begging his services as advocate, and telling at great
length how he had been assaulted and beaten by
some one. “ But certainly,’ said Demosthenes, “ you
got none of the hurts which you describe.” Then
the man raised his voice and shouted: “1, Demos-
thenes, no hurts?” “Now, indeed,” said Demos-
thenes, “I hear the voice of one who is wronged
and hurt.” So important in winning credence did
he consider the tone and action of the speaker.
Accordingly, his own action in speaking was aston-
ishingly pleasing to most men, but men of refine-
ment, like Demetrius the Phalerian, thought his
manner low, ignoble, and weak. And Hermippus
tells us that Aesion,? when asked his opinion of the
ancient orators as compared with those of his own
time, said that one would have listened with ad-
miration when the older orators discoursed to the
people decorously and in the grand manner, but
that the speeches of Demosthenes, when read
aloud, were far superior in point of arrangement
and power. Now, it is needless to remark that

1 Strictly, an inability to pronounce the letter ‘‘r,” giving
instead the sound of ‘‘1.” See the Alcibiades, i. 4.

2 A contemporary of Demosthenes.
27

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὅτι TO αὐστηρὸν πολὺ Kal πικρὸν ἔχουσι, TL ἂν
λέγοι τις; ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἀπαντήσεσι ταῖς παρὰ τὸν
καιρὸν ἐχρῆτο καὶ τῷ γελοίῳ. Δημάδου μὲν γὰρ
εἰπόντος “᾿Ὡμὲ Δημοσθένης, ἡ ὗς τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν,"
“ Αὕτη, εἶπεν, “ ἡ ᾿Αθηνᾶ πρώην ἐν ζολλυτῷ
μοιχεύουσα ἐλήφθη." πρὸς δὲ τὸν κλέπτην ὃς
ἐπεκαλεῖτο Χαλκοῦς, καὶ αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς ἀγρυ-
πνίας αὐτοῦ καὶ νυκτογραφίας πειρώμενόν τι
λέγειν, “ Οἶδα," εἶπεν, “ὅτι σε λυπῶ λύχνον
καίων. ὑμεῖς δέ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, μὴ θαυ-
μάζετε τὰς γινομένας κλοπάς, ὅταν τοὺς μὲν
κλέπτας χαλκοῦς, τοὺς δὲ τοίχους πηλίνους
ἔχωμεν." ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων καίπερ ETL πλείω
λέγειν ἔχοντες ἐνταῦθα παυσόμεθα: τὸν δ᾽ ἄλλον
αὐτοῦ τρόπον καὶ τὸ ἦθος ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ
τῆς ita θεωρεῖσθαι δίκαιόν ἐστιν.

en | Ὡρμησε μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ πράττειν τὰ
κοινὰ τοῦ Φωκικοῦ πολέμου συνεστῶτος, ὡς
αὐτός τέ φησι καὶ λαβεῖν ἐ ἔστιν ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλιπ-
πικῶν δημηγοριῶν. αἱ μὲν γὰρ ἤδη διαπεπρα-
γμένων ἐ ἐκείνων γεγόνασιν, αἱ δὲ πρεσβύταται τῶν
ἔγγιστα πραγμάτων ἅπτονται. δῆλος δ᾽ ἐστὶ
καὶ τὴν κατὰ Μειδίου παρασκευασάμενος εἰπεῖν
δίκην δύο μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς τριάκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη,
μηδέπω δ᾽ ἔχων ἰσχὺν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μηδὲ δόξαν.
ὃ καὶ μάλιστά μοι δοκεῖ δείσας ἐπ᾿ ἀργυρίῳ
καταθέσθαι τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔχθραν'

οὐ γάρ τι γλυκύθυμος ἀνὴρ ἣν οὐδ᾽ ἀγανόφρων,

1 357-346 B.C. 2 On the Crown, § 18.
3 About 350 B.o. The speech ‘‘Against Meidias” (Or. xxi.)
was never delivered. See § 154.

28

DEMOSTHENES, x1. 4-x11. 2

his written speeches have much in them that is
harsh and bitter; but in his extempore rejoinders
he was also humorous. For instance, when Demades
said: “Demosthenes teach me! As well might
the sow teach Athena.” “It was this Athena,”
said Demosthenes, “that was lately found playing
the harlot in Collytus.’ And to the thief nick-
named Brazen, who attempted to make fun of
him for his late hours and his writing at night,
“I know,” he said, “that I annoy you with my
lighted lamp. But you, men of Athens, must not
wonder at the thefts that are committed, when we
have thieves of brass, but house-walls of clay.”
However, though I have still more to say on this
head, I shall stop here ; the other traits of his char-
acter, and his disposition, should be surveyed in
connection with his achievements as a statesman.
ΧΙ]. Well, then, he set out to engage in public
matters after the Phocian war! had broken out, as
he himself says,” and as it is possible to gather from
his Philippic harangues. For some of these were
made after the Phocian war was already ended, and
the earliest of them touch upon affairs which were
closely connected with it. And it is clear that when
he prepared himself to speak in the prosecution of
Meidias? he wzs thirty-two years old, but had as
yet no power or reputation in the conduct of the
city’s affairs. And his fears on this score were the
chief reason, in my opinion, why he compromised his
case against the man he hated for a sum of money:

“For he was not at all a sweet-tempered man or
of gentle mood,” 4

4 Iliad, xx. 467, of Achilles.
29

PLUTARCH'S LIVES

ἀλλ᾽ ἔντονος καὶ βίαιος περὶ τὰς ἀμύνας. ὁρῶν
δ᾽ οὐ φαῦλον οὐδὲ τῆς αὑτοῦ δυνώμεως ἔργον
ἄνδρα καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ λόγῳ καὶ φίλοις εὖ πε-
φραγμένον καθελεῖν, τὸν Μειδίαν, ἐνέδωκε τοῖς
ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δεομένοις. αἱ δὲ τρισχίλιαι καθ᾽
ἑαυτὰς οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκοῦσι τὴν Δημοσθένους
ἀμβλῦναι πικρίαν, ἔἐλπίζοντος καὶ δυναμένου
περιγενέσθαι.
Λαβὼν δὲ τῆς πολιτείας καλὴν ὑπόθεσιν τὴν
πρὸς Φίλιππον ὑπὲρ τῶν “Ελλήνων δικαιολογίαν,
καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἀγωνιζόμενος ἀξίως, ταχὺ δόξαν
ἔσχε καὶ περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων. ἤρθη καὶ
τῆς παρρησίας, ὥστε θαυμάζεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ελ-
λάδι, θεραπεύεσθαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως,
πλεῖστον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγον εἶναι παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ
τῶν δημαγωγούντων, ὁμολογεῖν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπε-
χθανομένους ὅτι πρὸς ἔνδοξον αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον
ὁ ἀγών ἐστι. καὶ γὰρ Αἰσχίνης καὶ Ὑπερείδης
τοιαῦτα ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατηγοροῦντες εἰρήκασιν.
XIII. Ὅθεν οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως παρέστη Θεοπόμπῳ
/ ’ Ν 2 “4 A f »»
λέγειν αὐτὸν ἀβέβαιον τῷ τρόπῳ γεγονέναι καὶ
μήτε πράγμασι μήτ᾽ ἀνθρώποις πολὺν χρόνον
τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιμένειν “δυνάμενον. φαίνεται γάρ,
εἰς ἣν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς τῶν πραγμάτων μερίδα καὶ
τάξιν αὑτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ κατέστησε, ταύτην
ἄχρι τέλους διαφυλάξας, καὶ οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ βίῳ
μὴ μεταβαλόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν (βίον ἐ ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ
μεταβαλέσθαι προέμενος. οὐ γάρ, ὡς Δημάδης
ἀπολογούμενος διὰ τὴν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεταβολὴν
ἔλεγεν, αὑτῷ μὲν αὐτὸν τἀναντία πολλάκις εἰρη-
κέναι, τῇ δὲ πόλει μηδέποτε, καὶ Μελάνωπος

30

DEMOSTHENES, ΧΙ. 2~—xu1. 2

but vehement and violent in his requitals. How-
ever, seeing that it was no mean task and one
beyond his power to overthrow a man like Meidias,
who was well hedged about with wealth, oratory
and friends, he yielded to those who interceded
in his behalf. For it does not seem to me that the
three thousand drachmas of themselves could have
dulled the bitter feelings of Demosthenes if he had
expected or felt able to triumph over his adversary.

But when he had once taken as a noble basis for
his political activity the defence of the Greeks
against Philip, and was contending worthily here, he
quickly won a reputation and was lifted into a con-
spicuous place by the boldness of his speeches, so
that he was admired in Greece, and treated with
deference by the Great King; Philip, too, made
more account of him than of any other popular
leader at Athens, and it was admitted even by those
who hated him that they had to contend with a man
of mark. For both Aeschines and Hypereides say
thus much for him while denouncing him.

XIII. Wherefore I do not know how it occurred
to Theopompus to say that Demosthenes was un-
stable in his character and unable to remain true
for any length of time to the same policies or the
same men. For it is apparent that after he had at
the outset adopted a party and a line of policy in
the conduct of the city’s affairs, he maintained this
to the end, and not only did not change his posi-
tion while he lived, but actually gave up his life
that he might not change it. For he was not like
Demades, who apologised for his change of policy
by saying that he often spoke at variance with him-
self, but never at variance with the interests of the

31

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀντιπολιτευόμενος Καλλιστράτῳ καὶ πολλάκις 852

c ’ δ an 4 / aa ,
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρήμασι μετατιθέμενος εἰώθει λέγειν
Ν \ a cc € \ SEAN ? ΄ \ \
πρὸς τὸν δῆμον: “ὋὉ μὲν ἀνὴρ ἐχθρὸς, τὸ δὲ
al / / / ” , > e
τῆς πόλεως νικάτω συμφέρον, Νικόδημος δ᾽ ὁ
, /
Μεσσήνιος Κασάνδρῳ προστιθέμενος πρότερον,
3 5 5" oN , ΄ ᾽ "7
εἶτ᾽ αὖθις ὑπὲρ Δημητρίου πολιτευόμενος οὐκ ἔφη
\ x: μὴ /
τἀναντία λέγειν, ἀεὶ yap εἶναι συμφέρον ἀκ-
a na / \ \
ροᾶσθαι τῶν κρατούντων, οὕτω καὶ περὶ An-
a Ὁ
μοσθένους ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν οἷον ἐκτρεπομένου καὶ
ἊΝ xX la) ’ ,
πλαγιάξοντος ἢ φωνὴν ἢ πρᾶξιν, adr ὥσπερ
> 2) ἘΠῚ \ > [4 Ne a
ἀφ᾽ ἑνὸς καὶ ἀμεταβλήτου διαγράμματος τῆς
/ o fi ἴω
πολιτείας ἕνα τόνον ἔχων ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀεὶ
7 , ’ e / a
διετέλεσε. Ἰ]Παναίτιος δ᾽ ὁ φιλόσοφος καὶ τῶν
f > rn e/ ue \ /
λόγων αὐτοῦ φησιν οὕτω γεγράφθαι τοὺς πλεί-
, an an ᾽ Ἂς ny
στους WS μόνου TOD καλοῦ Su αὑτὸ αἱρετοῦ ὄντος,
\ a \ Neco
τὸν περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου, τὸν κατὰ ᾿Αριστοκράτους,
\ n 2 fa \ e
τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀτελειῶν, TOUS Φιλιππικούς" ἐν οἷς
ca) \ \ ς a
πᾶσιν OV πρὸς TO ἥδιστον ἢ ῥᾷστον ἢ λυσιτελέ-
» \ b \ a \
στατον ἄγει TOUS TOALTAS, ἀλλὰ πολλαχοῦ τὴν
\ , ” A
ἀσφάλειαν καὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν οἴεται δεῖν ἐν
rn a ral \ a
δευτέρᾳ τάξει TOU καλοῦ ποιεῖσθαι Kal τοῦ πρέ-
n \ N . a
ποντος, ὡς, εἴγε TH περὶ Tas ὑποθέσεις αὐτοῦ
/ \ A mn , ’ ΄, τ
φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ τῇ τῶν Λιρηκοῦ εὐγενείᾳ παρῆν
? an 7
ἀνδρεία τε πολεμιστήριος καὶ τὸ καθαρῶς ἕκαστα
΄ > b] na \ , \ /
πράττειν, οὐκ ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μοιροκλέω καὶ ἸΠολύ-
Abie , ᾽ an an e ΄ , >
εὐκτον καὶ Trepelonyv ἀριθμῷ TOV ῥητόρων, ἀλλ
\ , \ /
ἄνω μετὰ Κίμωνος καὶ Θουκυδίδου καὶ ἸΠερικλέους
” s are |
ἄξιος ἦν τίθεσθαι.

32

DEMOSTHENES, xm, 2-4

city; nor like Melanopus, who, though opposed
politically to Callistratus, was often bought over by
him, and then would say to the people: “The man
is my enemy, it is true, but the interests of the city
shall prevail ’’ ; nor like Nicodemus the Messenian,
who first attached himself to Cassander, and then
again advocated the interests of Demetrius, but
said that he was not contradicting himself, for it
was always advantageous to listen to one’s masters.
We cannot say such things of Demosthenes also,
as of one who is turned from his course and
veers to and fro either in word or deed—nay, he
followed one unchangeable scale, as it were, and
ever held to one key in politics. And Panaetius
the philosopher says that most of his speeches also
are written in the conviction that the good alone is
to be chosen for its own sake, as, for instance, the
speech “On the Crown,” ! the one “ Against Aristo-
crates,’ 2 that “For the Immunities,’? and the
Philippics ;* for in all these he does not try to lead
his countrymen to do what is pleasantest or easiest
or most profitable, but in many places thinks they
ought to make their safety and preservation second-
ary to what is honourable and fitting, so that, if the
loftiness of his principles and the nobility of his
speeches had been accompanied by such bravery as
becomes a warrior and by incorruptibility in all his
dealings, he would have been worthy to be num-
bered, not with such orators as Moerocles, Polyeuc-
tus, Fiypereides, and their contemporaries, but high
up with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles.

Ls On ΣΧ ΝΑ 5. Or. -xxili.
3 Or. xx. (Against Leptines).
SOs AVA VA tik

33

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a ca) ’ \ ς /
XIV. Τῶν γοῦν cat αὐτὸν ὁ Φωκίων οὐκ ἐπαι-
ἢ \ A
νουμένης προϊστάμενος πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ δοκῶν
, Ψ » 9» / \ ,
μακεδονίξειν, ὅμως δι᾿ ἀνδρείαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην
an / / >
οὐδὲν οὐδαμῆ χείρων ἔδοξεν ᾿Βφιάλτου καὶ ᾽Αρι-
/ ss / > AN / /
2 στείδου καὶ Κίμωνος ἀνὴρ γενέσθαι. Δημοσθένης
’ > xX > a Ὁ > / “ .
δ᾽ οὐκ ὧν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀξιόπιστος, ὥς φησιν ὁ
\ \
Δημήτριος, οὐδὲ πρὸς TO λαμβάνειν παντάπασιν
3 / δι \ n \ \ ,
ἀπωχυρωμένος, ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν παρὰ Φιλίππου
Ν / » / » n ’ ” >
καὶ Μακεδονίας ἀνάλωτος ὦν, τῷ δ᾽ ἄνωθεν ἐκ
SS / Nd. he 2) \ uA N
Σούσων καὶ Ἐκβατάνων ἐπιβατὸς χρυσίῳ γεγονὼς
/ > / \ e ,
καὶ κατακεκλυσμένος, ἐπαινέσαι μὲν ἱκανώτατος
9 \ an , / / \
ἣν τὰ TOV προγόνων καλά, μιμήσασθαι δὲ οὐχ
e 2 \ , θ᾽ «ς \ “ἢ es NTN
ὅμοιος. ἐπεὶ τούς γε καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ῥήτορας (ἔξω δὲ
U ΄ , \ nan , a
λόγου τίθεμαι Φωκίωνα) καὶ TO βίῳ παρῆλθε.
΄ \ \ / / A
3 φαίνεται δὲ Kal μετὰ παρρησίας μάλιστα TO
͵ \ \ \ , in
δήμῳ διαλεγόμενος καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιθυμίας τῶν
lal ip Ἂν r lal
πολλῶν ἀντιτείνων καὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν
BI / e 5 a / a ”
ἐπιφυόμενος, ὡς EK τῶν λόγων λαβεῖν ἔστιν.
« a \ \ / .“ Lal 3 7 9 /
ἱστορεῖ δὲ καὶ Θεόπομπος ὅτι, τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπί
/ > Ν / id ? >
τινα προβαλλομένων αὐτὸν κατηγορίαν, ὡς δ᾽ οὐχ
Cents, 6 ΄ 5) \ 5 πος A
ὑπήκουε, θορυβούντων, ἀναστὰς εἴπεν'" T pets
᾽ Pes) Py A ΄ 7 ΕἾ \
ἐμοί, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, συμβούχῳ μέν, κἂν μὴ
\ Nes
θέλητε, χρήσεσθε" συκοφάντῃ δὲ οὐδὲ ἂν θέλητε."
, ’ > \ > nr ,

4 σφόδρα δ᾽ ἀριστοκρατικὸν αὐτοῦ πολίτευμα Kal
Ν » ’ an A e \ a 2 /
τὸ περὶ Avtip@vtos: ὃν ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας

/ \ \ /
ἀφεθέντα συλλαβὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πώγου

1 Theopompus almost always displays hostility to Athens
and her popular leaders.

34

DEMOSTHENES, xiv. 1-4

XIV. At any rate, Phocion, among his contem-
poraries, though he took the lead in a policy which
is not to be commended, and though he had the
reputation of favouring Macedonia, nevertheless,
by reason of his bravery and integrity, was held
to be in no wise inferior to Ephialtes and Aristides
and Cimon. Demosthenes, however, was not worthy
of confidence when he bore arms, as Demetrius
says, nor was he altogether inaccessible to bribes,
but though he did not succumb to the gold which
came from Philip and Macedonia, that which came
down in streams from Susa and Ecbatana reached
and overwhelmed him, and therefore while he was
most capable of praising the virtues of earlier gene-
rations, he was not so good at imitating them. For
certainly the orators of his own day (though I leave
Phocion out of the account) were surpassed by him
even in his life and conversation. And it is manifest
that beyond them all he reasoned boldly with the
people, opposed himself to the desires of the
multitude, and persistently attacked their faults,
as may be gathered from his speeches. And even
Theopompus?! tells us that, when the Athenians
nominated him to conduct a certain impeachment,
and, on his refusal, raised a tumult against him,
he rose and said: “ Men of Athens, I will serve
you as a counsellor, even though you do not wish
it; but not as a false accuser, even though you
wish it.” Moreover, the measures which he took
in the case of Antiphon? were exceedingly aris-
tocratic in their spirit. Antiphon had been acquitted
by the assembly, but Demosthenes arrested him
and brought him before the council of the Areio-

* See Demosthenes, On the Crown, §§ 132 f.

35

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βουλὴν ἀνήγαγε, Kal Tap οὐδὲν TO προσκροῦσαι
A ͵ /
τῷ δήμῳ θέμενος ἤλεγξεν ὑπεσχημένον Φιλίππῳ
τὰ νεώρια ἐμπρήσειν: καὶ παραδοθεὶς ὁ ἄνθρωπος
ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπέθανε. κατηγόρησε δὲ καὶ
τῆς ἱερείας Θεωρίδος ὡς ἄλλα τε ῥᾳδιουργούσης
πολλὰ καὶ τοὺς δούλους ἐξαπατᾶν διδασκούσης"
καὶ θανάτου τιμησάμενος ἀπέκτεινε.
ΧΥ. Λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸν κατὰ Τιμοθέου τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ λόγον, ᾧ χρησάμενος ᾿Απολλόδωρος
f n 5
εἷλε τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦ ὀφλήματος, Δημοσθένης
γράψαι τῷ ᾿Απολλοδώρῳ, καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς πρὸς
Φορμίωνα καὶ Στέφανον, ἐφ᾽ οἷς εἰκότως ἠδόξησε.
ς 5 Ul
καὶ yap ὁ Φορμίων ἠγωνίζετο λόγῳ Δημοσθένους
/ a
πρὸς tov ᾿Απολλόδωρον, ἀτεχνῶς καθάπερ ἐξ
4 / Ἂν ἌΡ ΒΕ / 5 />
ἑνὸς μαχαιροπωλιου τὰ KAT ἀλλήλων EYHKELPLOLA
πωλοῦντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀντιδίκοις. τῶν δὲ δημο-
7 « \ »"ὼ 9 tf ‘ 4
σίων ὁ μὲν κατ᾽ ᾿Ανδροτίωνος καὶ Τιμοκράτους
οὐ Ὁ / ¢ / ) / ” a
καὶ ᾿Αριστοκράτους ἑτέροις ἐγράφησαν, οὔπω TH
/ a a
πολιτείᾳ προσεληλυθότος: δοκεῖ yap δυεῖν ἢ
ἐ
τριῶν δέοντα ἔτη τριάκοντα γεγονὼς ἐξενεγκεῖν
\ U ’ / \ \ ἌΝ ,
τοὺς λόγους ἐκείνους: τὸν δὲ κατὰ ᾿Αριστογείτονος
ΟῚ \ ’ ’ὔ \ x x lal ’ an \
αὐτὸς ἠγωνίσατο, Kal τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀτελειῶν, διὰ
τὸν Χαβρίου παῖδα Κτήσιππον, ὥς φησιν αὐτός,
΄ / lal
as δ᾽ ἔνιοι λέγουσι, THY μητέρα τοῦ νεανίσκου
, ) \ ” / > \ ,
μνώμενος. οὐ μὴν ἔγημε ταύτην, ἀλλὰ Σαμίᾳ
26

δῦϑ

DEMOSTHENES, xiv. 4—xv. 3

pagus, and making no account of the offence thus
given to the people, convicted him of having
promised Philip to set fire to the dockyards; and
Antiphon was given up to justice by the council
and suffered death. He also accused the priestess
Theoris of many misdemeanours, and _ particularly
of teaching the slaves to practise deceit; and by
fixing the penalty at death he brought about her
execution.

XV. It is said, too, that the speech which Apollo.
dorus used in order to secure the conviction of Timo-
theus the general in an action for debt was written
for him by Demosthenes, and likewise the speeches
which Apollodorus used against Phormio and Steph-
anus, in which cases Demosthenes properly won dis-
credit. For Phormio contended against Apollodorus
with a speech which Demosthenes had written for
him,! the orator thus simply selling to the disputants,
as it were from one and the same cutlery-shop,? the
knives with which to wound each other. Moreover,
of his public orations, those against Androtion® and
Timocrates* and Aristocrates* were written for
others to pronounce, before he had as yet entered
public life; for it appears that these speeches were
produced when he was twenty-seven or twenty-
eight years of age. But he himself delivered the
speech against Aristogeiton,® as well as the one
“On the Immunities,’’ at the instance, as he
himself says, of Ctesippus the son of Chabrias, but
as some say, because he was wooing the mother
of this young man. However, he did not marry
this woman, but had a certain woman of Samos

ΟΣ RAL. 2 See chapter iv. 1. 5 Or. ἘΣΤΙ:

Sur. Xxiv. Ors xxii. 6 Or. av RIG Xx:

37

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ / e e a A / e M /
τινὶ συνῴκησεν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δημήτριος ὁ Μάγνης
a \ 7 ie an
ἐν τοῖς περὶ συνωνύμων. ὁ δὲ κατ᾽ Αἰσχίνου τῆς
4 Υ͂ ’ /
παραπρεσβείας ἄδηλον εἰ λέλεκται: καίτοι φησὶν
> \ ἣν , /
Ἰδομενεὺς παρὰ τριάκοντα μόνας τὸν Αἰσχίνην
> an ’ ’ > ” ee ” >) /
ἀποφυγεῖν. ἀλλ᾿ οὐκ ἔοικεν οὕτως ἔχειν τἀληθές,
9 fal an Ἀ /
el δεῖ τοῖς περὶ στεφάνου γεγραμμένοις ἑκατέρων
/ / / \
λόγοις τεκμαίρεσθαι. μέμνηται yap οὐδέτερος
a a \ a / a tal
αὐτῶν ἐναργῶς οὐδὲ τρανῶς ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀγῶνος
ὔ ’ , \ >
ὡς ἄχρι δίκης προελθόντος. ταυτὶ μὲν οὖν ἕτεροι
διακρινοῦσι μᾶλλον.
«ς \ a /
XVI. Ἡ δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους πολιτεία φανερὰ
\ 9 f \ a ’ /
μὲν ἣν ETL καὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὑπαρχούσης, οὐδὲν
rn / “ fal
ἐῶντος ἀνεπιτίμητον TOV πραττομένων ὑπὸ TOD
Ud ’ 3
Μακεδόνος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ ταράττοντος τοὺς
᾽ / \ ὃ 7 2 \ \ ”
Αθηναίους καὶ διακαίοντος ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον.
ὃ \ \ \ Φ ΕΝ lal 3 / ΕῚ Qn
Lo Kal παρὰ Φιλίππῳ πλεῖστος ἢν λόγος αὐτοῦ"
ἈΠ ἸἘΑ ΄ δέ Ka ? M ὃ ,
καὶ ὅτε πρεσβεύων δέκατος ἧκεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν,
» \ ΄ / lal
ἤκουσε μὲν πάντων Φίλιππος, ἀντεῖπε δὲ μετὰ
, 5 / x Ν 2 / , >
πλείστης ἐπιμελείας πρὸς TOV ἐκείνου AOYOV. OU
\ 54 a BA “ \ /
μὴν ἐν γε Tals ἄλλαις τιμαῖς καὶ φιλοφροσύναις
ὅμοιον αὑτὸν τῷ Δημοσθένει, ἢ ira
ὅμο ὃ Δημοσθένει παρεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ
/ \ \ > / \ /
προσήγετο τοὺς περὶ Αἰσχίνην καὶ Φιλοκράτην
“ Ὁ > / > / \ ,,
μᾶλλον. ὅθεν ἐπαινούντων ἐκείνων τὸν Φίλιππον
ὡς καὶ λέγειν δυνατώτατον καὶ κάλλιστον ὀφθῆ-
\ / al e ,
ναι Kal νὴ Ata συμπιεῖν ἱκανώτατον, ἠναγκάζετο
7 / e \ lal
βασκαίνων ἐπισκώπτειν ὡς TO μὲν σοφιστοῦ, TO
\ , νὰ \ “ Μ / ’
δὲ γυναικός, τὸ δὲ σπογγιᾶς εἴη, βασιλέως ὃ
\ /
οὐδὲν ἐγκώμιον.
38

DEMOSTHENES, xv. 3—xv1. 2

to wife, as Demetrius the Magnesian tells us in
his work “‘ On Persons of the Same Name.”’ Whether
the speech denouncing the treacherous embassage of
Aeschines! was delivered or not, is uncertain; and
yet Idomeneus says that Aeschines got off by only
thirty votes. But this would seem to be untrue,
if we are to judge by the written speeches of both
orators “On the Crown.’? For neither of them
speaks clearly and distinctly of that contention as
one which came to trial. This question, however,
will have to be decided by others.

XVI. The political attitude of Demosthenes was
manifest even while peace still lasted, for he would
let no act of the Macedonian pass uncensured,
but on every occasion kept rousing and inflaming
the Athenians against him. Therefore Philip also
made most account of him; and when Demosthenes
came to Macedonia in an embassy of ten,’ Philip
listened indeed to them all, but took most pains
to answer his speech. As regards all other marks
of honour and kindly attention, however, Philip
did not treat Demosthenes as well as the others,
but courted rather the party of Aeschines and
Philocrates. And so when these lauded Philip as
most powerful in speaking, most fair to look upon,
and, indeed, as a most capable fellow-drinker, De-
mosthenes had to say in bitter raillery that the
first encomium was appropriate for a sophist, the
second for a woman, and the third for a sponge,
but none of them for a king.

1 Or. xix.

2 See the second note on xxiv. 1 f.

3 In 346 B.c. they obtained the so-called Peace of Philo-
crates.

39

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

’ , \ a \
XVII. ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἔρρεπε τὰ
lal \ / \ \
πράγματα, τοῦ μὲν Φιλίππου μὴ δυναμένου τὴν
/ n ᾽ ᾽
ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐγειρομένων
id \ A / “- \ > v
ὑπὸ τοῦ Δημοσθένους, πρῶτον μὲν ets ὔβοιαν
2 ΄ \ ’ / g / Ls ‘
ἐξώρμησε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους καταδεδουλωμένην ὕπο
al / / \ ΄ 2 ’
τῶν τυράννων Φιλίππῳ: καὶ διαβάντες, ἐκείνου
/ 7 \
τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος, ἐξήλασαν τοὺς Make-
͵ \ , ς 7
δόνας. δεύτερον δὲ Βυζαντίοις ἐβοήθησε καὶ
7 a 7 , /
Περινθίοις ὑπὸ τοῦ Μακεδόνος πολεμουμένοις,
\ n / \
πείσας τὸν δῆμον ἀφέντα τὴν ἔχθραν καὶ τὸ
nr a Ἂ, \ \
μεμνῆσθαι τῶν περὶ TOV συμμαχικὸν ἡμαρτημένων
ς a 7 lol
ἑκατέροις πόλεμον ἀποστεῖλαι δύναμιν αὐτοῖς,
Cee ἐππ 2 ’ ” ΄ \
ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐσώθησαν. ἔπειτα πρεσβεύων καὶ δια-
/ γὺς ὍΤΙ \ a /
λεγόμενος τοῖς “ὕλλησι καὶ παροξύνων συνέστησε
\ > A e > \ \ , ef
πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντας ἐπὶ Tov Φίλιππον, ὥστε
, “ \ /
σύνταξιν γενέσθαι πεζῶν μὲν μυρίων Kal πεντα-
, e / \ / x a
κισχίλιων, ἱππέων δὲ δισχιλίων, ἄνευ τῶν πολι-
al / / N a
τικῶν δυνάμεων, χρήματα δὲ καὶ μισθοὺς τοῖς
/ > / / “ /
ξένοις εἰσφέρεσθαι προθύμως. ὅτε Kal φησι
, lal , ¢ a
Θεόφραστος, ἀξιούντων τῶν συμμάχων ὁρισθῆ-
Ν > , 5 ral r 7 Ν
ναι τὰς εἰσφοράς, εἰπεῖν Κρωβύλον τὸν δημα-
γωγὸν ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος.
fol « \ \ /
᾿Επηρμένης δὲ τῆς ᾿λλάδος πρὸς TO μέλλον
\ / ’ ἔθ \ / > Y ἠέ
καὶ συνισταμένων κατ᾽ ἔθνη καὶ πόλεις Εὐβοέων,
“Ὁ ’ / ,
᾿Αχαιῶν, Κορινθίων, Μεγαρέων, Λευκαδίων, Kep-
id € / n /
κυραΐων, ὁ μέγιστος ὑπελείπετο TH Δημοσθένει
lal ) ἴω / an
τῶν ἀγώνων, Θηβαίους προσαγαγέσθαι TH συμ-

40

DEMOSTHENES, xvi. 1-4

XVII. And when matters were inclining at last
to war, since Philip was unable to keep quiet
and the Athenians were being stirred up by
Demosthenes, in the first place, he urged the
Athenians to invade Euboea, which had_ been
brought into subjection to Philip by its tyrants ;
and it was on his motion that they crossed over to
the island and drove out the Macedonians. In the
second place, he came to the aid of the citizens of
Byzantium and Perinthus when the Macedonian was
making war upon them, by persuading the Athenian
people to remit their hatred and forget the wrongs
committed by each of these cities in the Social War,}
and to send them a force,—the force which saved
them. Next, he went on an embassy to the Greek
states, and by arguing with them and pricking them
on brought almost all of them into a league against
Philip, so that they raised a mercenary force of
fifteen thousand foot and two thousand horse, apart
from the citizen soldiery, and readily contributed
money to pay them. It was at this time, as Theo-
phrastus says, when the allies were demanding that
their contributions be fixed within limits, that
Crobylus the popular leader said: ‘‘ War has no
fixed rations.”’ ὃ

Greece was now in suspense as it thought of
the future, and its peoples and cities were leaguing
themselves together, Euboeans, Achaeans, Corin-
thians, Megarians, Leucadians, and Corcyraeans.
But the most important struggle still remained
for Demosthenes in bringing the Thebans to join

1 At the outbreak of the Social War (357-355 B.c.) Byzan
tium and other allies of Athens had revolted from her.
2 See the note on the Crassus, ii. 8.

41

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μαχίᾳ, χώραν τε ,“σύνορον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς καὶ δύνα-
μιν “ἐναγώνιον ἔχοντας, καὶ μάλιστα τότε τῶν
᾿λλήνων εὐδοκιμοῦντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις. ἣν δ᾽
οὐ ῥάδιον ἐπὶ προσφάτοις εὐεργετήμασι τοῖς περὶ
τὸν Φωκικὸν πόλεμον τετιθασευμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ
Φιλίππου μεταστῆσαι τοὺς Θηβαίους, καὶ μά-
λιστα ταῖς διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν ἁψιμαχίαις ἀνα-
ξαινομένων ἑκάστοτε τῶν πολεμικῶν πρὸς ἀλλή-
λας διαφορῶν ταῖς πόλεσιν.

XVIII. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ Φίλιππος ὑπὸ τῆς
περὶ τὴν Αμφισσαν εὐτυχίας ἐπαιρόμενος εἰς τὴν
᾿Ελάτειαν ἐξαίφνης ἐνέπεσε καὶ τὴν Φωκίδα
κατέσχεν, ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ
μηδενὸς τολμῶντος ἀναβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα μηδὲ
ἔχοντος ὅ TL χρὴ λέγειν, GAN ᾿ἀπορίας οὔσης ἐν
μέσῳ καὶ σιωπῆς, παρελθὼν μόνος ὁ Δημοσθένης
συνεβούλευε τῶν Θηβαίων ἔχεσθαι: καὶ τἄλλα
Tapadappvvas καὶ μετεωρίσας, ὥσπερ εἰώθει,
τὸν δῆμον ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἀπεστάλη πρεσβευτὴς
μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων εἰς Θήβας. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος,
ὡς Μαρσύας φησίν, ᾿Αμύνταν μὲν καὶ Κλέαρχον
τ Δάοχον δὲ Θεσσαλὸν καὶ Θρασυδαῖον
ἀντεροῦντας.

Τὸ μὲν οὖν συμφέρον οὐ διέφευγε τοὺς τῶν
Θηβαίων λογισμούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὄμμασιν ἕκαστος
εἶχε τὰ τοῦ πολέμου δεινά, ἔτι τῶν Φωκικῶν
8 τραυμάτων νεαρῶν παραμενόντων' ἡ δὲ τοῦ ῥή-
τορος δύναμις, ὥς φησι Θεόπομπος, ἐκριπίζουσα

1 In 339 B.c., Philip was deputed by the Amphictyonic
Council to punish the city of Amphissa, near Delphi, for
sacrilege. Cf. Demosthenes, On the Crown, §§ 148 ff.

42

DEMOSTHENES, xvn. 4—xvii. 3

the alliance, for they had a territory bounding
that of Attica and a force ready to take the
field, and at that time were accounted the best
soldiers in Greece. But it was no easy matter,
in view of the recent benefits with which Philip
had cultivated their favour during the Phocian
war, to make the Thebans change sides, and espe-
cially because in the petty quarrels brought on
by their proximity to Athens the differences which
made for war between the two cities were all the
while stirred up anew.

XVIII. Philip, however, elated by his good-
fortune in the matter of Amphissa,! surprised
Elateia and occupied Phocis. This step drove the
Athenians out of their senses: no one ventured
to ascend the bema and no one knew what ought
to be said, but perplexity and silence reigned in
the assembly. Then it was that Demosthenes,
and he alone, came forward and advised the people
to cling to Thebes; and after giving them courage
in other ways and buoying them up with hopes,
as he was wont to do, he was sent with others
as ambassador to Thebes. Philip also, as Marsyas
tells us, sent Amyntas and Clearchus of Macedonia,
Daochus of Thessaly, and Thrasydaeus, to speak
in opposition to the Athenians.

Well, then, the Thebans, in their calculations,
were not blind to their own interests, but each
of them had before his eyes the terrors of war,
since their losses in the Phocian war? were still
fresh ; however, the power of the orator, as Theo-
pompus says, fanned up their courage and inflamed

2 The second so-called Sacred War (357-346 B.c.), in which
Athens aided the Phocians, and Philip the Thebans.

43

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τὸν θυμὸν αὐτῶν καὶ διακαίουσα τὴν φιλοτιμίαν
ἐπεσκότησε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν, ὥστε καὶ φόβον
καὶ λογισμὸν καὶ χάριν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐνθου-
σιῶντας ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου πρὸς τὸ καλόν. οὕτω
δὲ μέγα καὶ λαμπρὸν ἐφάνη τὸ τοῦ ῥήτορος ἔργον
ὥστε τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον εὐθὺς ἐπικηρυκεύεσθαι
δεόμενον εἰρήνης, ὀρθὴν δὲ τὴν ᾿ῦλλάδα γενέσθαι
καὶ συνεξαναστῆναι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, ὑπηρετεῖν
δὲ μὴ μόνον τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῷ Δημοσθένει
ποιοῦντας τὸ προσταττόμενον, ἀχλὰ καὶ τοὺς
βοιωτάρχας, διοικεῖσθαι δὲ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἁπάσας
οὐδὲν ἧττον ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου τότε τὰς OnBaiwv ἢ
τὰς ᾿Αθηναίων, ἀγαπωμένου παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις καὶ
δυναστεύοντος οὐκ ἀδίκως οὐδὲ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν, ὥσπερ
ἀποφαίνεται Θεόπομπος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ προση-
κόντως.

XIX. Τύχη δέ τις ἔοικε δαιμόνιος ἐ ἐν περιφορᾷ
πρωγμάτων, εἰς ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ συμπεραίνουσα τὴν
ἐλευθερίαν τῆς ᾿λλάδος, ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς
πραττομένοις, καὶ πολλὰ σημεῖα τοῦ μέλλοντος
ἀναφαίνειν, ἐν οἷς ἥ τε Πυθία δεινὰ προὔφαινε
μαντεύματα, καὶ χρησμὸς ἤδετο παλαιὸς ἐκ τῶν
Σιβυλλείων"

a , 4 / ,
τῆς ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι μάχης ἀπάνευθε γενοίμην,
αἰετὸς ἐν νεφέεσσι καὶ ἠέρι θηήσασθαι.

/ ¢ / = \ / ᾽ ,
κλαίει O νικηθείς, ὁ δὲ νικῆσας ἀπολωλε.

Τὸν δὲ Θερμώδοντά φασιν εἶναι παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐν
Χαιρωνείᾳ ποτάμιον μικρὸν εἰς τὸν Κηφισὸν
ἐμβάλλον. ἡμεῖς δὲ νῦν μὲν οὐδὲν οὕτω τῶν
ῥευμάτων ἴσμεν ὀνομαζόμενον, εἰκάζομεν δὲ τὸν
καλούμενον Αἵμονα Θερμώδοντα λέγεσθαι τότε'

44

᾿
/

DEMOSTHENES, xvul. 3-x1x. 2

their honourable ambition and obscured all other
considerations, so that, casting away fear and cal-
culation and feelings of obligation, they were rapt
away by his words into the path of honour. And
so great and glorious was the orator’s success seen
to be that Philip at once sent an embassy and asked
for peace, while Greece was confident and up in
arms to aid Demosthenes for the future; and not
only did the Athenian generals assist him and
do what he ordered, but also the Boeotarchs. He
managed at this time all the assemblies of the
Thebans no less than those of the Athenians; he
was beloved by both peoples and exercised supreme
power, not illegally nor unworthily, as Theopompus
declares, but rather with perfect propriety.

XIX. But it would seem that some divinely or-
dered fortune in the revolution of affairs, which was
putting an end at this time to the freedom of the
Greeks, opposed their efforts, and showed forth
many signs of what was to come. Among these
were the dire prophecies which the Pythian priestess
made known, and an ancient oracle which was
recited from the Sibylline books :—

“From the battle on Thermodon may I be far re-
moved,
To behold it like an eagle in clouds and upper air.
Tears are for the conquered there, and for the
conqueror, death.”

Now, the Thermodon, they say, is in my native
territory, in Chaeroneia, being a little river which
empties into the Cephisus. But I know of no river
bearing this name at the present time; I conjecture,
however, that the stream now called Haemon then

45

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ A Ν AiG / “
καὶ γὰρ παραρρεῖ παρὰ τὸ Ἡράκλειον, ὅπου κατε-
/ Ch CL \ f

στρατοπέδευον ot “EXAnves' καὶ τεκμαιρόμεθα
τῆς μάχης γενομένης αἵματος ἐμπλησθέντα καὶ
νεκρῶν τὸν ποταμὸν ταύτην διαλλάξαι τὴν προσ-
ηγορίαν. ὁ δὲ Δοῦρις οὐ ποταμὸν εἶναί φησι
\ , 2 > e ΄ \ \
τὸν Θερμώδοντα, ἀλλ᾽ ἱστάντας τινὰς σκηνὴν
καὶ περιορύττοντας ἀνδριαντίσκον εὑρεῖν λίθινον,
ὑπὸ γραμμάτων τινῶν διασημαινόμενον ὡς εἴη
Θερμώδων, ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις ᾿Αμαζόνα φέροντα
τετρωμένην. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ χρησμὸν ἄλλον
Vv /

ἄδεσθαι λέγοντα"

Ν 3. .5 At / / 7 /
τὴν δ᾽ ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι μάχην μένε, παμμέλαν
ὄρνι"
/ / \ / > ,
THVEL TOL κρέα πολλὰ παρέσσεται ἀνθρώπεια.

XX. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὅπως ἔγχει, διαιτῆσαι

ν Ὁ Ν / Me n A

χαλεπόν. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης λέγεται τοῖς τῶν

“Ἑλλήνων ὅπλοις ἐκτεθαρρηκώς, καὶ λαμπρὸς ὑπὸ

if a

ῥώμης καὶ προθυμίας ἀνδρῶν τοσούτων προκαλου-

\ na

μένων τοὺς πολεμίους αἰρόμενος, οὔτε χρησμοῖς

ἐᾶν προσέχειν οὔτε μαντείας ἀκούειν, AAA καὶ

γὴν Πυθίαν ὑπονοεῖν ὡς φιλιππίζουσαν, ἀνα-

/ ’ , \ , \

μιμνήσκων ᾿᾿παμινώνδου τοὺς Θηβαίους καὶ

- \ a

Περικλέους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ὡς ἐκεῖνοι τὰ τοιαῦτα
/ rn a

δειλίας ἡγούμενοι προφάσεις ἐχρῶντο τοῖς λο-

a / / Ἀν 9 > /

γισμοῖς. μέχρι μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀνὴρ ἣν ἀγαθός"
τ δὲ Ὁ ΄ λὸ WY: δ᾽ e δ /

ἐν δὲ TH μάχῃ καλὸν οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ ὁμολογούμενον

46

DEMOSTHENES, xix. 2—xx. 2

bore the name of Thermodon. For it flows past the
Heracleum, where the Greeks had their camp; and
I judge that after the battle the river was filled with
blood and corpses and therefore received its present
name in exchange.! Duris, however, says that this
Thermodon was not a river, but that some soldiers
who were pitching a tent and digging a trench about
it, found a small stone figure, an inscription upon
which signified that it was Thermodon,? carrying in
its arms a wounded Amazon. They say also that in
reterence to this another oracle is recited as follows :—

“ For the battle on Thermodon wait thou, all-black
bird ;

There thou shalt have in abundance the flesh of
men.”

XX. How this matter really stands, then, it is
difficult to decide; but as for Demosthenes, he is
said to have had complete confidence in the Greek
forces, and to have been lifted into a state of glow-
ing excitement by the strength and ardour of so
many men eager to engage the enemy, so that he
would not suffer his countrymen to give heed to
oracles or listen to prophecies; nay, he even sus-
pected the Pythian priestess of being in sympathy
with Philip, reminding the Thebans of Epaminondas
and the Athenians of Pericles, and declaring that
those great leaders regarded things of this kind as
pretexts for cowardice, and therefore followed the
dictates of reason. Up to this point, then, he was a
brave man; but in the battle® he displayed no con-

1 Deriving Αἵμων from αἷμα (blood).

2 7.e. the god of the river Thermodon, in Cappadocia, on

the banks of which the Amazons were thought to dwell.
Cf. the Theseus, xxvii. 6. 3 At Chaeroneia, 338 B.C.

47

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

” e 3 τ ’ ὃ (= / ” \
ἔργον ols εἶπεν ἀποδειξάμενος ὠχετο λιπὼν
\ / > \ v \ Ἄ ef e;s
τὴν τάξιν, ἀποδρὰς αἴσχιστα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψας,
> \ Ν ’ x “ ’ ’ e v7
οὐδὲ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῆς ἀσπίδος, ὡ; ἔλεγε
‘2 ’ te id
Πυθέας, αἰσχυνθείς, ἐπιγεγραμμένης γράμμασι
nr » - ΄
χρυσοῖς, ᾿Αγαθῇ τύχῃ.
, \ > ς , a
Παραυτίκα μὲν οὖν ὁ Φίλιππος ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ
διὰ τὴν χαρὰν ἐξυβρίσας, καὶ κωμάσας ἐπὶ τοὺς
\ ΄ 5 \ a
νεκροὺς μεθύων, nde THY ἀρχὴν τοῦ Δημοσθένους
\ , r
ψηφίσματος πρὸς πόδα διαιρῶν Kal ὑποκρούων"

Δημοσθένης Δημοσθένους Uataveeds τάδ᾽ εἶπεν"

ἐκνήψας δὲ καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ περιστάντος αὐτὸν
ἀγῶνος ἐν νῷ λαβὼν ἔφριττε τὴν δεινότητα καὶ
τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ ῥήτορος, ἐν μέρει μικρῷ μιᾶς
ἡμέρας τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ τοῦ σώματος
avappiwat κίνδυνον ἀναγκασθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
διῖκτο δ᾽ ἡ δόξα μέχρι τοῦ Ἰερσῶν βασιλέως"
κἀκεῖνος ἔπεμψε τοῖς σατράπαις ἐπὶ θάλασσαν
γράμματα, χρήματα Δημοσθένει διδόναι κελεύων,
καὶ προσέχειν ἐκείνῳ μάλιστα τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων, ὡς
περισπάσαι δυναμένῳ καὶ κατασχεῖν ταῖς “Ὀλλη-
νικαῖς ταραχαῖς τὸν Μακεδόνα. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν
ὕστερον ἐφώρασεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ἐν Σώρδεσιν ἐπι-
στολάς τινας ἀνευρὼν τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ γράμ-
ματα τῶν βασιλέως στρατηγῶν, δηλοῦντα τὸ
πλῆθος τῶν δοθέντων αὐτῷ χρημάτων.

XXI. Τότε δὲ τῆς ἀτυχίας τοῖς “ἕλλησι
γεγενημένης οἱ μὲν ἀντιπολιτευόμενοι ῥήτορες
48

DEMOSTHENES, xx. 2-xx1. 1

duct that was honourable or consonant with his
words, but forsook his post, cast away his arms, and
ran away most disgracefully, nor was he ashamed to
belie the inscription on his shield, as Pytheas said,
whereon was written in letters of gold, “ With good
fortune.”

Immediately after his victory, then, Philip waxed
insolent for joy, and going forth in revel rout to see
the bodies of the slain, and being in his cups,
recited the beginning of the decree introduced by
Demosthenes, dividing it into feet and marking off
the time :-—

“Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of Paeania,
thus moves; }

but when he got sober and realized the magnitude
of the struggle in which he had been involved, he
shuddered at the power and the ability of the orator
who had forced him to hazard his empire and _ his
life in the brief span of a single day. And the
fame of this orator penetrated even to the Persian
king, who sent letters to his satraps on the coast,
bidding them to offer money to Demosthenes, and
to pay more attention to him than to any other
Greek, since he was able to distract and detain the
Macedonian? with the troubles which he raised in
Greece. These things, now, were discovered at a
later time by Alexander, who found at Sardis certain
letters of Demosthenes and documents of the King’s
generals, which disclosed the amount of money they
had given him.

XXI. At this time, however, when their disaster
tell upon the Greeks, the orators of the opposing
1 The Greek words form an iambic tetrameter cataletic.

2 Philip was threatening the invasion of Asia.

49

PLUTARCH’S. LIVES

> Rp , [οἱ Δ θέ / ?
ἐπεμβαίνοντες TO Δημοσθένει κατεσκεύαζον εὐ-
΄ \ \ > ᾽ > / ς \ fal b /
θύνας καὶ γραφὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν: ὁ δὲ δῆμος ov μόνον
\ nr
τούτων ἀπέλυεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμῶν διετέλει καὶ
ve 5S ς v 3 \ id
προκαλούμενος αὖθις ws εὔνουν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν,
, rn ’ / id
MOTE καὶ τῶν ὀστέων ἐκ Χαιρωνείας κομισθέντων
\ / \ a
καὶ θαπτομένων τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔπαινον
a > » “ 3 “
εἰπεῖν ἀπέδωκεν, οὐ ταπεινῶς οὐδ᾽ ἀγεννῶς φέρων
/ -
τὸ συμβεβηκός, ὡς γράφει καὶ τραγῳδεῖ Θεύό-
» \ A a \ a
πομπος, ἀλλὰ τῷ τιμᾶν μάλιστα Kal κοσμεῖν τὸν
/ > ne XN \ I
σύμβουλον ἀποδεικνύμενος TO μὴ μεταμέλεσθαι
a ,ὔ \ \ 9 / S
τοῖς βεβουλευμένοις. Tov μὲν οὖν λόγον εἶπεν
€ if an \ f /
ὁ Δημοσθένης, tots δὲ ψηφίσμασιν οὐχ ἑαυτόν,
/ n / /
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μέρει τῶν φίλων ἕκαστον ἐπέγραφεν,
ag δύ TEN ps 5 , \ πὴ ΄ ;
ἐξοιωνιζόμενος τὸν ἴδιον δαίμονα καὶ τὴν τύχην,
/ / /
ἕως αὖθις ἀνεθάρρησε Φιλίππου τελευτήσαντος.
ἐτελεύτησε δὲ TH περὶ Χαιρώνειαν εὐτυχίᾳ χρόνο
ἐτελεύτησ ἢ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν εὐτυχίᾳ χρόνον
» Ἂ 3, / a \ r ὃ n a
ov πολὺν ἐπιβιώσας" Kal τοῦτο δοκεῖ τῷ τελευ-

“ n [4 Ν (2
ταίῳ τῶν ἐπῶν ὁ χρησμὸς ἀποθεσπίσαι"
e / Ce \ / ᾽ /
κλαίει ὁ νικηθείς, ὁ δὲ νικήσας ἀπόλωλεν.

ΧΧΤΙ. Ἔγνω μὲν οὖν κρύφα τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου
τελευτὴν ὁ Δημοσθένης, προκαταλαμβάνων δὲ
\ a > \ \ “4 \ » ΄
τὸ θαρρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ μέλλοντα τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους,
προῆλθε φαιδρὸς εἰς τὴν βουλὴν ὡς ὄναρ ἑωρα-

\ b] 3 Φ / n > ,
Kos ab ov τι μέγα προσδοκᾶν ᾿Αθηναίοις
> / \ 2 > \ a e \ /
ἀγαθόν' καὶ μετ οὐ πολὺ παρῆσαν οἱ τὸν Φιλίπ-

5°

DEMOSTHENES, xxi. 1—xxu. 1

party assailed Demosthenes and prepared reckonings
and indictments against him; but the people not
only absolved him from these, nay, they actually
continued to honour him and invited him again, as
a loyal man, to take part in public affairs. Conse-
quently, when the bones of those who had fallen
at Chaeroneia were brought home for burial, they
assigned to him the honour of pronouncing the
eulogy over the men; nor did they show a base
or ignoble spirit under the calamity which had
befallen them, as Theopompus writes in his inflated
style, but by the special honour and respect which
they paid to their counsellor they made it manifest
that they did not repent of the counsels he had
given them. The oration, then, was pronounced by
Demosthenes, but to the decrees which he proposed
he would not put his own name, but rather those of
his friends, one after the other, avoiding his own as
inauspicious and unfortunate, until he once more
took courage upon Philip’s death. And Philip died,
surviving his success at Chaeroneia only a short
time ;! and this, it would seem, was foretold by the
last verse of the oracle :—

“Tears are for the conquered there, and for the
conqueror, death.”

XXII. Now, Demosthenes had secret intelligence
of Philip’s death, and by way of inspiring the
Athenians with courage for the future, he came
forth to the council with a glad countenance, de-
claring that he had had a dream which led him to
expect some great blessing for Athens; and not
long afterwards the messengers came with tidings of

1 Philip was assassinated by Pausanias, one of his royal
bodyguard, in 336 B.c. See the Alexander, x. 4.

51

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 \ 8 Ud
που θάνατον ἀπαγγέλλοντες. εὐθὺς οὖν ἔθυον
a / /
εὐαγγέλια καὶ στεφανοῦν ἐψηφίσαντο [Ἰαυσανίαν.
a e Ul 7 \ ς
καὶ προῆλθεν ὁ Δημοσθένης ἔχων χαμπρὸν ἱμάτιον
5 / id , e he lal X
ἐστεφανωμένος, ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν τῆς θυγατρὸς
a / ᾿ ς > , “
αὐτοῦ τεθνηκυίας, ὡς ὁ Αἰσχίνης φησὶ λοιδορῶν
΄ ἴω a ,
ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ κατηγορῶν αὐτοῦ μισοτεκνίαν,
ΕῚ \ A ᾽ \ \ , 4 Ν Ψ \
αὐτὸς ὧν ἀγεννὴς καὶ μαλακός, εἰ τὰ πένθη Kal
\ 48 \ ς , \ , -
τοὺς ὀδυρμοὺς ἡμέρου καὶ φιλοστόργου ψυχῆς
᾽ “ a \ \ ’ / / -
ἐποιεῖτο σημεῖα, τὸ δὲ ἀλύπως φέρειν ταῦτα
\ , ᾽ 5 , -
καὶ πράως ἀπεδοκίμαζξεν.
2 \ ᾽ :
[γὼ δ᾽, ὡς μὲν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ βασιλέως ἡμέρως
e \ , bd 2 > ΄ -
οὕτω καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἐν ols ηὐτύχησε χρησα-
’ > “- lal cal
μένου πταίσασιν αὐτοῖς στεφανηφορεῖν καλῶς
/ 3 v a
εἶχε καὶ θύειν, οὐκ ἂν εἴποιμι: πρὸς γὰρ TO
A ’ / a \ “
νεμεσητῷ καὶ ἀγεννές, ζῶντα μὲν τιμᾶν καὶ
A ἣν Ud 7 «ς ’ e , \
ποιεῖσθαι πολίτην, πεσόντος δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου μὴ
, \ \ ΄ὔ 5) > > a A
φέρειν τὴν χαρὰν μετρίως, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπισκιρτᾶν τῷ
a / “
νεκρῷ καὶ παιωνίζειν, ὥσπερ αὐτοὺς ἀνδρα-
/ “ Ν ,
γαθήσαντας' ὅτι μέντοι τὰς οἴκοι τύχας καὶ
΄, ae \ , \ A \ ς
δάκρυα καὶ ὀδυρμοὺς ἀπολιπὼν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὁ
A θέ A fol ἊΝ / vv n 4
ημοσθένης, ἃ τῇ πόλει συμφέρειν WETO, ταῦτ
a \ , a
ἔπραττεν, ἐπαινῶ, Kat τίθεμαι πολιτικῆς Kal
’ , aA γν \ τ \ e ,
ἀνδρώδους ψυχῆς ἀεὶ πρὸς TO κοινὸν ἱστάμενον
Ἂν a / \ -
καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα πάθη καὶ πράγματα τοῖς δημοσίοις
ΕῚ ΄ a sf Ze \ lal aA
ἐπανέχοντα τηρεῖν TO ἀξιωμα πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ

52

DEMOSTHENES, xxi. 1-4

Philip's death. At once, then, the Athenians pro-
ceeded to make thank-otferings for glad tidings and
voted a crown for Pausanias. And Demosthenes came
forth in public dressed in a splendid robe and wear-
ing a garland on his head, although his daughter
had died only six days before, as Aeschines says,!
who rails at him for this and denounces him as an
unnatural father. And yet Aeschines himself was
of a weak and ungenerous nature, if he considered
mournings and lamentations as the signs of an affec-
tionate spirit, but condemned the bearing of such
losses serenely and without repining.

For my own part, I cannot say that it was honour-
able in the Athenians to crown themselves with
garlands and offer sacrifices to the gods on the
death of a king who, in the midst of his successes,
had treated them so mildly and humanely in their
reverses ; for besides provoking the indignation of
the gods, it was also an ignoble thing to honour
him while he was alive and make him a citizen
of Athens, but when he had fallen by another’s
hand to set no bounds to their joy, nay, to leap,
as it were, upon the dead, and sing paeans of
victory, as if they themselves had wrought a deed
of valour. However, for leaving his domestic mis-
fortunes and tears and lamentations to the women
and going about such business as he thought advan-
tageous to the city, I commend Demosthenes, and
I hold it to be the part of a statesmanlike and
manly spirit to keep ever in view the good of
the community, to find support for domestic
sorrows and concerns in the public welfare, and
to preserve one’s dignity far more than actors

1 Against Ctesiphon (or On the Crown), § 77.
VOL, VI. Cc 3s

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ an A
τοὺς ὑποκριτὰς τῶν βασιλικῶν καὶ τυραννι-
a ὃ e a
κῶν προσώπων, OVS ὁρῶμεν οὔτε κλαίοντας οὔτε
γελῶντας ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ὡς αὐτοὶ θέλουσιν,
2 wy '€ c 2 \ b a \ \ ς U
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὁ ἀγὼν ἀπαιτεῖ πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν.
he 3 a
Χωρὶς δὲ τούτων, εἰ δεῖ τὸν ἀτυχήσαντα μὴ
περιορᾶν ἀπαρηγόρητον ἐν τῷ πάθει κείμενον,
’ ἃν \ 4 an / \ \
ἀλλὰ καὶ λόγοις χρῆσθαι κουφίζουσι Kal πρὸς
ἡδίω πράγματα τρέπειν τὴν διάνοιαν, ὥσπερ
n Ni n an
οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἀπὸ τῶν λαμπρῶν Kal
\ \ \
ἀντιτύπων ἐπὶ Ta χλωρὰ καὶ μαλακὰ χρώ-
5 / 7
ματα τὴν ὄψιν ἀπάγειν κελεύοντες, πόθεν av
Ἄ / A
τις ἐπαγώγοιτο βελτίω παρηγορίαν ἢ πατρίδος
εὐτυχούσης ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν παθῶν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα
a , bd /
σύγκρασιν ποριζόμενος τοῖς βελτίοσιν adavi-
ζουσαν τὰ χείρω; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰπεῖν προήχθη-
ς an b) a \ \ ᾽ 4
μεν ὁρῶντες ἐπικλῶντα πολλοὺς καὶ ἀποθηλύ-
» A U / \ 4
vovta τὸν Αἰσχίνην τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ πρὸς οἶκτον.
FONE / os
XXIII. Αἱ δὲ πόλεις πάλιν τοῦ Δημοσθένους
\ “ a
ἀναρριπίζοντος αὐτὰς συνίσταντο. καὶ Θηβαῖοι
\ ’ / A A Ν \ Σ an
μὲν ἐπέθεντο TH φρουρᾷ καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνεῖλον,
¢ la / a
ὅπλα τοῦ Δημοσθένους αὐτοῖς συμπαρασκευά-
σαντος, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δ᾽ ὡς πολεμήσοντες μετ᾽ αὐτῶν
\ a a ς
παρεσκευάζοντο. καὶ τὸ βῆμα κατεῖχεν ὁ Δη-
\ \ 3 /
μοσθένης, Kal πρὸς τοὺς ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ στρατηγοὺς
“ ΄ὔ ” \ > n > i? ,
τοῦ βασιλέως ἔγραφε τὸν ἐκεῖθεν ἐπεγείρων πόλε-
μον ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ, παῖδα καὶ Μαργίτην ἀποκαλῶν
4 N AN / 7
αὐτόν. ἐπεὶ μέντοι τὰ περὶ τὴν χώραν θέμενος
“Ὁ \ ἣν n ’ ἐφ
παρῆν αὐτὸς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν,

54

DEMOSTHENES, xxi. 4—xxut. 2

do when they take the parts of kings and tyrants ;
for these, as we see in the theatres, neither weep
nor laugh according to their own inclinations, but
as the subject of the action demands.

And apart from these considerations, if it is our
duty not to allow the unfortunate to lie comfortless
in his sorrow, but to address him with cheering
words and turn his thoughts to pleasanter things
(like those who tell people with sore eyes to with-
draw their gaze from bright and hard colours
and fix it upon those which are soft and green),
how can a man obtain better consolation for his
domestic griefs than by blending them with the
general welfare of a prosperous country, thus making
the better things obscure the worse? These things,
then, I have been led to say on seeing that many
have their hearts softened to effeminate pity by this
discourse of Aeschines.

XXIII. The cities of Greece, under the incita-
tions of Demosthenes, now formed themselves into
a league again. The Thebans, whom Demosthenes
had helped to provide with arms, fell upon their
Macedonian garrison and slew many of them;
while the Athenians made preparations to go to war
along with them. Demosthenes reigned supreme
in the assembly, and wrote letters to the King’s
generals in Asia stirring them up to make war
upon Alexander, whom he called a boy and a
Margites.1 When, however, Alexander had settled
the affairs of his own country and came in person
with his forces into Boeotia, prone lay the courage

1 ¢.e. Silly Madman. A mock heroic poem bearing this
name was attributed to Homer. Cf. Aeschines, On the
Crown, § 160.

5.5.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

’ / \ e / A ᾽ 7] \
ἐξεκέκοπτο μὲν ἡ θρασύτης τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ ὁ
Δημοσθένης ἀπεσβήκει, Θηβαῖοι δὲ προδοθέντες
ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων ἠγωνίσαντο καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς καὶ τὴν
πόλιν ἀπέβαλον. θορύβου δὲ μεγάλου τοὺς
᾿Αθηναίους περιεστῶτος, ἀπεστάλη μὲν ὁ Δημο-
σθένης αἱρεθεὶς μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων πρεσβευτὴς πρὸς
᾿Αλέξανδρον, δείσας δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαι-
ρῶνος ἀνεχώρησεν ὀπίσω καὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν
ἀφῆκεν. εὐθὺς δ᾽ ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐξήτει πέμπων
τῶν δημαγωγῶν δέκα μέν, ὡς ᾿Ιδομενεὺς καὶ
Δοῦρις εἰρήκασιν, ὀκτὼ δ᾽, ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ
A /
δοκιμώτατοι τῶν συγγραφέων, τούσδε, Δημοσθέ-
νην, Πολύευκτον, ᾿φιάλτην, Λυκοῦργον, Μοι-
ροκλέα, Δήμωνα, Καλλισθένην, Χαρίδημον.
{2 \ Ν \ Lox is , €
Ote καὶ Tov περὶ τῶν προβώτων λόγον ὁ
Δημοσθένης προσῆψε τῷ δήμῳ, ἃ τοῖς λύκοις
΄ / e Ν
τοὺς κύνας ἐξέδωκε, διηγησάμενος αὑτὸν μὲν
εἴκασε καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ κυσὶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου
Ν ,
μαχομένοις, ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ tov Μακεδόνα μονό-
x ΄ Μ ἮΝ «Ὁ ἌΣ.
υκον προσηγόρευσεν. ἔτι ὃ, omep, edn,
“cc \ b] , Ἔ n a οὶ Ψ al
τοὺς ἐμπόρους ὁρῶμεν, ὅταν ἐν τρυβλίῳ δεῖγμα
/ , A \
περιφέρωσι, δι ὀλίγων πυρῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς
πιπράσκοντας, οὕτως ἐν ἡμῖν λανθάνετε πάντας
αὑτοὺς συνεκδιδόντες. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ᾿Αριστό-
is \ ,
βουλος ὁ ἹΚασσανδρεὺς ἱστόρηκε.
Βουλευνομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ διαπο-
, ΄ , \ / 4 \
ρούντων, ὁ Δημάδης λαβὼν πέντε τάλαντα παρὰ
τῶν ἀνδρῶν ὡμολόγησε πρεσβεύσειν καὶ δεή-
1 προσῆψε.... ἃ Graux with M@: ds.

56

DEMOSTHENES, xxi, 2-5

of the Athenians, and Demosthenes was extin-
guished, while the Thebans, betrayed by their
allies, fought by themselves and lost their city.)
Then, in the midst of the great confusion which
reigned at Athens, Demosthenes was chosen and
sent with others as an ambassador to Alexander,
but fearing the wrath of the king he turned back
at Cithaeron and abandoned the embassy.2. Then
straightway Alexander sent to Athens a demand
for the surrender to him of ten of their popular
leaders, according to Idomeneus and Duris, but
according to the most and most reputable writers,
only eight, namely, Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephi-
altes, Lycurgus, Moerocles, Demon, Callisthenes,
and Charidemus.

It was on this occasion that Demosthenes told
the Athenians the story of how the sheep sur-
rendered their dogs to the wolves, comparing
himself and his fellow-orators to dogs fighting in
defence of the people, and calling Alexander “the
Macedonian arch-wolf.’”’ Moreover, he said further:
“Just as grain-merchants sell their whole stock
by means of a few kernels of wheat which they
earry about with them in a bow] as a sample, so
in surrendering us you unwittingly surrender also
yourselves, all of you.” Such, then, is the account
which Aristobulus of Cassandreia has given.

The Athenians were deliberating on this demand
and were at a loss how to treat it, when Demades,
for five talents which he had received from the
men demanded, agreed to go on an embassy to

1 In October, 335 B.c.
2 Cf. Aeschines, On the Crown, § 161.

57

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A cal , a ,
σεσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, εἴτε TH φιλίᾳ
/ ” “ \ ς / : « ω
πιστεύων, εἴτε προσδοκῶν μεστὸν εὑρήσειν ὥσπερ
7 5 \
λέοντα φόνου κεκορεσμένον. ἔπεισε δ᾽ οὖν καὶ
/ \ ” i S- \ /
παρῃτήσατο τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁ Δημάδης, καὶ διήλλα-
a /
Eev αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν.
/
XXIV. ᾿Απελθόντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου μεγάλοι
op ΓΕ \ c
μὲν ἦσαν οὗτοι, ταπεινὰ δ᾽ ἔπραττεν ὁ Anpo-
θέ ουμένῳ δὲ Αγιδι τῷ Σπαρτιάτ
σθένης. κινουμένῳ yor τῴ ρτιάτῃ
7 / / >) ” al
βραχέα συνεκινήθη πάλιν, εἶτ᾽ ἔπτηξε, TOV μὲν
3 / > Ξ / a δ᾽ Vv ὃ
Αθηναίων οὐ συνεξαναστάντων, τοῦ Αγιδος
/ a fa
πεσόντος καὶ Tov Λακεδαιμονίων συντριβέντων.
ly / r
Εἰσήχθη δὲ τότε Kai ἡ περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου
\ N a a \ ’ \
γραφὴ κατὰ Κτησιφῶντος, γραφεῖσα μὲν ἐπὶ
Χαιρώνδου ἄρχοντος μικρὸν ἐπάνω τῶν Χαιρωνι-
a an ¢ / ᾽
κῶν, κριθεῖσα δ᾽ ὕστερον ἔτεσι δέκα ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αριστο-
a / 7, an
φῶντος, γενομένη δὲ ὡς οὐδεμία τῶν δημοσίων
, ΄, \ , A , \
περιβόητος διά τε THY δόξαν τῶν λεγόντων Kal
an / ε - ΤᾺ
τὴν τῶν δικαζόντων εὐγένειαν, οὗ τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι
/ / n
tov Δημοσθένην τότε πλεῖστον δυναμένοις καὶ
/ 9 / \ 9 a
μακεδονίξουσιν ov προήκαντο τὴν KAT αὐτοῦ
a ) ’ “ a 2 id “ Ν
ψῆφον, αλλ οὕτω λαμπρῶς ἀπέλυσαν ὥστε TO
/ an / > ,
πέμπτον μέρος TOV ψήφων Αἰσχίνην μὴ μετα-
A al \ 5 a
λαβεῖν. ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως

1 From 333 B.c. to 330 B.c., Agis III., the king of Sparta,
carried on war against Macedonia in conjunction with Persia.
In the latter year he was defeated and slain by Antipater,
Alexander’s regent in Macedonia.

2 In 336 B.c., Ctesiphon proposed that Demosthenes receive
a golden crown for certain public services, and Aeschines
indicted Ctesiphon for proposing an illegal measure. The
document (Demos. De Cor. § 54), from which Plutarch takes

58

857

DEMOSTHENES, xxi. 5-xxtv. 2

the king and entreat him in their behalf; either
because he relied on the friendship of Alexander,
or because he expected to find him sated, like a
lion glutted with slaughter. At any rate, Demades
persuaded the king to let the men off, and recon-
ciled him with the city.

XXIV. So when Alexander went back to Mace-
donia, Demades and his associates were high in
power, but Demosthenes acted a humble part.
It is true that when Agis the Spartan was active
in revolt Demosthenes once more made a feeble
effort in his support, but then he cowered down,
since the Athenians would not join in the uprising.
Agis fell in battle, and the Lacedaemonians were
crushed.}

It was at this time that the indictment against
Ctesiphon in the matter of the crown came on
for trial. It had been prepared in the archonship
of Chaerondas a little before the battle of Chaero-
neia, but came on for trial ten years later? in the
archonship of Aristophon. It became the most
celebrated of all public causes, not only on account
of the fame of the orators, but also because of
the noble conduct of the judges, who, though
the prosecutors of Demosthenes were then at the
height of power and acting in the interests of
Macedonia, would not vote against him, but ac-
quitted him so decisively that Aeschines did not
get a fifth part of their ballots. Consequently,
Aeschines forsook the city at once, and spent the

the name of Chaerondas, the archon of 338, has been shown
to be spurious. The case was tried in 330 B.c.

3 This made Aeschines liable to a fine of 1,000 drachmas,
and made it impossible for him to bring any future action
before an Athenian court.

59

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

v ’ > , \ NAS / Are, 2
ὠχετ᾽ ἀπιών, καὶ περὶ “Podov καὶ ᾿Ιωνίαν σοφι-
στεύων κατεβίωσε.
XXV. Mer οὐ πολὺ δ᾽ “Ἅρπαλος ἧκεν ἐξ
> \ 3
"Actas εἰς tas ᾿Αθήνας ἀποδρὰς ᾿Αλέξανδρον,
¢ A \ \ >
αὑτῷ TE πράγματα συνειδὼς πονηρὰ bu ἀσωτίαν,
> a oo \ ” a / ,
κἀκεῖνον ἤδη χαλεπὸν ὄντα τοῖς φίλοις δεδοικώς.
, ἂν al aA
καταφυγόντος δὲ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον αὐτοῦ Kal μετὰ
al \ lal lal ἣν
τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν νεῶν αὑτὸν παραδιδόντος,
e \ ” Cae, b) δὴ 2 ΄
οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ῥήτορες εὐθὺς ἐποφθαλμιάσαντες
\ a / \
πρὸς Tov πλοῦτον ἐβοήθουν καὶ συνέπειθον τοὺς
᾿Αθηναίους δέχεσθαι καὶ σώζειν τὸν ἱκέτην. ὁ δὲ
Δημοσθένης πρῶτον μὲν ἀπελαύνειν συνεβούλευε
Ν / MA
tov ἽΑρπαλον, καὶ φυλάττεσθαι μὴ τὴν πόλιν
’ , > U ’ > b] Ψ' \
ἐμβάλωσιν εἰς πόλεμον ἐξ οὐκ ἀναγκαίας καὶ
> a ip ς / γ᾽ ’ ’ ev
ἀδίκου προφάσεως" ἡμέραις δ᾽ ὀλίγαις ὕστερον
9 ͵ A ΄ ION 3. \ Ὁ
ἐξεταζομένων τῶν χρημάτων ἰδὼν αὐτὸν ὁ “Αρ-
id , A / \
παλος ἡσθέντα βαρβαρικῇ κύλικι καὶ καταμαν-
/ \ 3
θάνοντα τὴν τορείαν καὶ τὸ εἶδος, ἐκέλευσε δια-
\ Ὁ A , /
βαστάσαντα τὴν ὁλκὴν TOD χρυσίου σκέψασθαι.
, \ a Th Ν / A
θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους τὸ βάρος καὶ
, ΄ ” ΄ τ
πυθομένου πόσον ἄγει, μειδιάσας ὁ ἽΑρπαλος,
“"Afeu cot, nov, “elkoot πόλανταν Kal
n \ a
γενομένης τάχιστα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ
“ f
THY κύλικα μετὰ τῶν εἴκοσι ταλάντων. ἦν δ᾽
» \ eres. 5 lal \ ,
apa δεινὸς ὁ “Δρπαλος ἐρωτικοῦ πρὸς χρυσίον
=) ἣ v \ "a \ -“ >} 7
ἀνδρὸς ὄψει καὶ διαχύσει καὶ βολαῖς ὀμμάτων
ἀνευρεῖν ἦθος. οὐ γὰρ ἀντέσχεν ὁ Δημοσθένης,

60

DEMOSTHENES, xxiv. 2—xxv. 4

rest of his life as a teacher of rhetoric in Rhodes
and Jonia,

XXV. Not long afterwards Harpalus! came out
of Asia to Athens. He had run away from
Alexander, because he was conscious that his
prodigality had led him into criminal practices,
and because he was afraid of his master, who was
now become harsh to his friends. But after he
had taken refuge with the Athenian people and
put himself in their hands with his ships and _ his
treasures, the other orators at once fixed their
longing eyes upon his wealth, came to his aid, and
tried to persuade the Athenians to receive and
save the suppliant. But Demosthenes, in the
beginning, counselled them to drive Harpalus
away, and to beware lest they plunge the city
into war upon an unnecessary and unjust ground ;
a few days afterwards, however, while they were
making an inventory of the treasure, Harpalus
saw that Demosthenes was eyeing with pleasure
a cup of barbarian make, with a keen appreciation
of its fashion and of the ornamental work upon it.
He therefore bade him poise it in his hand and see
how heavy the gold was. And when Demosthenes
was amazed at its weight and asked how much it
would amount to, Harpalus smiled and said, ‘ For
you it will amount to twenty talents;” and as
soon as night was come he sent him the cup with
the twenty talents. Now, Harpalus was skilful in
detecting the character of a man who had a passion
for gold, by means of the look that spread over
his face and the glances of his eyes. For Demos-
thenes could not resist, but was overcome by the

1 Alexander’s treasurer. He came to Athens in 324 B.c

61

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀλλὰ πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς δωροδοκίας ὥσπερ παρα-
\ ac
δεδεγμένος φρουρὰν προσκεχωρήκει TO ᾿Αρπάλῳ.
καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν εὖ καὶ καλῶς ἐρίοις καὶ ταινίαις
κατὰ τοῦ τραχήλου καθελιξάμενος εἰς τὴν ἐκ-
/ n \ / 5
κλησίαν προῆλθε: καὶ κελευόντων ἀνίστασθαι
\ f / ς > / ᾽ ων an
καὶ λέγειν, OLEVEVEY WS ATTOKEKOMMEVNS αὐτῷ τῆς
rad ς > ’ lal &k > e \
φωνῆς. οἱ δ᾽ εὐφυεῖς χλευάζοντες οὐχ ὑπὸ
’ 3 an
συνάγχης ἔφραζον, ἀλλ᾽’ ὑπ᾽ ἀργυράγχης εἰλῆφθαι
νύκτωρ τὸν δημαγωγόν. ὕστερον δὲ τοῦ δήμου
6s αἰσθομέ ὴν δωροδοκί ὶ j
παντὸς αἰσθομένου τὴν δωροδοκίαν καὶ βουλό-
» la \ ΄ ᾽ ,:A > ἈΝ
μενον ἀπολογεῖσθαι καὶ πείθειν οὐκ ἐῶντος, ἀλλὰ
Ν n
χαλεπαίνοντος καὶ θορυβοῦντος, ἀναστάς τις
/
ἔσκωψεν εἰπών: “Οὐκ ἀκούσεσθε, ὦ ἄνδρες
᾽ an “ \ 4 ” >
Αθηναῖοι, τοῦ τὴν κύλικα ἔχοντος;
5 ; a
Tore μὲν οὖν ἀπέπεμψαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὸν
΄ \ / an
“Ἄρπαλον, δεδιότες δὲ μὴ λόγον ἀπαιτῶνται χρη-
te /
μάτων ὧν διηρπάκεσαν οἱ ῥήτορες, ζήτησιν ἐποι-
“ /
ODVTO νεανικὴν Kal τὰς οἰκίας ἐπιόντες ἠρεύνων,
an an Ὁ
πλὴν τῆς Καλλικλέους τοῦ ᾿Αρρενίδου. μόνην
/
yap τὴν τούτου νεωστὶ γεγαμηκότος οὐκ εἴασαν
a , LA “
ἐλεγχθῆναι, νύμφης ἔνδον οὔσης, ὡς ἱστορεῖ
Θεύπομπος.
Ke / lal
XXVI. Ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ὁμόσε χωρῶν εἰσή-
A /
νεγκε ψήφισμα τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν
a \ ‘
ἐξετάσαι TO πρᾶγμα Kai τοὺς ἐκείνῃ δόξαντας
a a \ a a
ἀδικεῖν δοῦναι δίκην. ἐν δὲ πρώτοις αὐτοῦ τῆς
an / id n
βουλῆς ἐκείνου καταψηφισαμένης, εἰσῆλθε μὲν

62

DEMOSTHENES, xxv. 4-xxvi. 1

bribe, and now that he had, as it were, admitted
a garrison into his house, promptly went over to
the side of Harpalus. Next day, after swathing
his neck carefully in woollen bandages, he went
forth into the assembly ; and when he was urged
to rise and speak, he made signs that his voice
was ruined. The wits, however, by way of raillery,
declared that the orator had been seized over-
night, not with an ordinary quinsy, but with a
silver quinsy. And afterwards, when the whole
people learned that he had been bribed, and would
not permit him, when he wished it, to have a hear-
ing and make his defence, but were angry and
raised a tumult against him, someone rose and
said jokingly: “Men of Athens, will you not listen
to the man who holds the cup?”’!

At that time, then, they sent Harpalus away from
the city, and fearing lest’ they should be called
to account for the moneys which the orators had
seized, they made a zealous search for it, and
went round to their houses on the quest, except
that of Callicles the son of Arrhenides. For his
house was the only one which they would not allow
to be searched, since he was newly married and his
bride was within, as Theopompus relates.

XXVI. But Demosthenes put a bold face on the
matter and introduced a bill providing that the
case should be referred for investigation to the
council of the Areiopagus, and that those should be
brought to trial who were found guilty there. He
was himself, however, among the first condemned by
the council, and came before the court for trial,

1 At feasts, the cup passed from guest to guest, and the
one who held it had the right of uninterrupted speech or

song,
εἰ 63

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\
εἰς TO δικαστήριον, ὀφλὼν δὲ πεντήκοντα ταλάν-
/ /
των δίκην καὶ παραδοθεὶς eis TO δεσμωτήριον,
2 ΄ A ey \ 1 \ τ 7 θ / a
αἰσχύνῃ τῆς αἰτίας φησὶ" καὶ dv ἀσθένειαν τοῦ
id f f \ e \
σώματος ov δυναμένου φέρειν TOV εἱργμὸν ἀπο-
ὃ “ \ \ / a \ a b /
pavat τοὺς μὲν λαθόντα, τῶν δὲ λαθεῖν ἐξουσίαν
4 / a x a 7
δόντων. λέγεται γοῦν ws οὐ μακρὰν τοῦ ἄστεος
΄ ᾽ , lal / ᾽ a
φεύγων αἴσθοιτό τινας τῶν διαφόρων αὐτῷ πολι-
A 5 in} / \ / \ € \ >
τῶν ἐπιδιώκοντας, καὶ βούλοιτο μὲν αὑτὸν ἀπο-
3 “ »
κρύπτειν, ὡς δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι φθεγξάμενοι τοὔνομα καὶ
/ \ / vad / ᾽
προσελθόντες ἐγγὺς ἐδέοντο λαβεῖν ἐφόδια παρ
an ᾽ \ “- 7 ᾽
αὐτῶν, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο κομίζοντες ἀργύριον οἴκο-
/ / \
θεν καὶ τούτου χάριν ἐπιδιώξαντες αὐτόν, ἅμα δὲ
- / lal \
θαρρεῖν παρεκάλουν Kal μὴ φέρειν ἀνιαρῶς τὸ
, f - ΄
συμβεβηκὸς, ἔτει μᾶλλον ἀνακλαύσασθαι τὸν
Ν ’ aA an ᾽
Δημοσθένην καὶ εἰπεῖν: “Πῶς δ᾽ οὐ μέλλω
΄ / ’ \ f 3 \ /
φέρειν βαρέως ἀπολιπὼν πόλιν ἐχθροὺς τοιούτους
” “, > fo Vi / e “ > cee A
ἔχουσαν οἵους ἐν ἑτέρᾳ φίλους εὑρεῖν ov padsov
”
ἐστιν;
\ n
Ἤνεγκε δὲ THY φυγὴν μαλακῶς, ἐν Αἰγίνῃ καὶ
fal , \ \ \
Τροιζῆνι καθεζόμενος τὰ πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν
/
᾿Αττικὴν ἀποβλέπων δεδακρυμένος, ὥστε φωνὰς
is ’ a a
οὐκ εὐγνώμονας οὐδ᾽ ὁμολογούσας τοῖς ἐν TH
’ὔ / ,
πολιτείᾳ νεανιεύμασιν ἀπομνημονεύεσθαι. λέ-
“ Yi Σ /
yeTaL yap ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπαλλαττόμενος Kal
/ , N a > a
πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνατείνας τὰς χεῖρας εἰπεῖν'
᾿ fd \ \ a
“CQ, δέσποινα ἸΠολιάς, τί δὴ τρισὶ τοῖς χαλεπω-
/ M4 \
τάτοις χαίρεις θηρίοις, yNavKi καὶ δράκοντι καὶ
1 φησὶ Reiske, and Graux with M*: φασί.
64

858

DEMOSTHENES, xxvi. 1-4

where he was sentenced to a fine of fifty talents and
delivered over to prison in default of payment. But
out of shame at the charge under which he lay, as
he says,’ and owing to the weakness of his body,
which could not endure confinement, he ran away,
through the carelessness of some of his keepers and
the connivance of others. At any rate, we are told
that when he was in flight at a short distance from
the city, he learned that some of the citizens who
were his enemies were in pursuit of him, and there-
fore wished to hide himself; and when they called
upon him loudly by name, and came up near to him,
and begged him to accept from them provision for
his journey, declaring that they were bringing money
from home for this very purpose, and were pursuing
him only in order to get it to him; and when at
the same time they exhorted him to be of good
courage and not to be pained at what had happened,
Demosthenes broke out all the more into cries of
grief, saying: ‘ Surely I must be distressed to leave
a city where my enemies are as generous as I can
hardly find friends to be in another.”

And he bore his exile without fortitude, taking up
his quarters in Aegina and Troezen for the most
part, and looking off towards Attica with tears in his
eyes, so that utterances of his are on record which
are not generous or consonant with his spirited
efiorts as a statesman. We are told, namely, that
as he was leaving the city he lifted up his hands
towards the acropolis and said : “ O potent Guardian
of the City, Athena, how, pray, canst thou take
delight in those three most intractable beasts, the

1 In the second of the letters which have come down to us
under his name, § 17.

05

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ 9 \ Ν / ᾽ a \ ’
δ δήμῳ; " τοὺς δὲ προσιόντας αὐτῷ καὶ συνδιατρί-
/ / rn / ,
βοντας νεανίσκους ἀπέτρεπε τῆς πολιτείας λέγων
΄ ΄ I e a ’ lal an
ὡς εἰ, δυεῖν προκειμένων ὁδῶν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς, THs
\ 2 \ \ la} \ \ >) / n ἌΡ
μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, τῆς δ᾽ ἄντι-
> \ A \ N \
Kpus εἰς τὸν ὄλεθρον, ἐτύγχανε προειδὼς TA KATA
\ / / / Ni (i? \
τὴν πολιτείαν κακά, φόβους καὶ φθόνους καὶ
\ a / > ig a
διαβολὰς καὶ ἀγῶνας, ἐπὶ ταύτην ἂν ὁρμῆσαι
\ \ na , /
τὴν εὐθὺ τοῦ θανάτου τείνουσαν.
σ ᾽ \ \ al
XXVIT. ᾿Αλλὰ yap ἔτι φεύγοντος αὐτοῦ τὴν
’ / \ 3 / \
εἰρημένην φυγὴν ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν ἐτελεύτησε,
9 ¢ \ /
τὰ © Ἑλληνικὰ συνίσταντο πάλιν, Λεωσθένους
κι \ ,ὔ 2 12
ἀνδραγαθοῦντος καὶ περιτειχίζοντος ᾿Αντίπατρον
> 7ὔ , , \ my ς
2 ἐν Λαμίᾳ πολιορκούμενον. [Πυθέας μὲν οὗν ὁ
/ ¢e ΄ lal
ῥήτωρ καὶ Καλλιμέδων ὁ Κάραβος ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν
7 3 / \
φεύγοντες ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ προσεγένοντο, καὶ μετὰ
lal VA / \ / of
τῶν ἐκείνου φίλων Kal πρέσβεων περιϊόντες οὐκ
> if \ “
εἴων ἀφίστασθαι τοὺς “EXAnvas οὐδὲ προσέχειν
a ? / \ an
tots ᾿Αθηναίοις" Δημοσθένης δὲ τοῖς ἐξ ἄστεος
/ ε ε 2 /
πρεσβεύουσι προσμίξας ἑαυτὸν ἠγωνίζετο Kai
/ - ε / td r
συνέπραττεν ὅπως αἱ πόλεις συνεπιθήσονται τοῖς
, “ \ aA ς
Μακεδόσι καὶ συνεκβαλοῦσιν αὐτοὺς τῆς ᾿λλά-
>, 9 / fal
3 dos. ἐν δ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίᾳ καὶ λοιδορίαν τοῦ ΠΙνθέου
rn / \
καὶ τοῦ Δημοσθένους γενέσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
> ς / yA a
εἴρηκεν ὁ Φύλαρχος ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ, τοῦ μὲν ὑπὲρ
la / an 2 \ a ς
τῶν Μακεδόνων, τοῦ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὥλλήνων λέ-
/ \ \ \ / > na ef
yovTos. λέγεται δὲ Tov μὲν [Πυθέαν εἰπεῖν ὅτι,
> / ’ A v » /
καθάπερ οἰκίαν εἰς ἣν ὄνειον εἰσφέρεται γάλα,
/ 7 /
κακόν TL πάντως ἔχειν νομίζομεν, οὕτω Kal πόλιν
ta) 2 “a ’ / ΄
ἀνάγκη νοσεῖν εἰς ἣν Αθηναίων πρεσβεία παρα-

66

DEMOSTHENES, xxvi. 4-xx\1. 3

owl, the serpent, and the people?’’ Moreover,
when young men came to visit and converse with
him, he would try to deter them from public life,
saying that if two roads had been presented to him
in the beginning, one leading to the bema and the
assembly, and the other straight to destruction, and
if he could have known beforehand the evils at-
tendant on a public career, namely, fears, hatreds,
ecalumnies and contentions, he would have taken
that road which led directly to death.

XXVII. But while he was still undergoing the
exile of which I have spoken, Alexander died,! and
the Greek states proceeded to form a league again,
while Leosthenes was displaying deeds of valour and
walling Antipater up in Lamia, where he held him
in siege. Accordingly, the orators Pytheas and
Callimedon (called the Stag-beetle) fled from Athens
and joined the party of Antipater, and travelling
about with the regent’s friends and ambassadors
tried to prevent the Greeks from revolting or attach-
ing themselves to Athens; but Demosthenes, joining
himself to the ambassadors from Athens, used his
utmost efforts in helping thein to induce the cities
to unite in attacking the Macedonians and expelling
them from Greece. And Phylarchus states that in
Arcadia Pytheas and Demosthenes actually fell to
abusing one another in an assembly, the one speak-
ing in behalf of the Macedonians, the other in
behalf of the Greeks. Pytheas, we are told, said
that just as we think that a house into which asses’
milk is brought must certainly have some evil in it,
so also a city must of necessity be diseased into
which an Athenian embassy comes; whereupon

1 At Babylon, in May, 323 B.o.
67

PLUTARCH'S: LIVES

΄ Ν
4 γίνεται: τὸν δὲ Δημοσθένην στρέψαι τὸ παρά-
δὲ Ἢ / ᾿ \ \ iia x v b] ay .f ,
evypa, φήσαντα καὶ τὸ γάλα τὸ ὄνειον ἐφ᾽ ὑγιείᾳ

Ά \ ’ ’ \ Τὰ
καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ παραγίνεσθαι
τῶν νοσούντων.

ἜΜΦφ᾽ οἷς ἡσθεὶς ὁ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων δῆμος ψηφί-
ζεταὶ 7@ Δημοσθένει κάθοδον. τὸ μὲν οὖν
ψήφισμα Δήμων ὁ ἸΠαιανιεύς, ἀνεψιὸς ὧν ΙΑ
μοσθένους, εἰσήνεγκεν" ἐπέμφθη δὲ τριήρης ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν εἰς Αἴγιναν. ἐκ δὲ Πειραιῶς ἀνέβαινεν

Vv x ” e / > / 2 \
οὔτε ἄρχοντος οὔτε ἱερέως ἀπολειφθέντος, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὁμοῦ πάντων ἀπαντών-

, ,
των καὶ δεχομένων προθύμως. ὅτε καί φησιν

’ \ € 4 > ,ὔ
αὐτὸν ὁ Μάγνης Δημήτριος ἀνατείναντα τὰς
χεῖρας μακαρίσαι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης αὑτόν, ὡς

/ 2) Ls / /
βέλτιον ᾿Αλκιβιάδου κατιόντα: πεπεισμένους

/ > / id ’ b] A / \
yap, ov βεβιασμένους, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δέχεσθαι τοὺς

a an / a
πολίτας. τῆς δὲ χρηματικῆς ζημίας αὐτῷ μενού-
ons (οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν χάριτι λῦσαι καταδίκην) ἐσοφί-
σαντο πρὸς τὸν νόμον. εἰωθότες γὰρ ἐν τῇ
θυσίᾳ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ σωτῆρος ἀργύριον τελεῖν
τοῖς κατασκευάζουσι καὶ κοσμοῦσι τὸν βωμόν,
ἐκείνῳ τότε ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν πεντή-

i ει 7 n
κοντα ταλάντων ἐξέδωκαν, ὅσον ἣν τίμημα τῆς
/
καταδίκης.

XXVIII. Οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀπέλαυσε
τῆς πατρίδος κατελθών, ἀλλὰ ταχὺ τῶν ᾿ὕὔλληνι-
κῶν πραγμάτων συντριβέντων Μεταγειτνιῶνος
μὲν ἡ περὶ Κραννῶνα μάχη συνέπεσε, Βοηδρο-

63

859

DEMOSTHENES, xxvit. 3—xxvi. 1

Demosthenes turned the illustration against him
by saying that asses’ milk was given to restore
health, and the Athenians came to bring salvation
to the sick.

At this conduct the Athenian people were de-
lighted, and voted that Demosthenes might return
from exile. The decree was brought in by Demon
of Paeania, who was a cousin of Demosthenes; and
a trireme was sent to Aegina to fetch him home.
When he set out to go up to the city from Piraeus,
not an archon or a priest was missing, and all the rest
of the people also met him in a body and welcomed
him eagerly. It was at this time, too, as Demetrius
the Magnesian says, that he lifted his hands towards
heaven and blessed himself for that day, since he
was coming home from exile more honourably than
Alcibiades did; for he had persuaded, not forced,
his fellow-citizens to welcome him. It is true that
his pecuniary fine remained standing against him
(for it was not lawful to remit an assessment by act
of grace), but they found a device to evade the law.
It was their custom, namely, in the case of a sacrifice
to Zeus the Saviour, to pay a sum of money to those
who prepared and adorned the altar, and they now
gave Demosthenes the contract to make these pre-
parations for fifty talents, which was just the amount
of his assessment.

XXVIII. However, he did not enjoy his native
city for long after his return from exile, but the
cause of Greece was speedily crushed, and in the
month of Metageitnion the battle at Crannon
took place,! in that of Boédromion the Macedonian

1 August 6th, 322 B.c. In this battle Antipater and

Craterus crushed the combined armies of the Greeks and
concluded the so-called Lamian war. 6
9

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

μιῶνος δὲ παρῆλθεν εἰς Μουνυχίαν ἡ φρουρά,
Πυανεψιῶνος δὲ Δημοσθένης ἀπέθανε τόνδε τὸν
τρύπον.

Ὥς ᾿Αντίπατρος καὶ Κρατερὸς ἠγγέλλοντο
προσιόντες ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Δη-
μοσθένην φθάσαντες ὑπεξῆλθον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως,
ὁ δὲ δῆμος αὐτῶν θάνατον κατέγνω Δημάδου
γράψαντος. ἄλλων δὲ ἀλλαχοῦ διασπαρέντων
ὁ ᾿Αντίπατρος περιέπεμπε τοὺς συλλαμβάνοντας,
ὧν ἡγεμὼν ἣν ᾿Αρχίας ὁ κληθεὶς φυγαδοθήρας.
τοῦτον δὲ Θούριον ὄντα τῷ γένει. λόγος ἔχει τρα-
γῳδίας ὑποκρίνεσθαί ποτε, καὶ τὸν “Αἰγινήτην
Πῶλον τὸν ὑπερβαλόντα͵ τῇ τέχνῃ πάντας ἐκεί-
νου γεγονέναι μαθητὴν ἱστοροῦσιν. Ἕρμιππος
δὲ τὸν ᾿Αρχίαν ἐν τοῖς Λακρίτου τοῦ ῥήτορος
μαθηταῖς} ἀναγράφει" Δημήτριος δὲ τῆς ᾿Αναξιμέ-
νους διατριβῆς μετεσχηκέναι φησὶν αὐτόν. οὗτος
οὖν ὁ ᾿Αρχίας Ὑπερείδην μὲν τὸν ῥήτορα καὶ
᾿Αριστόνικον τὸν Μαραθώνιον καὶ τὸν “Δημητρίου
τοῦ Φαληρέως ἀδελφὸν ἽἹμεραῖον ἐ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ κατα-
φυγόντας ἐπὶ τὸ Αἰάκειον ἀποσπάσας ἔπεμψεν
εἰς Κλεωνὰς πρὸς ᾿Αντέπατρον' κἀκεῖ διεφθά-
pnoav, Ὑπερείδου δὲ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν ἐκτμη-
θῆναι λέγουσι.

XXIX. Tov δὲ Δημοσθένην πυθόμενος ἱκέτην
ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ Ποσειδῶνος καθέξεσθαι,
διαπλεύσας ὑπηρετικοῖς καὶ ἀποβὰς μετὰ Θρᾳ-
κῶν δορυφόρων ἔπειθεν ἀναστάντα βαδίξειν μετ᾽
αὐτοῦ πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον ὡς δυσχερὲς πεισόμενον

1 μαθηταῖς with Reiske, Coraés, Bekker, and ΜᾺ (Graux):
μαθητὴν.

70

DEMOSTHENES, xxvin. 1—xxrx. τ

garrison entered Munychia, and in that of Pyanep-
sion Demosthenes died, in the following manner.

When Antipater and Craterus were reported to
be advancing upon Athens, Demosthenes and _ his
associates succeeded in escaping by stealth from
the city, and the people, on motion of Demades,
passed sentence of death upon them. Since they
dispersed themselves to different places, Antipater
sent his soldiers about to arrest them, under the
command of Archias the so-called Exile-hunter.
This man was a native of Thurii, and the story
goes that he was once a tragic actor; indeed, it
is recorded that Polus of Aegina, the best actor
of his time, was a pupil of his. But Hermippus
states that Archias was one of the pupils of
Lacritus the rhetorician; while Demetrius says
that he belonged to the school of Anaximenes.
This Archias, then, finding that Hypereides the
orator and Aristonicus of Marathon and Himeraeus
the brother of Demetrius the Phalerean had taken
refuge in the sanctuary of Aeacus at Aegina, haled
them away and sent them to Antipater at Cleonae.
There they were put to death, and Hypereides,
it is said, also had his tongue cut out.

XXIX. Moreover, on learning that Demosthenes
had taken sanctuary in the temple of Poseidon
at Calauria, Archias sailed across to the island in
small boats, and after landing with Thracian spear-
men tried to persuade the fugitive to leave the
temple and go with him to Antipater, assuring
him that he would suffer no harsh treatment. But

1

2

or

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ e \ \
οὐδέν. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ἐτύγχανεν ὄψιν ἑωρακὼς
\ \ ec / an
κατὰ TOUS ὕπνους ἐκείνης τῆς νυκτὸς ἀλλόκοτον.
ἐδόκει γὰρ ἀνταγωνίζεσθαι τῷ ᾿Αρχίᾳ τραγῳδίαν
ὑποκρινόμενος, εὐημερῶν 82° kal κατέχων τὸ
θέατρον ἐνδείᾳ παρασκευῆς καὶ χορηγίας κρα-
nr \ a bf] ΄ \ ΄
τεῖσθαι. διὸ τοῦ ᾿Αρχίου πολλὰ φιλάνθρωπα
/ > , Ν ᾽ / “
διαλεχθέντος ἀναβλέψας πρὸς αὐτόν, ὥσπερ
peed: / .ς5 ᾽ fp duggtt ig Aa eh
ἐτύγχανε καθήμενος, “Ὦ “Apyta,” εἶπεν, “ οὔτε
e , , Υ / ΕΣ lal /
UTOKPLVO{LEVOS με ἔπεισας πώποτε οὔτε νῦν πεί-
Ύ , ” 2 / 3 2 -
σεις ἐπαγγελλόμενος. ἀρξαμένου δ᾽ ἀπειλεῖν
a? 7 3 n τα 33:55 / \
TOU Ἀρχίου pet opyis, “ Nov,” edn, “ ιλέγεις τὰ
ἐκ τοῦ Μακεδονικοῦ τρίποδος, ἄρτι δ᾽ ὑπεκρίνου.
μικρὸν οὖν ἐπίσχες, ὅπως ἐπιστείλω τι τοῖς
οἴκοι." καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐντὸς ἀνεχώρησε τοῦ
ἴω / / /
ναοῦ" καὶ λαβὼν βιβλίον ὡς γράφειν μέλλων
a \ /
προσήνεγκε TO στόματι τὸν κάλαμον, Kal δακών,
“ an cr Chad
ὥσπερ ἐν τῷ διανοεῖσθαι Kal γράφειν εἰώθει,
/ \ / 3 /
χρόνον τινὰ κατέσχεν, εἶτα συγκαλυψάμενος
΄ \ «ς Ν 5 \ \
ἀπέκλινε τὴν κεφαλήν. οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ TAS
vA a f / id ’
θύρας ἑστῶτες δορυφόροι κατεγέλων ws ἀπο-
δειλιῶντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ μαλακὸν ἀπεκάλουν καὶ
” ¢ ’ 2 / \ > 7
ἄνανδρον, ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αρχίας προσελθὼν ἀνίστασθαι
\ - ,
παρεκάλει, καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἀνακυκλῶν λόγους
5 \ \ \ ,
αὖθις ἐπηγγέλλετο διαλλαγὰς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντί-
πᾶτρον. ἤδη δὲ συνῃσθημένος ὁ Δημοσθένης
΄ a lal lal
ἐμπεφυκότος αὐτῷ τοῦ φαρμάκου καὶ κρατοῦντος
΄ / \ Ἂς he
éfexaruyato: καὶ διαβλέψας πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρχίαν,
> ? e > \ nr
“Οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις," εἶπεν, “ἤδη Tov ἐκ τῆς Tpa-
’ / / Ἂν a
γωδίας ὑποκρινόμενος Κρέοντα καὶ τὸ σῶμα

72

DEMOSTHENES, xxix. 1-5

it chanced that Demosthenes, in his sleep the
night before, had seen a strange vision. He
dreamed, namely, that he was acting in a tragedy
and contending with Archias for the prize, and
that although he acquitted himself well and won
the favour of the audience, his lack of stage decora-
tions and costumes cost him the victory. There-
fore, after Archias had said many kindly things
to him, Demosthenes, just as he sat, looked stead-
fastly at him and said: “O Archias, thou didst
never convince me by thine acting, nor wilt thou
now convince me by thy promises.’”’ And when
Archias began to threaten him angrily, “ Now,”
said he, “thou utterest the language of the Mace-
donian oracle ;! but a moment ago thou wert acting
a part. Wait a little, then, that I may write a
message to my family.’’ With these words, he
retired into the temple, and taking a scroll, as
if about to write, he put his pen to his mouth
and bit it, as he was wont to do when thinking
what he should write, and kept it there some
time, then covered and bent his head. The spear-
men, then, who stood at the door, laughed at
him for playing the coward, and called him weak
and unmanly, but Archias came up and urged
him to rise, and reiterating the same speeches as
before, promised him a reconciliation with Antipater.
But Demosthenes, now conscious that the poison
was affecting and overpowering him, uncovered his
head; and fixing his eyes upon Archias, “Thou
canst not be too soon now,” said he, “in playing
the part of Creon in the tragedy and casting this

1 7,.e. thy real sentiments, in obedience to Antipater.

73

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

- 4 \ , U
τοῦτο ῥίπτων ἄταφον. ἐγὼ δ᾽, ὦ φίλε Πόσειδον,
rn : awe a lol
ἔτι ζῶν ἐξανισταμαι τοῦ ἱεροῦ" τῷ δὲ ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ
\ , sa ¢ \ \ \ ᾽ ;
καὶ Μακεδόσιν οὐδ᾽ ὁ σὸς ναὸς καθαρὸς ἀπολέ-
λειπτα!ι." ταῦτ᾽ εἰπών, καὶ κελεύσας ὑπολαβεῖν
3 \ ” / \ / “ A
αὐτὸν ἤδη τρέμοντα καὶ σφαλλόμενον, ἅμα TO
- 5 \ \ 4
προελθεῖν καὶ παραλλάξαι Tov βωμὸν ἔπεσε Kal
΄, » a \ /
στενάξας ἀφῆκε τὴν ψυχῆν.
ἃ: ΣῚ 3 \ A
XXX. To δὲ φάρμακον ᾿Αρίστων μὲν ἐκ τοῦ
a ,
καλάμου λαβεῖν φησιν αὐτόν, ὡς εἴρηται: 114π-
, ι Ν ς , “ 2 7,
πος δέ τις, οὗ τὴν ἱστορίαν “Ἑρμιππος ἀνείληφε,
Ud an ἊΝ \ \ a
φησί, πεσόντος αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν μὲν TO
Prt / 5 XA ’ \ e A5 .
βιβλίῳ γεγραμμένην ἐπιστολῆς ἀρχὴν εὑρεθῆναι,
“Δημοσθένης ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ,᾽ καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο'
/ \ lo} \ ‘ / ΄
θαυμαζομένης δὲ τῆς περὶ τὸν θάνατον ὀξύτητος
lal \ \ lol VA A
διηγεῖσθαι τοὺς Tapa ταῖς θύραις Θρᾷκας ὡς ἔκ
΄ \ 2 \ a ta) an
τινος ῥακίου λαβὼν εἰς τὴν χεῖρα προσθοῖτο τῷ
» \ >
στόματι καὶ καταπίοι TO φάρμακον" αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἄρα
Sig 7, a ‘ / e
χρυσὸν φήθησαν εἶναι TO καταπινόμενον" ἡ δ᾽
ίς la) / / a
ὑπηρετοῦσα παιδίσκη, πυνθανομένων τῶν περὶ
’ὔ / \ S
τὸν ᾿Αρχίαν, φαίη πολὺν εἶναι χρόνον ἐξ οὗ
, \ , Qn ie I<
φοροίη Tov ἀπόδεσμον ἐκεῖνον ὁ Δημοσθένης ὡς
/ 3 fe x \ > \ >
φυλακτήριον. ᾿ρατοσθένης δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν
7 Ν
κρίκῳ φησὶ κοίλῳ τὸ φάρμακον φυλάσσειν: τὸν
NX tA 5 la) > nan , ,
δὲ κρίκον εἶναι τοῦτον αὐτῷ φόρημα περιβραχιό-
a Ce 5. Ὁ“ / \ ? a
νιον. τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων, ὅσοι γεγράφασι περὶ αὐτοῦ,
/ / ’ \ \ > b] Ὁ
πάμπολλοι δέ εἰσι, τὰς διαφορὰς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον
al \ ¢ ΄ £ ex
ἐπεξελθεῖν: πλὴν ὅτι Δημοχάρης ὁ tov Anpo-

74

800

DEMOSTHENES, xxix. 5-xxx. 4

body out without burial.!. But I, O beloved
Poseidon, will depart from thy sanctury while I
am still alive; whereas Antipater and the Mace-
donians would not have left even thy temple
undefiled.” So speaking, and bidding someone
support him, since he was now trembling and
tottering, he had no sooner gone forth and passed
by the altar than he fell, and with a groan gave
up the ghost.

XXX. As for the poison, Ariston says he took
it from the pen, as I have said; but a certain
Pappus, from whom Hermippus took his story,
says that when he had fallen by the side of the
altar, there was found written in the scroll the
beginning of a letter, “ Demosthenes to Antipater,”
and nothing more; and that when men were amazed
at the suddenness of his death the Thracians who
had stood at the door told the story that he took
the poison into his hand from a cloth and put it
to his mouth and swallowed it; and that they them-
selves, strange to say, had supposed that what he
swallowed was gold; and that the little maid who
served him, when inquiries were made by Archias,
said that Demosthenes had long worn that cloth
girdle as a safeguard against his enemies. And
even Eratosthenes himself says that Demosthenes
kept the poison in a hollow bracelet, and that
he wore this bracelet as an ornament upon his
arm. But the divergent stories of all the others
who have written about the matter, and_ they
are very many, need not be recounted; except
that Demochares the relative of Demosthenes says

1 An allusion to the Creon in the Antigone of Sophocles,

by whose edict the body of Polyneices was to be left unburied
(vv. 26 ff., 191 ff.).
75

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σθένους οἰκεῖος οἴεσθαί φησιν αὐτὸν οὐχ ὑπὸ φαρ-
μάκου, θεῶν δὲ τιμῇ καὶ προνοίᾳ τῆς Μακεδόνων
ὠμότητος ἐξαρπαγῆναι, συντόμως καταστρέ-
ψαντα καὶ ἀλύπως. κατέστρεψε δὲ ἕκτῃ ἐπὶ
δέκα τοῦ Πυανεψιῶνος μηνός, ἐν ἡ τὴν σκυθρω-
ποτάτην τῶν Θεσμοφορίων ἡ ἡμέραν ἄγουσαι παρὰ
τῇ θεῷ νηστεύουσιν αἱ γυναῖκες.

5 Τούτῳ μὲν ὀλίγον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
δῆμος ἀξίαν ἀποδιδοὺς τιμὴν εἰκόνα τε χαλκῆν
ἀνέστησε καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἐψηφίσατο τῶν
ἀπὸ γένους ἐν Τ]ρυτανείῳ σίτησιν ἔχειν. καὶ τὸ
ἐπίγραμμα τὸ θρυλούμενον ἐπεγράφη τῇ βάσει
τοῦ ἀνδριάντος"

εἴπερ ἴσην ῥώμην γνώμῃ, Δημόσθενες, εἶχες,
οὔποτ᾽ ἂν ᾿ῶδθλλλήνων ἦρξεν "ΔΆ ρης Μακεδών.

οἱ γὰρ αὐτὸν τὸν Δημοσθένην τοῦτο ποιῆσαι

΄ > / / \ ,
TEAS ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ, μέλλοντα τὸ φάρμακον
προσφέρεσθαι, κομιδῆ φλυαροῦσι.

ΧΧΧΙ. Μικρὸν δὲ πρόσθεν ἢ παραβαλεῖν
ἡμᾶς ᾿Αθήναζε λέγεταί τι τοιόνδε συμβῆναι.
στρατιώτης ἐπὶ κρίσιν τινὰ καλούμενος ὑφ᾽ ἡγε-
μόνος, ὅσον εἶχε χρυσίδιον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἐνέθηκε
τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. ἕστηκε δὲ τοὺς δακτύλους συνέ-

>’ ? ΄ \ / b ΄,
yov δι’ ἀλλήλων, καὶ παραπέφυκεν οὐ μεγάλη
2 πλάτανος. ἀπὸ ταύτης πολλὰ τῶν φύλλων, εἴτε

1 An annual festival in honour of Demeter and Persephone.
Ser his popes the work of Polyeuctus, was erected in
280-279 B.c., on motion of Demochares, a nephew of Demos-

76

DEMOSTHENES, xxx. 4—xxx1. 2

that in his opinion it was not due to poison, but
to the honour and kindly favour shown him by
the gods, that he was rescued from the cruelty
of the Macedonians by a speedy and painless death.
And he died on the sixteenth of the month Pyanep-
sion, the most gloomy day of the Thesmophoria,!
which the women observe by fasting in the temple
of the goddess.

It was to this man, a little while after his death,
that the Athenian people paid worthy honour by
erecting his statue? in bronze, and by decreeing
that the eldest of his house should have public
maintenance in the prytaneium. And this cele-
brated inscription was inscribed upon the pedestal
of his statue :—

“ΤΠ thy strength had only been equal to thy purposes,
Demosthenes,
Never would the Greeks have been ruled by a
Macedonian Ares.”

Of course those who say that Demosthenes himself
composed these lines in Calauria, as he was about to
put the poison to his lips, talk utter nonsense.
XXXI. Now, a short time before I took up my
abode in Athens, the following incident is said
to have occurred. A soldier who had been called
to an account by his commander, put what little
gold he had into the hands of this statue of Demos-
thenes. It stood with its fingers interlaced, and
hard by grew a small plane-tree. Many of the
leaves from this tree, whether the wind accidentally

thenes. The well-known marble statue of Demosthenes in
the Vatican is thought to be a copy of it. See Pausanias,
i. 8, 2, with Frazer’s notes.

77

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ys 3 J , ΓΝ.) » \
πνεύματος ἐκ τύχης καταβαλόντος, εἴτ᾽ AUTOS
οὕτως ὁ θεὶς ἐκάλυψε, περικείμενα καὶ συμπεσόν-
an \ /
Ta λαθεῖν ἐποίησε TO χρυσίον οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον.
΄ » ) N n
ὡς δ᾽ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπανελθὼν ἀνεῦρε καὶ διεδόθη
λόγος ὑπὲρ τούτου, πολλοὶ τῶν εὐφυῶν ὑπόθεσιν
\ Pe n
λαβόντες εἰς TO ἀδωροδόκητον τοῦ Δημοσθένους
διημιλλῶντο τοῖς ἐπυγράμμασι.
Ν ΄ \ > 7
Δημάδην δὲ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ἀπολαύσαντα
lal / , e / / ,
τῆς φυομένης δόξης ἡ Δημοσθένους δίκη κατή-
/ Ὁ“
γαγεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ods ἐκολάκευεν αἰσχρῶς,
ὑπὸ τούτων ἐξολούμενον δικαίως, ἐπαχθῆ μὲν
oy / lal 5
ὄντα καὶ πρότερον αὐτοῖς, τότε δ᾽ εἰς αἰτίαν
/ / \ /
ἄφυκτον ἐμπεσόντα. γράμματα yap ἐξέπεσεν
> al ’ en ᾿ / 5 “-
αὐτοῦ, δι’ ὧν παρεκάλει Περδίκκαν ἐπιχειρεῖν
; / , \ /

Μακεδονίᾳ καὶ σώζειν τοὺς “EXAnvas ὡς ἀπὸ
A an \
σαπροῦ Kal παλαιοῦ στήμονος (λέγων Tov ᾿Αντί-
πατρον) ἠρτημένους. ἐφ᾽ οἷς Δεινάρχου τοῦ

/ \ €
Κορινθίου κατηγορήσαντος παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Kado-
“Ὁ n LN
cavdpos ἐγκατέσφαξεν αὐτοῦ τῷ κόλπῳ TOV υἱόν,
5 ει rn “-“ / “-
εἶτα οὕτως ἐκεῖνον ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν, ἐν τοῖς
Υ / δ
μεγίστοις διδασκόμενον ἀτυχήμασιν OTL πρώτους
€ \ € / lal ἃ /
ἑαυτοὺς οἱ προδόται πωλοῦσιν, ὃ πολλάκις Δημο-
’
σθένους προαγορεύοντος οὐκ ἐπίστευσε.
\ / , ‘Zi ,
Tov μὲν οὖν Δημοσθένους ἀπέχεις, Σόσσιε,
i a , ἃ 7
βίον ἐξ ὧν ἡμεῖς ἀνέγνωμεν ἢ διηκούσαμεν.

78

DEMOSTHENES, xxx. 2-4

blew them thither, or whether the depositor himself
took this way of concealing his treasure, lay cluster-
ing together about the gold and hid it for a long
time. At last, however, the man came back, found
his treasure intact, and an account of the matter
was spread abroad, whereupon the wits of the city
took for a theme the incorruptibility of Demosthenes
and vied with one another in their epigrams.

As for Demades, he had not long enjoyed his
growing reputation when vengeance for Demosthenes
brought him into Macedonia, whose people he had
disgracefully flattered, only to be by them justly
put to death. He had been obnoxious to them
even before this, but now fell under a charge from
which there was no escape. A letter of his, namely,
leaked out, in which he had urged Perdiccas to seize
Macedonia and deliver the Greeks, who, he said,
were fastened to it only by an old and rotten thread
(meaning Antipater). And when Deinarchus the
Corinthian denounced him for this, Cassander! flew
into a rage and slew the son of Demades as he
stood close by his father’s side, and then ordered
that Demades should be likewise killed. _Demades
was now learning amid his extremest misfortunes
that traitors sell themselves first, a truth of which
Demosthenes had often assured him, but which he
would not believe.

And so, Sosius,? thou hast the promised Life of
Demosthenes, drawn from such written or oral
sources as I could find.

' The son of Antipater and, later, his successor,
2 See the opening sentence of the Life.

79

τ

ith
ἐμέ, Bake sce “ita
ee pl eon
xt L9H? Aoi (YG, ᾿ρδινμψίορν

ΚΑ,

υδρυλε μην νεν οἐευφωμι
fee, eu gieenspne GPT |
Εΐων ἐξ ὧν ὧν ἡμεῖς ee δ᾽ TRG
“ae

ἡ τ

CICERO

KIKEPON

if. Κικέρωνος δὲ τὴν μὲν μητέρα λέγουσιν 861
Ἑλβίαν καὶ γεγονέναι καλῶς καὶ βεβιωκέναι,
περὶ δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς οὐδὲν ἣν πυθέσθαι μέτριον.
οἱ μὲν yap ἐν κναφείῳ τινὶ καὶ γενέσθαι καὶ
τραφῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα λέγουσιν, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς Τύλλον
“Ἅττιον ἀνάγουσι τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ γένους, βασιλεύ-
σαντα λαμπρῶς ἐν Οὐολούσκοις καὶ πολεμή-
σαντα Ῥωμαίοις οὐκ ἀδυνάτως. ὁ μέντοι πρῶτος
ἐκ τοῦ γένους Κικέρων ἐπονομασθεὶς ἄξιος λόγου
δοκεῖ γενέσθαι, διὸ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν οὐκ ἀπέρριψαν
οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἠσπάσαντο, καίπερ ὑπὸ
πολλῶν χλευαζομένην. κίκερα γὰρ οἱ Λατῖνοι
TOV. ἐρέβινθον καλοῦσι, κἀκεῖνος ἐν τῷ πέρατι
τῆς ῥινὸς διαστολήν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀμβλεῖαν εἶχεν
ὥσπερ ἐρεβίνθου διαφυήν, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐκτήσατο τὴν
ἐπωνυμίαν. αὐτός γε μὴν Κικέρων, ὑ “ὑπὲρ οὗ τάδε
γέγραπται, τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν οἰομένων δεῖν, ὅτε
πρῶτον ἀρχὴν μετῇει καὶ πολιτείας ἥπτετο,
φυγεῖν τοὔνομα καὶ μεταθέσθαι, “λέγεται VEAVLEV-
σάμενος εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀγωνιεῖται τὸν Κικέρωνα τῶν
Σκαύρων καὶ τῶν Κάτλων ἐνδοξότερον ἀποδεῖξαι.
ταμιεύων δ᾽ ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ἀνάθημα
ποιούμενος ἀργυροῦν τὰ μὲν πρῶτα δύο τῶν
ὀνομάτων ἐπέγραψε, τόν τε Μάρκον καὶ τὸν

82

CICERO

I. Ir is said of Helvia, the mother of Cicero, that
she was well born and lived an honourable life;
but of his father nothing can be learned that does
not go to an extreme. For some say that he was
born and reared in a fuller’s shop, while others
trace the origin of his family to Tullus Attius,!
an illustrious king of the Volscians, who waged
war upon the Romans with great ability. However,
the first member of the family who was surnamed
Cicero seems to have been worthy of note, and
for that reason his posterity did not reject the
surname, but were fond of it, although many
made it a matter of raillery. For “cicer”’ is the
Latin name for chick-pea, and this ancestor of
Cicero, as it would seem, had a faint dent in the
end of his nose like the cleft of a chick-pea, from
which he acquired his surname. Cicero himself,
however, whose Life I now write, when he first
entered public life and stood for office and _ his
friends thought he ought to drop or change the
name, is said to have replied with spirit that he
would strive to make the name of Cicero more
illustrious than such names as Scaurts or Catulus.
Moreover, when he was quaestor in Sicily and
was dedicating to the gods a piece of silver plate,
he had his first two names inscribed thereon, the

1 Called Tullus Aufidius in the Coriolanus, xxii. 1.

83

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

/ \ a
Τύλλιον, ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ τρίτου σκώπτων ἐρέβινθον
, \ x ,
ἐκέλευσε παρὰ τὰ γράμματα τὸν τεχνίτην ἐντο-
“ ἴω 9S “ “
ρεῦσαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος ἱστό-
ρηται.
a \ 4
IT. Τεχθῆναι δὲ Κικέρωνα λέγουσιν ἀνωδύνως
NaS. , , >) a a \ € 7
καὶ ἀπόνως λοχευθείσης αὐτοῦ τῆς μητρὸς ἡμέρᾳ
τρίτῃ τῶν νέων Καλανδῶν, ἐν ἡ νῦν οἱ ἄρχοντες
if “ “ A \
εὔχονται καὶ θύουσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. τῇ δὲ
/ a “ ΄
τίτθῃ φάσμα δοκεῖ γενέσθαι καὶ προειπεῖν ὡς
” / ΄- «ς / 4 7 r
2 ὄφελος μέγα πᾶσι Ῥωμαίοις ἐκτρεφούσῃ. ταῦτα
\ JA 2 / \ / 3 an
δὲ ἄλλως ὀνείρατα Kal φλύαρον εἶναι δοκοῦντα
/ 3 \ > / if 3 \ >’ iS
ταχέως αὐτὸς ἀπέδειξε μαντείαν ἀληθινὴν ἐν ἡλι-
/ an / , > ’ of > /
κίᾳ τοῦ μανθάνειν γενόμενος, δι’ εὐφυΐαν ἐκλάμ-
- Χ vw \ 2 Ta) 7
ψας καὶ λαβὼν ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ἐν τοῖς παισίν,
ὥστε τοὺς πατέρας αὐτῶν ἐπιφοιτῶν τοῖς διδα-
” / r /
σκαλείοις ὄψει Te βουλομένους ἰδεῖν τὸν Κικέρωνα
lal /
καὶ τὴν ὑμνουμένην αὐτοῦ περὶ Tas μαθήσεις
J: e al
ὀξύτητα Kal σύνεσιν ἱστορῆσαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀγροικο-
a CSF, e an ao
τέρους ὀργίζεσθαι τοῖς υἱέσιν ὁρῶντας ἐν ταῖς
. a / / lal fol /
ὁδοῖς τὸν Κικέρωνα μέσον αὑτῶν ἐπὶ τιμῇ χλαμβά-
/ » [4 ¢ 7, > r
3 vovtas. γενόμενος δ᾽, ὥσπερ ὁ IlXdtwv ἀξιοῖ
n ’ /
τὴν φιλομαθῆ καὶ φιλόσοφον φύσιν, οἷος ἀσπάζε-
n / \ N Ud \ ,
σθαι πᾶν μάθημα καὶ μηδὲν λόγου μηδὲ παιδείας
- ΄ ,
ἀτιμάζειν εἶδος, ἐρρύη πως προθυμότερον ἐπὶ
if iN Ν
ποιητικήν. καί τι καὶ ποιημάτιον ἔτι παιδὸς
n f , “
αὐτοῦ διασώζεται, Lldovtios Ἰ'λαῦκος, ἐν τετρα-

1 January 3, 105 B.c. Plutarch follows the Greek method
of reckoning from a fixed point in the month. Cicero says
(ante diem) III. Nonas Januarias (ad Att. xiii. 42, 2), the

34

CICERO, 1. 4-11. 3

Marcus and the Tullius, but instead of the third,
by way of jest, he ordered the artificer to engrave
a chick-pea in due sequence. This, then, is what
is told about his name.

II. It is said that Cicero was born, without travail
or pain on the part of his mother, on the third
day of the new Calends,! the day on which at
the present time the magistrates offer sacrifices
and prayers for the health of the emperor. It
would seem also that a phantom appeared to his
nurse and foretold that her charge would be a
great blessing to all the Romans. And although
these presages were thought to be mere dreams
and idle fancies, he soon showed them to be true
prophecy ; for when he was of an age for taking
lessons, his natural talent shone out clear and he
won name and fame among the boys, so that their
fathers used to visit the schools in order to see
Cicero with their own eyes and observe the quick-
ness and intelligence in his studies for which he
was extolled, though the ruder ones among them
were angry at their sons when they saw them
walking with Cicero placed in their midst as a
mark of honour. And although he showed himself,
as Plato? thought a nature should do which was
fond of learning and fond of wisdom, capable of
welcoming all knowledge and incapable οὗ slight-
ing any kind of literature or training, he lent
himself with somewhat greater ardour to the art
of poetry. And a little poem which he wrote
when a boy is still extant, called Pontius Glaucus,
Nones being the fifth of January. Strictly speaking, only
the first day of the month was called the Calends, but

Plutarch seems to call the opening days of the new official
year ‘‘ the new Calends.” 2 Republic, p. 475 Ὁ.
85

VOL. VII D

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

oe \ A
μέτρῳ πεποιημένον. προϊὼν δὲ TO χρόνῳ καὶ
/ A la) /
ποικιλώτερον ἁπτόμενος τῆς περὶ ταῦτα μούσης,
” > / C2 Δ » \ \ \ BA
ἔδοξεν οὐ μόνον ῥήτωρ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ποιητὴς ἄριστος
, \ a A ΄
εἶναι Ρωμαίων. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῇ ῥητορικῇ δόξα
la) / , “-
μέχρι νῦν διαμένει, καίπερ οὐ μικρᾶς yeyevn-
/ \
μένης περὶ τοὺς λόγους καινοτομίας, τὴν δὲ
ποιητικὴν αὐτοῦ, πολλῶν εὐφυῶν ἐπιγενομένων,
a 7 7 /

παντάπασιν ἀκλεῆ καὶ ἄτιμον ἔρρειν συμβέβηκεν.

III. ᾿Απαλλαγεὶς δὲ τῶν ἐν παισὶ διατριβῶν

a , ἃ
Φίλωνος ἤκουσε τοῦ ἐξ ᾿Ακαδημείας, ὃν μάλιστα
€ a a / / \ \ \
Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν Κλειτομάχου συνήθων καὶ διὰ τὸν
\ Ν \ /
λόγον ἐθαύμασαν καὶ διὰ τὸν τρόπον ἠγάπησαν.
al / /

ἅμα δὲ τοῖς περὶ Μούκιον ἀνδράσι συνὼν πολιτι-

a A an >’
κοῖς καὶ πρωτεύουσι τῆς βουλῆς εἰς ἐμπειρίαν

an a id ,

TOV νόμων ὠφελεῖτο' καί τινα χρόνον καὶ στρα-
/ / € \ Nee: \ \ \
τείας μετέσχεν ὑπὸ Σύλλᾳ περὶ τὸν Μαρσικὸν

af? tc “ \ fal
πόλεμον. εἶθ᾽ ὁρῶν eis στάσιν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς στά-
σεως εἰς ἄκρατον ἐμπίπτοντα τὰ πράγματα
μοναρχίαν, ἐπὶ τὸν σχολαστὴν καὶ θεωρητικὸν
7 a ,
ἐλθὼν Biov"EXdnot cura φιλολόγοις Kal προσ-
A a 7 ” ᾽ / 3 ,
εἶχε τοῖς μαθήμασιν, ἄχρι οὗ Σύλλας ἐκράτησε
\ / / / » ς /
Kal κατάστασίν τινα λαμβάνειν ἔδοξεν ἡ πόλις.
my δὲ “ fe 4 x ΄ > ~ - ὩΣ
ν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ Χρυσόγονος ἀπελεύ-
/ , Ν ’ Le td ’
θερος Σύλλα προσαγγείλας τινὸς οὐσίαν ws ἐκ
“ \
προγραφῆς ἀναιρεθέντος αὐτὸς ἐωνήσατο δισχι-
/ lal 2 \ \ ε ΄ ec ἘΝ \
3 λίων δραχμῶν. ἐπεὶ δὲ Pwoxios ὁ υἱὸς καὶ
lal / ’
κληρονόμος τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἠγανάκτει καὶ τὴν

1. 90-88 Β.σ. It was under Pompey, however, that Cicero
served (Phil. xii. 11, 27). 3 In 82 B.c.

86

86

€

CICERO, π΄. 3-1. 3

and composed in tetrameter verse. Moreover, as
he grew older and applied himself with greater
versatility to such accomplishments, he got the
name of being not only the best orator, but also
the best poet among the Romans. His fame for
oratory abides to this day, although there have
been great innovations in style; but his poetry,
since many gifted poets have followed him, has
altogether fallen into neglect and disrepute.

III. After he had finished the studies of boyhood,
he attended the lectures of Philon the Academic,
whom, above all the other disciples of Cleitomachus,
the Romans admired for his eloquence and loved
for his character. At the same time he consorted
with Mucius Seaevola, a statesman and leader of
the senate, and was helped by him to an acquaint-
ance with the law; and for a little while he also
did military service under Sulla in the war against
the Marsians.! Then, seeing that the common-
wealth was hurrying into factions, and from factions
into unlimited monarchy, he betook himself to a
retired and contemplative life, associated with
Greek scholars, and pursued his studies, until Sulla
got the mastery and the state appeared to be some-
what settled.?

About this time Chrysogonus, a freedman of
Sulla’s, put up at public auction the estate of a
man who, as it was said, had been put to death
under proscription, and bought it in himself for
two thousand drachmas.? Then Roscius, the son
and heir of the deceased, was indignant and set

3 In translating Cicero’s ‘‘ duobus millibus nummum,”
Plutarch erroneously reckons in denarii (which were equiva-

lent to drachmas, or francs) instead of in sestertii (worth
only one-quarter as much).
87

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

= / \
οὐσίαν ἀπεδείκνυε πεντήκοντα Kal διακοσίων
/ a > / ce "νυ ΄, > /
ταλάντων οὗσαν ἀξίαν, ὃ τε Σύλλας ἐλεγχόμενος
‘ / a A
ἐχαλέπαινε καὶ δίκην πατροκτονίας ἐπῆγε TO
“ γ' f
“Ῥωσκίῳ, τοῦ Χρυσογόνου κατασκευάσαντος, ἐβο-
Li fal
ἤθει δ᾽ οὐδείς, GAN’ ἀπετρέποντο τοῦ Σύλλα τὴν
/ δ Ἁ » / a
χαλεπότητα δεδοικότες, οὕτω δὴ δι ἐρημίαν τοῦ
A / /
μειρακίου τῷ Kuxépwve προσφυγόντος οἱ φίλοι
A n
συμπαρώρμων, ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτῷ λαμπροτέραν
5 ’ \ δ , ὩΣ 2O\ /
αὖθις ἀρχὴν πρὸς δόξαν ἑτέραν οὐδὲ καλλίω
3 \
γενησομένην. ἀναδεξάμενος οὖν τὴν συνηγορίαν
\ ? δι
καὶ κατορθώσας ἐθαυμάσθη" δεδιὼς δὲ τὸν Σύλ-
Lav ἀπεδήμησεν εἰς τὴν ‘EXAdba, διασπείρας
¢ “ lo) ’
λόγον ὡς τοῦ σώματος αὐτῷ θεραπείας δεομένου.
\ \ = Υ̓ ? » Δ ἢ > /
καὶ yap ἣν ὄντως ἰσχνὸς καὶ ἄσαρκος, ἀρρωστίᾳ
/ \ 5 \ a
στομάχου μικρὰ καὶ γλίσχρα μόγις ὀψὲ τῆς
ef Ud e \ \ \ \ \
ὥρας προσφερόμενος" ἡ δὲ φωνὴ πολλὴ μὲν Kal
> / \ \ \ A e \ \ a
ἀγαθή, σκληρὰ δὲ Kal ἄπλαστος, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ
͵ \ (0 » > \ \ aA
λόγου σφοδρότητα καὶ πάθος ἔχοντος ἀεὶ διὰ τῶν
~ / / “ r
ἄνω τόνων €).avvopévn φόβον παρεῖχεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ
σώματος.
IV. ᾿Αφικομενος δ᾽ εἰς ᾿Αθήνας ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ
᾽ , / a \ > / - ῇ
Ασκαλωνίτου διήκουσε, τῇ μὲν εὐροίᾳ τῶν λόγων
a \ / ΄ a 2 ge) a ΄
αὐτοῦ καὶ χάριτι κηλούμενος, ἃ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς δόγμα-
/ an \
σιν ἐνεωτέριζεν οὐκ ἐπαινῶν. ἤδη yap ἐξίστατο
rn Ἂ >) [Ὁ] , ς
τῆς νέας λεγομένης ᾿Ακαδημείας ὁ ᾿Αντίοχος καὶ
τὴν Καρνεάδου στάσιν ἐγκατέλειπεν, εἴτε καμ-
a / a
MTOMEVOS ὑπὸ τῆς ἐναργείας Kal τῶν αἰσθήσεων,
εἴτε, ὥς φασιν ἔνιοι, φιλοτιμίᾳ τινὶ καὶ διαφορᾷ
» WS , μ é P¢

88

CICERO, τῆ: 4-ιν. I

forth clearly that the estate was worth two hundred
and fifty talents, whereupon Sulla, enraged to have
his actions called in question, indicted Roscius for
the murder of his father, Chrysogonus having
trumped up the evidence. No advocate would help
Roscius, but all avoided him through their fear
of Sulla’s cruelty, and so at last, in his destitution,
the young man had recourse to Cicero. Cicero’s
friends encouraged him to undertake the case,
arguing that he would never again have a more
brilliant or a more honourable opportunity to win
fame. Accordingly, he undertook the defence of
Roscius,! won his cause, and men admired him
for it; but fearing Sulla, he made a journey to
Greece, after spreading a report that his health
needed attention. For in fact he was spare and
lean, and owing to a weakness of the stomach
could only with difficulty take a little light food
late in the day; his voice, however, was full and
strong, but harsh and unmodulated, and_ since,
owing to the vehemence and passion of his oratory,
it was always forced into the higher tones, it made
men apprehensive for his health.

JV. On coming to Athens he attended the lec-
tures of Antiochus of Ascalon, and was charmed
by his fluency and grace of diction, although he
disapproved of his innovations in doctrine. For
Antiochus had already fallen away from what was
called the New Academy and abandoned the sect
of Carneades, either moved thereto by the clear
evidence of the sense-perceptions,? or, as some
say, led by a feeling of ambitious opposition to

1 See the oration pro Roscio Amerino.
2 This the New Academy refused to admit,

89

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς τοὺς Κλειτομάχου καὶ Φίλωνος συνήθεις
τὸν Στωϊκὸν ἐκ μεταβολῆς θεραπεύων λόγον ἐν
τοῖς πλείστοις. ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἐκεῖνα ἠγάπα
κἀκείνοις προσεῖχε μᾶλλον, διανοούμενος, εἰ
παντάπασιν ἐκπέσοι τοῦ τὰ κοινὰ πράσσειν,
δεῦρο μετενεγκάμενος τὸν βίον ἐ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ
τῆς πολιτείας ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ μετὰ φιλοσοφίας
καταζῆν.

Ἔπει 0 αὐτῷ Σύλλας τε προσηγγέλθη τεθνη-
κώς, καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς γυμνασίοις ἀναρρωννύ-
μενον εἰς ἕξιν ἐβάδιζε νεανικήν, ἥ τε φωνὴ λαμβά-
νουσα πλάσιν ἡδεῖα μὲν πρὸς ἀκοὴν ἐτέθραπτο,ἷ
μετρίως δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἕξιν ἥρμοστο τοῦ σώματος,
πολλὰ μὲν τῶν ἀπὸ Ρώμης φίλων γραφόντων
καὶ δεομένων, πολλὰ δ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου παρακελευο-
μένου τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐπιβαλεῖν πράγμασιν, αὖθις
ὥσπερ ὄργανον ἐξηρτύετο" τὸν ῥητορικὸν λόγον
καὶ ἀνεκίνει τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν, αὑτόν τε
ταῖς μελέταις διαπονῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐπαινουμένους
μετιὼν ῥήτορας. ὅθεν εἰς ᾿Ασίαν καὶ “Ῥόδον
ἔπλευσε, καὶ τῶν μὲν ᾿Ασιανῶν ῥητόρων Ἐξενοκλεῖ
τῷ ᾿Αδραμυττηνῷ καὶ Διονυσίῳ τῷ Μάγνητι καὶ
Μενίππῳ τῷ Kapi συνεσχόλασεν, ἐν δὲ “Ῥόδῳ
ῥήτορι μὲν ᾿Απολλωνίῳ τῷ Μόλωνος, φιλοσόφῳ
δὲ ΠΠοσειδωνίῳ. λέγεται δὲ τὸν ᾿Απολλώνιον οὐ
συνιέντα τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον δεηθῆναι τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ᾿λληνιστὶ μελετῆσαι" τὸν δ᾽ ὑπακοῦ-
σαι προθύμως. οἰόμενον οὕτως ἔσεσθαι βελτίονα

1 ἐτέθραπτο the words καὶ πολλή (and full) which follow
this verb in the MSS. are deleted by Gudeman as contra-
dictory to iii. 5 and due to the double πολλὰ below.

2 ἐξηρτύετο Graux, after Madvig: ἐξήρτυε.

go

CICERO, rv. 1-4

the disciples of Cleitomachus and Philon to change
his views and cultivate in most cases the doctrine
of the Stoics. But Cicero loved the systems which
Antiochus discarded and devoted himself the rather
to them, purposing, in case he was altogether driven
out of a public career, to change his home to Athens,
away from the forum and the business of the state,
and spend his life in the quiet pursuit of philosophy.

But word was now brought to him that Sulla was
dead,' and since his body, strengthened by exer-
cise, was taking on a vigorous habit, while his voice,
acquiring modulation, had grown pleasant to the
ear, and had been moderated into keeping with the
habit of his body; and since, moreover, his friends
at Rome earnestly besought him by letter and
Antiochus strongly urged him to apply himself to
public affairs, he once more sought to prepare for
service therein his instrument, as it were, to wit his
rhetorical style, and to rouse to action his political
powers, diligently cultivating himself in declamation
and taking lessons of the popular rhetoricians. With
this end in view he made a voyage to Asia and
Rhodes. In Asia, he studied oratory with Xenocles
of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menip-
pus the Carian; in Rhodes, oratory with Apollonius
the son of Molon, and philosophy with Poseidonius.?
Apollonius, we are told, not understanding the
Roman language, requested Cicero to declaim in
Greek, with which request Cicero readily com-
plied, thinking that in this way his faults could

Pin 78 2:0: 2 Cf. Cicero’s Brutus, 91.
gi

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ ᾽ , bd \ ’ 2 , Ἁ Ν
5 τὴν ἐπανόρθωσιν' ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐμελέτησε, τοὺς μὲν
ἄλλους ἐκπεπλῆχθαι καὶ διαμιλλᾶσθαι πρὸς
a , \
ἀλλήλους τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, Tov δ᾽ ᾿Απολλώνιον οὔτ᾽
ἀκροώμενον αὐτοῦ διαχυθῆναι καὶ παυσαμένου
σύννουν καθέζεσθαι πολὺν χρόνον, ἀχθομένου δὲ 863
na ie 2 va) ‘cc SN / > K 4,
τοῦ Κικέρωνος εἰπεῖν: “Σὲ μέν, ὦ Κικέρων,
ἐπαινῶ καὶ θαυμάζω, τῆς δὲ “Ελλάδος οἰκτείρω
τὴν τύχην, ὁρῶν, ἃ μόνα τῶν καλῶν ἡμῖν ὑπελεί-
a , an ’
πετο, καὶ ταῦτα Ῥωμαίοις διὰ σοῦ προσγενόμενα,
/
παιδείαν Kal λόγον."
V. Ὁ γοῦν Κικέρων ἐλπίδων μεστὸς ἐπὶ τὴν
Ν lal
πολιτείαν φερόμενος ὑπὸ χρησμοῦ τινος ἀπημ-
/ \ ς if b Ld \ ’ a \ »
βλύνθη τὴν ὁρμήν. ἐρομένῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸν ἐν
ἴω θ x “ XN 3 ὃ 7 Pi
Δελφοῖς θεὸν ὅπως ἂν ἐνδοξότατος γένοιτο, προσ-
\ n ,
ἔταξεν ἡ Πυθία τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν
nr an , ς , a an ,
TOV πολλῶν δόξαν, ἡγεμόνα ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ βίου.
a « / a
2 Kal τόν ye πρῶτον ἐν Ῥώμῃ χρόνον εὐλαβῶς
an - a 2 a /
διῆγε Kal ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ὀκνηρῶς προσῆει καὶ παρη-
A nr NG 7 an
μελεῖτο, ταῦτα δὴ τὰ Ῥωμαίων τοῖς βαναυσοτά-
4 Εἰ A Ν
τοις πρόχειρα καὶ συνήθη ῥήματα, Τ᾽ ραικὸς καὶ
\ > / > \ Ν A ,
σχολαστικὸς ἀκούων. ἐπεὶ δὲ φύσει φιλότιμος
΄ an \ Qn
ὧν καὶ παροξυιόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τῶν
Ὄ al /
φίλων ἐπέδωκεν εἰς TO συνηγορεῖν ἑαυτόν, οὐκ
2d / “ ’ an > ’ > \ b /
ἠρέμα τῷ πρωτείῳ προσῆγεν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐξέ-
a / \ / \ a
λαμψε τῇ δόξῃ Kal διέφερε πολὺ τῶν ἀγωνιζο-
οὶ a
μένων ἐπ᾽ ἀγορᾶς.
/ \ \ > \ » N 42 ye fn
8 λέγεται δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδὲν ἧττον νοσήσας τοῦ
Ν \ ΄ lal \
Δημοσθένους πρὸς τὴν ὑπόκρισιν, τοῦτο μὲν

92

CICERO, tv. 4-v. 3

better be corrected. After he had declaimed, his
other hearers were astounded and vied with one
another in their praises, but Apollonius was not
greatly moved while listening to him, and when
he had ceased sat for a long time lost in thought;
then, since Cicero was distressed at this, he said:
“ Thee, indeed, O Cicero, | admire and commend;
but Greece I pity for her sad fortune, since I see
that even the only glories which were left to us,
culture and eloquence, are through thee to belong
also to the Romans.”’

V. However, though Cicero, full of hope, was
being borne on towards a political career, a certain
oracle took the edge from his eager desire. When
he inquired, namely, of the god at Delphi how
he could become most illustrious, the Pythian
priestess enjoined upon him to make his own
nature, and. not the opinion of the multitude, his
guide in life. And so during the first part of
his time at Rome! he conducted himself with
caution, was reluctant to sue for office, and was
therefore neglected, being called “Greek” and
“Scholar,” those names which the low and ignorant
classes at Kome were wont to give so readily. But
he was naturally ambitious and was urged on by
his father and his friends, and so when he gave
himself in earnest to the work of an advocate, he
did not advance slowly to the primacy, but his
fame shone forth at once, and he far surpassed those
who strove with him for distinction in the forum.

But it is said that he too, no less than Demos-
thenes, was weak in his delivery, and therefore

1 Cicero returned to Rome in 77 B.c., being in his thirtieth
year.

93

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

‘Pwockio TO KO U@S®, τοῦτο δ᾽ Αἰσώπῳ τῷ τρα-
γῳδῷ προσέχειν ἐπιμελῶς. τὸν δ᾽ Αἴσωπον
τοῦτον ἱστ τοροῦσιν ὑποκρινόμενον ἐν θεάτρῳ τὸν
περὶ τῆς τιμωρίας τοῦ Θυέστου βουλευόμενον
᾿Ατρέα, τῶν ὑπηρετῶν τινος ἄφνω παραδρα-
μόντος, ἔξω τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λογισμῶν διὰ τὸ πάθος
ὄντα τῷ σκήπτρῳ πατάξαι καὶ ἀνελεῖν. οὐ
μικρὰ δὲ πρὸς τὸ πείθειν ὑ ὑπῆρχεν ἐκ τοῦ ὑποκρί-
νεσθαι ῥοπὴ τῷ Κικέρωνι. καὶ τούς YE TO βοᾶν
μεγάλα χρωμένους ἢ ῥήτορας ἐπισκώπτων ἔλεγε
δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν κραυγὴν ὥσπερ χωλοὺς ἐφ᾽
ἵππον πηδᾶν. ἡ δὲ περὶ τὰ σκώμματα καὶ τὴν
παιδιὰν ταύτην εὐτραπελία δικανικὸν μὲν ἐδόκει
καὶ γλαφυρόν, χρώμενος δ᾽ αὐτῇ κατακόρως πολ-
λοὺς ἐλύπει καὶ κακοηθείας ἐλάμβανε δόξαν.

Wi. ᾿Αποδειχθεὶς δὲ ταμίας ἐν σιτοδείᾳ καὶ
λαχὼν Σικελίαν ἠνώχλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐν
ἀρχῇ σῖτον εἰς Ῥώμην ἀποστέλλειν ᾿ἀναγκαζο-
μένοις. ὕστερον δὲ τῆς ἐπιμελείας καὶ δικαιοσύ-
νης καὶ πρᾳότητος αὐτοῦ πεῖραν λαμβάνοντες ὡς
οὐδένα τῶν πώποθ᾽ ἡγεμόνων ἐτίμησαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ
πολλοὶ τῶν ἀπὸ Ρώμης νέων ἔνδοξοι καὶ γεγονό-
τες καλῶς, αἰτίαν ἔχοντες ἀταξίας καὶ μαλακίας
περὶ τὸν πόλεμον, ἀνεπέμφθησαν ἐπὶ τὸν στρα-
τηγὸν τῆς Σικελίας, συνεῖπεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Κικέρων
ἐπιφανῶς καὶ περιεποίησεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις οὖν
μέγα φρονῶν εἰς Ῥώμην βαδίζων γελοῖόν τι
παθεῖν φησι. συντυχὼν γὰρ ἀνδρὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν

1 μεγάλα χρωμένους MSS., Sintenis!, and Bekker ; Sintenis?
adopts Cobet’s μεγαλαυχουμένους (boasting loudly 97}; μεγάλα
βοᾶν χρωμένους Graux with M3,

94

CICERO, v. 3-vi. 3

sought with care to imitate now Roscius the
comedian, and now Aesop the tragedian. This
Aesop, they tell us, was once acting in a theatre
the part of Atreus planning to take vengeance on
Thyestes, when one of the assistants suddenly ran
across the scene, and the actor, losing control of
himself in the intensity of his passion, smote him
with his sceptre and laid him dead. Now, Cicero’s
delivery contributed not a little to his persuasive
power. Moreover, of those orators who were given
to loud shouting he used to say jestingly that
they were led by their weakness to resort to
clamour as cripples were to mount upon a horse.
And his readiness to indulge in such jests and
pleasantry was thought indeed to be a, pleasant
characteristic of a pleader; but he carried it to
excess and so annoyed many and got the reputation
of being malicious.

VI. He was appointed quaestor! at a time when
grain was scarce, and had the province of Sicily
allotted to him, where he annoyed people at first by
compelling them to send grain to Rome. But after-
wards they found him careful, just, and mild, and
honoured him beyond any governor they had ever
had. Moreover, when large numbers of young men
from Rome, of illustrious and noble families, were
accused of lack of discipline and courage in the war
and sent up for trial to the praetor of Sicily, Cicero
pleaded their cause brilliantly and won the day.
While he was journeying to Rome, then, highly
elated over these successes, he had a laughable
experience, as he tells us.2_ In Campania, namely, he

Yn. 75.8.0. :

* Or. pro Plancio, 26. This was in the succeeding year

(74 B.C.).
95

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φίλῳ δοκοῦντι περὶ Καμπανίαν, ἐρέσθαι τίνα δὴ
τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ “λόγον ἔχουσι Ῥω-
μαῖοι Kal τί φρονοῦσιν, ὡς ὀνόματος καὶ δόξης
τῶν πεπραγμένων αὑτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν ἐμπε-
πληκώς: τὸν δ᾽ εἰπεῖν: “ Tlov γὰρ ἧς, ὦ Κικέρων,
τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον; ” TOTE μὲν οὖν ἐξαθυμῆσα:
παντάπασιν, εἰ καθάπερ εἰς πέλαγος ἀχανὲς τὴν
πόλιν ἐμπεσὼν ὁ περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος οὐδὲν εἰς
δόξαν ἐπίδηλον πεποίηκεν: ὕστερον δὲ λογισμὸν
ἑαυτῷ διδοὺς πολὺ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ὑφεῖλεν, ὡς
πρὸς ἀόριστον πρᾶγμα τὴν δόξαν ἁμιλλώμενος
καὶ πέρας οὐκ ἐφικτὸν ἔχουσαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
τό γε χαίρειν ἐπαινούμενον διαφερόντως καὶ πρὸς
δόξαν ἐμπαθέστερον ἔχειν ἄχρι παντὸς αὐτῷ
παρέμεινε καὶ πολλοὺς πολλάκις τῶν ὀρθῶν
ἐπετάραξε λογισμῶν.

VIL. “Απτόμενος δὲ τῆς πολιτείας προθυμύ-
τερον, αἰσχρὸν ἡγεῖτο τοὺς μὲν βαναύσους ὀργά-
νοις χρωμένους καὶ σκεύεσιν ἀψύχοις μηδενὸς
ἀγνοεῖν ὄνομα μηδὲ χώραν ἢ δύναμιν αὐτῶν, τὸν
δὲ πολιτικόν, ᾧ δι ἀνθρώπων αἱ κοιναὶ πράξεις
περαίνονται, ῥᾳθύμως καὶ ἀμελῶς ἔχειν. περὶ τὴν
τῶν πολιτῶν γνῶσιν. ὅθεν οὐ μόνον τῶν ὀνομά-

των εἴθιζε μνημονεύειν αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόπον ἐν
ᾧ τῶν γνωρίμων ἕκαστος οἰκεῖ, καὶ χωρίον οὗ
κέκτηται, καὶ φίλους οἷς τισι χρῆται, καὶ γείτονας
ἐγίνωσκε: καὶ πᾶσαν ὁδὸν ᾿Ιταλίας διαπορευο-
μένῳ Κικέρωνι πρόχειρον ἣν εἰπεῖν καὶ ἐπιδεῖξαι
τοὺς τῶν φίλων ἀγροὺς καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις.

Οὐσίαν δὲ μικρὰν μέν, ἱκανὴν δὲ καὶ ταῖς
δαπάναις ἐπαρκῆ κεκτημένος ἐθαυμάζετο μήτε

96

864

CICERO, vi. 3-v11. 3

fell in with an eminent man whom he deemed his
friend, and asked him what the Romans were saying
and thinking about his achievements, supposing that
he had filled the whole city with the name and fame
of them; but his friend said: “ Where, pray, have
you been, Cicero, all this while?” At that time,
then, as he tells us, he was altogether disheartened,
seeing that the story of his doings had sunk into the
city as into a bottomless sea, without any visible
effect upon his reputation ; but afterwards he reasoned
with himself and abated much of his ambition, con-
vinced that the fame towards which he was emulously
struggling was a thing that knew no bounds and had
no tangible limit. However, his excessive delight in
the praise of others and his too passionate desire for
glory remained with him until the very end, and very
often confounded his saner reasonings.

VII. And now that he was engaging in public life
with greater ardour, he considered it a shameful
thing that while craftsmen, using vessels and instru-
ments that are lifeless, know the name and place and
capacity of every one of them, the statesman, on the
contrary, whose instruments for carrying out public
measures are men, should be indifferent and careless
about knowing his fellow-citizens. Wherefore he not
only accustomed himself to remember their names,
but also learned to know the quarter of the city in
which every notable person dwelt, where he owned
a country-place, what friends he had, and what neigh-
bours ; so that whatever road in Italy Cicero travelled,
it was easy for him to name and point out the estates
and villas of his friends.

His property, though sufficient to meet his ex-
penses, was nevertheless small, and therefore men

97

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μισθοὺς μήτε δῶρα προσιέμενος ἀπὸ τῆς συνη-
γορίας, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτε τὴν κατὰ Βέρρου δίκην
ἀνέλαβε. τοῦτον γὰρ στρατηγὸν γεγονότα τῆς
Σικελίας καὶ πολλὰ πεπονηρευμένον τῶν Σικε-
λιωτῶν διωκόντων εἷλεν, οὐκ εἰπών, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ
αὐτοῦ τρόπον τινὰ τοῦ μὴ εἰπεῖν. τῶν γὰρ στρα-
τηγῶν τῷ Βέρρῃ χαριζομένων καὶ τὴν δίκην
ὑπερθέσεσι καὶ διακρούσεσι πολλαῖς εἰς τὴν
ὑστάτην ἐκβαλλόντων, ὡς ἣν πρόδηλον OTL τοῖς
λόγοις ὁ τῆς ἡμέρας οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει χρόνος οὐδὲ
λήψεται πέρας ἡ κρίσις, ἀναστὰς ὁ Κικέρων ἔφη
μὴ δεῖσθαι λόγων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαγαγὼν τοὺς μάρτυρας
καὶ ἐπικρίνας ἐκέλευσε φέρειν τὴν ψῆφον τοὺς
δικαστάς. ὅμως δὲ πολλὰ χαρίεντα διαμνημονεύ-
εται καὶ περὶ ἐκείνην αὐτοῦ τὴν δίκην. βέρρην
γὰρ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ἐκτετμημένον χοῖρον καλοῦ-
σιν. ὡς οὖν ἀπελευθερικὸς ἄνθρωπος ἔνοχος τῷ
ἰουδαΐζειν, ὄνομα Κεκίλιος, ἐβούλετο παρωσάμε-
νος τοὺς Σικελιώτας κατηγορεῖν τοῦ Βέρρου pes
᾿Ιουδαίῳ πρὸς χοῖρον;" ἔφη ὁ Κικέρων. ἣν δὲ
τῷ Βέρρῃ ἀντίπαις υἱός, οὐκ ἐλευθερίως δοκῶν
προΐστασθαι τῆς ὥρας. λοιδορηθεὶς οὖν ὁ Κικέ-
ρων εἰς μαλακίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Βέρρου, ‘Tots υἱοῖς,"
εἶπεν, ““ ἐντὸς θυρῶν δεῖ λοιδορεῖσθαι." τοῦ δὲ
ῥήτορος Ὁρτησίου τὴν μὲν εὐθεῖαν τῷ Βέρρῃ
συνειπεῖν μὴ τολμήσαντος, ἐν δὲ τῷ τιμήματι
πεισθέντος παραγενέσθαι καὶ λαβόντος ἐλεφαν-

1 That is, the last day on which the case could be tried
during that year. The city praetor already elected for the
coming year (69 Bc) favoured Verres, and Hortensius, the
advocate of Verres, was to be consul in that year. He

98

CICERO, vu. 3-6

wondered that he would accept neither fees nor gifts
for his services as advocate, and above all when
he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This
man, who had been praetor of Sicily, and whom
the Sicilians prosecuted for many villainous acts,
Cicero convicted, not by speaking, but, in a way, by
actually not speaking. For the praetors favoured
Verres, and by many obstacles and delays had put
off the case until the very last day,! since it was clear
that a day’s time would not be enough for the
speeches of the advocates and so the trial would not
be finished. But Cicero rose and said there was no
need of speeches,? and then brought up and ex-
amined his witnesses and bade the jurors cast their
votes. Nevertheless, many witty sayings of his in
connection with this trial are on record. For in-
stance, “‘verres”’ is the Roman word for a castrated
porker ; when, accordingly, a freedman named Caeci-
lius, who was suspected of Jewish practices, wanted
to thrust aside the Sicilian accusers and denounce
Verres himself, Cicero said: “What has a Jew to
do with a Verres?’’ Moreover, Verres had a young
son, who had the name of lending himself to base
practices. Accordingly, when Cicero was reviled by
Verres for effeminacy, “You ought,” said he, “to
revile your sons at home.’”’ And again, the orator
Hortensius did not venture to plead the cause of
Verres directly, but was persuaded to appear for him
at the assessment of the fine, and received an ivory

therefore used every artifice to delay the case. See Cicero,
in Verrem, i. 10, 31 ff.

2 Of the seven orations against Verres (including the
Divinatio in Caecilium) only the first two were delivered;
the others were compiled after the verdict had been pro-
nounced,

99

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τίνην Σφίγγα μισθόν, εἶπέ τι πλαγίως ὁ Κικέρων
πρὸς αὐτόν' τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος αἰνιγμάτων λύσεως
ἀπείρως ἔχειν, τ Καὶ μὴν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας, ἔφη,"

“τὴν Σφίγγα ἔχεις."

VIII. Οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Βέρρου καταδικασθέντος,
ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε μυριάδων τιμησάμενος τὴν
δίκην ὁ ὁ Κικέρων διαβολὴν ἔσχεν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀργυρίῳ
τὸ τίμημα καθυφειμένος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ οἱ Σικελιῶ-
ται χάριν εἰδότες ἀγορανομοῦντος αὐτοῦ πολλὰ
μὲν ἄγοντες ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου, πολλὰ δὲ φέροντες
ἧκον, ὧν οὐδὲν ἐποιήσατο κέρδος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον
ἐπευωνίσαι τὴν ἀγορὰν ἀπεχρήσατο τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ
τῶν ἀνθρώπων.

᾿Εκέκτητο δὲ χωρίον καλὸν ἐν Ἄρποις, καὶ
περὶ Νέαν πόλιν ἣν ἀγρὸς καὶ περὶ Πομπηΐους
ἕτερος, οὐ μεγάλοι: φερνή τε Τερεντίας τῆς yu-
ναικὸς προσεγένετο μυριάδων δέκα, καὶ κληρονο-
μία τις εἰς ἐννέα δηναρίων συναχθεῖσα μυριάδας.
ἀπὸ τούτων ἐλευθερίως ἅμα καὶ σωφρόνως διῆγε
μετὰ τῶν συμβιούντων ᾿Ῥλλήνων καὶ Ρωμαίων
φιλολόγων, σπάνιον, εἴ ποτε, πρὸ δυσμῶν ἡλίου
κατακλινόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω δι᾽ ἀσχολίαν, ὡς διὰ
τὸ σῶμα τῷ στομάχῳ μοχθηρῶς διακείμενον. ἣν
δὲ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην περὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπείαν ἀκρι-
βὴς καὶ περιττός, ὥστε καὶ τρίψεσι καὶ ΄περυπά-
τοις ἀριθμῷ τεταγμένοις χρῆσθαι. τοῦτον τὸν
τρόπον διαπαιδαγωγῶν τὴν ἕξιν ἄνοσον καὶ
διαρκῆ πρὸς πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους ἀγῶνας καὶ
πόνους συνεῖχεν. οἰκίαν δὲ τὴν μὲν πατρῴαν τῷ
ἀδελφῷ παρεχώρησεν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ κει περὶ τὸ
Παλάτιον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ μακρὰν βαδίζοντας ἐνο-

1 οἰκίας, ἔφη, τὴν Graux with Μᾶ ; οἰκίας τήν.
100

CICERO, vu. 6—-viul. 3

sphinx as his reward; and when Cicero made some
oblique reference to him and Hortensius declared
that he had no skill in solving riddles, “ And yet,”
said Cicero, “thou hast the Sphinx at thy house.”

VIII. When Verres had thus been convicted,
Cicero assessed his fine at seven hundred and fifty
thousand denarii,! and was therefore accused of hav-
ing been bribed to make the fine a low one. The
Sicilians, however, were grateful to him, and when
he was aedile brought him from their island all sorts
of live stock and produce; from these he derived
no personal profit, but used the generosity of the
islanders only to lower the price of provisions.

He owned a pleasant country-seat at Arpinum,
and had a farm near Naples and another near Pom-
peii, both small. His wife Terentia brought him
besides a dowry of a hundred thousand denarii, and
he received a bequest which amounted to ninety
thousand. From these he lived, in a generous and at
the same time modest manner, with the Greek and
Roman men of letters who were his associates. He
rarely, if ever, came to table before sunset, not so
much on account of business, as because his stomach
kept him in poor health. In other ways, too, he was
exact and over-scrupulous in the care of his body, so
that he actually took a set number of rubbings and
walks. By carefully managing his health in this way
he kept it free from sickness and able to meet the
demands of many great struggles and toils. The
house which had been his father’s he made over to
his brother, and dwelt himself near the Palatine hill,?
in order that those who came to pay their court to

1 See the note on iii. 2
2 Ina house purchased after his consulship (ad fam. v. 6, 2).

IO]

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

wn \ Ih > , Ψ /

4 χλεῖσθαι τοὺς θεραπεύοντας αὐτόν. ἐθεράπευον
\ ’ ¢€ / >’ \ / a > b] Ἁὦ
δὲ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ θύρας φοιτῶντες οὐκ ἐλάτ-
A ΄ / “.

τονες ἢ Κράσσον ἐπὶ πλούτῳ καὶ ἸΠομπήϊον διὰ 865
a / /
τὴν ἐν τοῖς στρατεύμασι δύναμιν, θαυμαζομένους
ς /
μάλιστα Ρωμαίων καὶ μεγίστους ὄντας. Llop-
7. \ δ / 3 ΤᾺ \ ,
mnios δὲ καὶ Κικέρωνα ἐθεράπευε, καὶ μεγάλα
An l&
πρὸς δύναμιν αὐτῷ καὶ δόξαν ἡ Κικέρωνος συνέ-
/
πραξε πολιτεία.
r / \ / , An
IX. Στρατηγίαν δὲ μετιόντων ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ
πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων πρῶτος ἁπάντων ἀνηγορεύ-
θη" καὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἔδοξε καθαρῶς καὶ καλῶς
la / \ Υ͂ ,
βραβεῦσαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Λικίννιος Μάκερ,
\ ΄ n /
ἀνὴρ καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἰσχύων ἐν TH πόλει peya
΄ a U a
καὶ Κράσσῳ χρώμενος βοηθῷ, κρινόμενος κλοπῆς
᾽ lal a na
ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῦ, τῇ δυνάμει καὶ σπουδῇ πεποιθώς,
\ a an a 7
2 ἔτι τὴν ψῆφον τῶν κριτῶν διαφερόντων ἀπαλ-
/ / \ \
Aayels οἴκαδε κείρασθαί Te τὴν κεφαλὴν κατὰ
\ e e \
τάχος καὶ καθαρὸν ἱμάτιον ὡς νενικηκὼς λαβὼν
5 \ of ἴω
αὖθις εἰς ἀγορὰν προϊέναι" τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου περὶ
τὴν αὔλειον ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ φράσαντος
.“ ΄ CY ad / ’ f \
OTL πάσαις ἐάλωκε ταῖς ψήφοις, ἀναστρέψας καὶ
3 κατακλινεὶς ἀποθανεῖν. τὸ δὲ πρᾶγμα τῷ Κικέ-
/ A e 3 “ / \
ρωνι δόξαν ἤνεγκεν ws ἐπιμελῶς βραβεύσαντι TO
\ \ Λ \
δικαστήριον. ἐπεὶ δὲ Οὐατίνιος, ἀνὴρ ἔχων τι
Ν 7 5 / “
τραχὺ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ὀλίγωρον ἐν ταῖς
\ \
συνηγορίαις, χοιράδων δὲ τὸν τράχηλον περί-
Ως \ la /
TAEWS, NTELTO TL καταστὰς Tapa τοῦ Κικέρωνος,

1 ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Cobet’s correction of the MS. ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, adopted
by Sintenis?. So Graux with Ma.

ΙΟ2

CICERO, vin. 3-1x. 3

him might not have the trouble of a long walk.! And
men came to his house every day to pay him court,
no fewer than came to Crassus for his wealth or to
Pompey because of his influence with the soldiery,
and these were the two greatest men among the
Romans and the most admired. Nay, Pompey actually
paid court to Cicero, and Cicero’s political efforts
contributed much towards Pompey’s power and fame.

IX. Although many men of importance stood for
the praetorship along with Cicero, he was appointed
first of them all;? and men thought that he managed
the cases which came before him with integrity and
fairness. It is said, too, that Licinius Macer, a man
who had great power in the city on his own account
and also enjoyed the help of Crassus, was tried before
Cicero for fraud, and that, relying upon his influence
and the efforts made in his behalf, he went off home
while the jurors were still voting, hastily trimmed
his hair and put on a white toga in the belief that
he had been acquitted, and was going forth again to
the forum; but Crassus met him at the house-door
and told him that he had been convicted unanimously,
whereupon he turned back, lay down upon his bed,
and died. And the case brought Cicero the reputa-
tion of having been a scrupulous presiding officer.
Again, there was Vatinius, a man who had a harsh
manner and one which showed centempt for the
magistrates before whom he pleaded ; his neck also
was covered with swellings. As this man once stood
at Cicero’s tribunal and made some request of him,

1 Cf. the Marius, xxxii. 1.

2 In 66 8.c. Eight praetors were appointed, and the one
who received most votes was made city praetor, or chief
magistrate.

103

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ / \ l4 \
καὶ μὴ διδόντος, ἀλλὰ βουλευομένου πολὺν χρό-
a A > \ / /
νον, εἶπεν WS οὐκ ἂν αὐτὸς διστάσειε περὶ τούτου
n \ e ,ὔ ᾽ ’
στρατηγῶν, ἐπιστραφεὶξὙ ὁ Κικέρων, “᾿Αλλ
5 ΦΙΥΣ > 6c > ” a ΄ ΕΣ]
ἐγώ, εἶπεν, “οὐκ ἔχω τηλικοῦτον τράχηλον.
Ὁ ,ὔ / 3 an , a al
"Ett δ᾽ ἡμέρας δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἔχοντι τῆς ἀρχῆς
> “-“ Ἢ vf , > / an
αὐτῷ προσήγαγέ τις Μανίλιον εὐθύνων κλοπῆς.
Α / e ” 39 \
ὁ δὲ Μανίλιος οὗτος εὔνοιαν εἶχε Kal σπουδὴν
¢ \ a I a 2 / \ la
ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, δοκῶν ἐλαύνεσθαι διὰ ἸΤομπήϊον'
5 ᾿ξ \ a fs 2 / > ς /
ἐκείνου yap ἣν φίλος. αἰτουμένου δ᾽ ἡμέρας
a ¢ / f \ b) nr
αὐτοῦ μίαν ὁ Κικέρων μόνην τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἔδωκε"
e an 2 / a
Kal ὁ δῆμος ἡγανάκτησεν εἰθισμένων τῶν OTPATN-
a ΄, / , a
γῶν δέκα τοὐλάχιστον ἡμέρας διδόναι τοῖς κιν-
ἴω \ / > \ /
δυνεύουσι. τῶν δὲ δημάρχων αὐτὸν διαγαγόντων
Ν an / 2 rn
ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ κατηγορούντων, ἀκουσθῆναι
= _ A ΄ ,
δεηθεὶς εἶπεν ὅτε τοῖς κινδυνεύουσιν ἀεί, καθ᾽
κ ς ,3 ig / “-
ὅσον οἱ νόμοι παρείκουσι, κεχρημένος ἐπιεικῶς
7, x “ A 7
καὶ φιλανθρώπως δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο τῷ Mario
an \ tal - 9 , ΄ s 5
ταῦτω μὴ παρασχεῖν: ἧς οὖν ETL μόνης κύριος ἦν
a ΄ 7 ΟΝ
ἡμέρας στρατηγῶν, ταύτην ἐπίτηδες ὁρίσαι" τὸ
\ > ΝΜ ” \ ΙΝ > -» >
yap εἰς ἄλλον ἄρχοντα τὴν κρίσιν ἐκβαλεῖν οὐκ
5 , a lal /
εἶναι βουλομένου βοηθεῖν. ταῦτα λεχθέντα
, la / / \
θαυμαστὴν ἐποίησε τοῦ δήμου μεταβολήν: Kai
ΝΥ lal > \ / \ [2
πολλὰ κατευφημοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐδέοντο τὴν ὑπὲρ
-“" / / ’ lal e ᾽ ς ,
τοῦ Μανιλίου συνηγορίαν ἀναλαβεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ ὑπέ-
/ 2 Ν 7. ’ ,
στὴ προθύμως, οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ ἸΙομπήϊον ἀπόντα"
\ ς n I
Kal καταστὰς πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἐδημηγόρησε,
lal r 2 la) ~ af
νεανικῶς τῶν ὀλιγαρχικῶν Kat τῷ Lloro
,
φθονούντων καθαπτόμενος.
> \ \ \ ς / ’ a ¢ \ a
X. “Est δὲ τὴν ὑπατείαν οὐχ ἧττον ὑπὸ τῶν

104

CICERO, 1x./3-x..1

Cicero did not grant it at once, but took a long time
for deliberation, whereupon Vatinius said that he
himself would not have stuck at the matter had he
been praetor. At this Cicero turned upon him and
said: ‘ But I have not the neck that you have.”

Two or three days before his term of office expired,
Manilius was brought before him on a charge of
fraudulent accounting. This Manilius had the good
will and eager support of the people, since it was
thought that he was prosecuted on Pompey’s account,
being a friend of his. On his demanding several
days in which to make his defence, Cicero granted
him only one, and that the next; and the people
were indignant because it was customary for the
praetor to grant ten days at least to the accused.
And when the tribunes brought Cicero to the rostra
and denounced him, he begged for a hearing, and
then said that he had always treated defendants, so
far as the laws allowed, with clemency and kindness,
and thought it an unfortunate thing that Manilius
should not have this advantage; wherefore, since
only one day was left to his disposal as praetor, he
had purposely set this day for the trial, and surely it
was not the part of one who wished to help Manilius
to defer it to another praetor’s term. ‘These words
produced a wonderful change in the feelings of the
people, and with many expressions of approval they
begged Cicero to assume the defence of Manilius.
This he willingly consented to do, chiefly for the
sake of Pompey, who was absent, and once more
mounting the rostra harangued the people anew,
vigorously attacking the oligarchical party and those
who were jealous of Pompey.

X. Yet he was advanced to the consulship no less

105

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> lal A “ na / Ἂν WN
ἀριστοκρατικῶν ἢ TOV πολλῶν προήχθη διὰ τὴν
᾽ an / /
πόλιν ἐξ αἰτίας αὐτῷ τοιαύτης συναγωνισαμένων.
a ς \ Qed / a \ \
τῆς ὑπὸ Σύλλα γενομένης μεταβολῆς περὶ τὴν
A / / ,
πολιτείαν ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν ἀτόπου φανείσης, τότε δὲ
a val \ / / \
τοῖς πολλοῖς ὑπὸ χρόνου Kal συνηθείας ἤδη τινὰ
/ / i e
κατάστασιν ἔχειν ov φαύλην δοκούσης, ἧσαν οἱ
/ a a a
τὰ παρόντα διασεῖσαι καὶ μεταθεῖναι ζητοῦντες
2Q/ (4 CaN ᾽ \ N /
ἰδίων ἕνεκα πλεονεξιῶν, οὐ πρὸς TO βέλτιστον,
sf. 7 a a ,
Πομπηΐου μὲν ἔτι τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐν Πόντῳ καὶ
"A (a πολεμοῦ ἐν δὲ TH “Pa Sema
ρμενίᾳ πολεμοῦντος, ἐν δὲ TH Ῥώμῃ μηδεμιᾶς
e ΄ x \ 7 >) Agi?
ὑφεστώσης πρὸς τοὺς νεωτερίζοντας ἀξιομάχου
δυνάμεως. οὗτοι κορυφαῖον εἶχον ἄνδρα τολμη-
\ \
τὴν Kal μεγαλοπράγμονα Kal ποικίλον τὸ ἦθος,
᾽ὔ ἃ /
Λεύκιον Κατιλίναν, ὃς αἰτίαν ποτὲ πρὸς ἄλλοις
τὸ ΄ ~ ἫΝ L ἔλαβ θέ /
ἀδικήμασι μεγάλοις ἔλαβε παρθένῳ συγγεγονέναι
, an ᾽ 3 \ &: n \ / b] \
θυγατρί, κτεῖναι δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν αὑτοῦ: καὶ δίκην ἐπὶ
τούτῳ φοβούμενος ἔπεισε Σύλλαν ὡς ἔτι ζῶντα
A a /
τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐν τοῖς ἀποθανουμένοις προγράψαι.
an Φ e
τοῦτον οὖν προστάτην οἱ πονηροὶ λαβόντες ἄλλας
/ > 7 ” \ /
Te πίστεις ἀλλήλοις ἔδοσαν Kal καταθύσαντες
” b] / n “ / ?
ἄνθρωπον ἐγεύσαντο τῶν σαρκῶν. διέφθαρτο ὃ
e a / n an /
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἐν TH πόλει νεότητος,
/ a "
ἡδονὰς καὶ πότους καὶ γυναικῶν ἔρωτας ἀεὶ προ-
na / \ ’ lal
ξενοῦντος ἑκάστῳ Kal τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην
᾽ lal 7 3 “Ὁ > 4
ἀφειδῶς παρασκευάζοντος. ἐπῆρτο δ᾽ ἥ te Tup-
“ \ a
ρηνία πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ὅλη καὶ τὰ πολλὰ τῆς
ν , /
ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Tadatias. ἐπισφαλέστατα δ᾽
Gunes \ \ 3 \ \ 2 Ξ
ἡ Ῥώμη πρὸς μεταβολὴν εἶχε διὰ τὴν ἐν ταῖς

106

866

CICERO, x. 1-4

by the aristocrats than by the common people, and
in the interests of the city, both parties seconding
his efforts for the following reasons. The change
which Sulla had made in the constitution at first ap-
peared absurd, but now it seemed to the majority,
owing to lapse of time and their familiarity with it,
to afford at last a kind of settlement which was not to
be despised. ‘There were those, however, who sought
to agitate and change the existing status for the sake
of their own gain, and not for the best interests of the
state, while Pompey was still carrying on war with
the kings in Pontus and Armenia, and there was no
power in Rome which was able to cope with the
revolutionaries. These had for their chief a man
of bold, enterprising, and versatile character, Lucius
Catiline, who, in addition to other great crimes,
had once been accused of deflowering his own
daughter and of killing his own brother; and fear-
ing prosecution for this murder, he persuaded Sulla
to put his brother’s name, as though he were still
alive, in the list of those who were to be put to
death under proscription.! Taking this man, then,
as their leader, the miscreants gave various pledges
to one another, one of which was the sacrifice
of a man and the tasting of his flesh.2 Moreover,
Catiline had corrupted a large part of the young men
in the city, supplying each of them continually with
amusements, banquets, and amours, and furnishing
without stint the money to spend on these things.
Besides, all Etruria was roused to revolt, as well as
most of Cisalpine Gaul. And Rome was most danger-
ously disposed towards change on account of the

ΤΟΥ, the Sulla, xxxii. 2.
2 Cf. Dion Cassius, Hist. Rom. xxxvii. 30, 3.

107

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

» , > / an \ 3 / /
οὐσίαις ἀνωμαλίαν, τῶν μὲν ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα Kal
7 / a
φρονήματι κατεπτωχευμένων εἰς θέατρα καὶ δεῖ-
\ / \ > is n \ 7
πνα Kal φιλαρχίας καὶ οἰκοδομίας, τῶν δὲ πλού-
των εἰς ἀγεννεῖς καὶ ταπεινοὺς συνερρυηκότων
ἀνθρώπους, ὥστε μικρᾶς ῥοπῆς δεῖσθαι τὰ πρά-
γματα καὶ παντὸς εἶναι τοῦ τολμήσαντος ἐκστῆ-
σαι τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτὴν Up αὑτῆς νοσοῦσαν.
ΧΙ. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βουλόμενος ὁ Κατιλίνας
’ / a ξ
ἰσχυρόν τι προκαταλαβεῖν ὁρμητήριον ὑπατείαν
\ “ e ὦ
μετήει: καὶ λαμπρὸς ἦν ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὡς Γαΐῳ
Ψ ’
Αντωνίῳ συνυπατεύσων, ἀνδρὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν μὲν
\ lA » Ν al e
οὔτε πρὸς TO βέλτιον οὔτε πρὸς TO χεῖρον ἡγε-
lal ’
μονικῷ, προσθήκῃ δ᾽ ἄγοντος ἑτέρου δυνάμεως
7 nr na an n
ἐσομένῳ. ταῦτα δὴ TOV καλῶν Kal ἀγαθῶν οἱ
vad f n
πλεῖστοι προαισθόμενοι τὸν Κικέρωνα προῆγον
ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν: καὶ τοῦ δήμου δεξαμένου προ-
«ς Ν , 3 / lA \ \
θύμως ὁ μὲν Κατιλίνας ἐξέπεσε, Κικέρων δὲ καὶ
“ ς / a
Γάϊος ᾿Αντώνιος ἡρέθησαν. καίτοι τῶν μετιόν-
€ / / £ fal
των ὁ Κικέρων μόνος ἢν ἐξ ἱππικοῦ πατρός, ov
βουλευτοῦ, γεγονώς.
ΕΝ \ /
XII. Kat τὰ μὲν περὶ Κατιλίναν ἔμελλεν ἔτι
\ \ , / \ 4
τοὺς πολλοὺς λανθάνοντα, προώγωνες δὲ μεγάλοι
τὴν Κικέρωνος ὑπατείαν ἐξεδέξαντο. τοῦτο μὲν
Ν e / \ \ Ὁ /
yap ol κεκωλυμένοι κατὰ TOUS Σύλλα νόμους
3 a 5
ἄρχειν, οὔτ᾽ ἀσθενεῖς ὄντες οὔτ᾽ ὀλίγοι, μετιόντες
\ te ΄
ἀρχὰς ἐδημαγώγουν, πολλὰ τῆς Σύλλα τυραν-
fal ’ r
vidos ἀληθῆ μὲν καὶ δίκαια κατηγοροῦντες, οὐ
\ / an
μὴν ἐν δέοντι τὴν πολιτείαν οὐδὲ σὺν καιρῷ
n lal \ / > lal
κινοῦντες" τοῦτο δὲ νόμους εἰσῆγον οἱ δήμαρχοι

τοῦ

CICERO, x. 4-x11. 2

irregularity in the distribution of property, since men
of the highest reputation and spirit had beggared
themselves on shows, feasts, pursuit of office, and
buildings, and riches had streamed into the coffers of
low-born and mean men, so that matters needed only
a slight impulse to disturb them, and it was in the
power of any bold man to overthrow the cormon-
wealth, which of itself was in a diseased condition.

XI. However, Catiline wished to obtain first a
strong base of operations, and therefore sued for
the consulship; and he had bright hopes that he
would share the consulship with Caius Antonius,
a man who, of himself, would probably not take
the lead either for good or for bad, but would add
strength to another who took the lead. Most of
the better class of citizens were aware of this,
and therefore put forward Cicero for the consul-
ship, and as the people readily accepted him,
Catiline was defeated, and Cicero and Caius Anto-
nius were elected.!- And yet Cicero was the only
one of the candidates who was the son, not of a
senator, but of a knight.

XII. The schemes of Catiline were still to remain
concealed from the multitude, but great preliminary
struggies awaited the consulship of Cicero. For,
in the first place, those who were prevented from
holding office by the laws of Sulla, and they were
neither few nor weak, sued for offices and tried
to win the favour of the people, making many
charges against the tyranny of Sulla which were
just and true, indeed, but disturbing the govern-
ment at an improper and unseasonable time; and,
in the second place, the tribunes were introducing

1 For the year 63 Β.6,
109

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ > \ ie / , ,
πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν, δεκαδερχίαν καθιστάν-
, an - nr
TES αὐτοκρατόρων ἀνδρῶν, ois ἐφεῖτο πάσης μὲν

’ / / δὲ Σ / Niece ὃ \ oh
Ιταλίας, πάσης δὲ Συρίας, καὶ ὅσα διὰ ἸΤομπηΐου
\ , 7 nn
νεωστὶ προσώριστο κυρίους ὄντας πωλεῖν τὰ

v / ἃ /
δημόσια, κρίνειν ovs δοκοίη, φυγάδας ἐκβάλλειν,
/ / rn
συνοικίζειν πόλεις, χρήματα λαμβάνειν ἐκ τοῦ
/ ΄ / Ἂν
ταμιείου, στρατιώτας τρέφειν καὶ καταλέγειν
ς , x \ nan / n
ὁπόσων δέοιντο. διὸ Kal τῷ νόμῳ προσεῖχον
> n “ \ an ’
ἄλλοι TE τῶν ἐπιφανῶν Kal πρῶτος ᾿Αντώνιος ὁ
ἴω / “ /
τοῦ Κικέρωνος συνάρχων ws τῶν δέκα γενησό-
/ \ \ /
μενος. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ Tov Κατιλίνα νεωτερισμὸν
3 \ > , ig \ / , A
εἰδὼς ov δυσχεραίνειν ὑπὸ πλήθους δανείων" ὃ
a a , / an
μάλιστα τοῖς ἀρίστοις poLov παρεῖχε.
na na ΄ ς
Καὶ τοῦτον πρῶτον θεραπεύων ὁ Κικερων
᾽ , \ 9 , a 9 Ξ "
ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐψηφίσατο τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν Μακεδονίαν,
e a \ \ > he 7 vA
αὑτῷ δὲ τὴν Ladatiav διδομένην παρῃτήσατο,
/ an 4 ΤᾺ ἣν 3 ‘A
Kal κατειργάσατο τῇ χάριτι ταύτῃ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον
er \ / > “A \ ΄
ὥσπερ ὑποκριτὴν ἔμμισθον αὐτῷ τὰ δεύτερα
- rn id > -
λέγειν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος. ὡς δ᾽ οὗτος ἑαλώκει
\ ΄, ᾽ / A ” κε ς
καὶ χειροήθης ἐγεγόνει, μᾶλλον ἤδη θαρρῶν ὁ
r / Ν \ “
Κικέρων ἐνίστατο πρὸς τοὺς καινοτομοῦντας. ἐν
5 An n , \ a r
μὲν οὖν τῇ βουλῇ κατηγορίαν τινὰ TOD νόμοι
‘ δ / = 3 \
διατιθέμενος οὕτως ἐξέπληξεν αὐτοὺς τοὺς εἰσφέ-
“ δὲ b] / 3 \ δ᾽ τὰ
ροντας ὥστε μηδὲν ἀντιλέγειν. ἐπεὶ αὖθις
Ν / n
ἐπεχείρουν καὶ παρεσκευασμένοι προεκαλοῦντο
\ n > \ y
τοὺς ὑπώτους ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον, οὐδὲν ὑποδείσας ὁ
\ \ \ 4 /
Κικέρων, ἀλλὰ τὴν βουλὴν ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας καὶ
/ / \ /
προελθών, οὐ μόνον ἐξέβαλε τὸν νόμον, ἀλλὰ
an bf lal \
Kal τῶν ἄλλων ἀπογνῶναι τοὺς δημάρχους

IIo

CICERO, xu. 2-5

laws to the same purpose, appointing a commission
of ten men with unlimited powers, to whom was
committed, as supreme masters of all Italy, of all
Syria, and of all the territories which Pompey had
lately added to the empire, the right to sell the
public lands, to try whom they pleased, to send
into exile, to settle cities, to take moneys from
the public treasury, and to levy and maintain as
many soldiers as they wanted. Therefore many
of the prominent men also were in favour of the
law, and foremost among them Antonius the col-
league of Cicero, who expected to be one of the
ten. It was thought also that he knew about
the conspiracy of Catiline and was not averse to
it, owing to the magnitude of his debts; and this
was what gave most alarm to the nobles.

This alarm Cicero first sought to allay by getting
the province of Macedonia voted to his colleague,
while he himself declined the proffered province
of Gaul; and by this favour he induced Antonius,
like a hired actor, to play the second réle to him
in defence of their country. Then, as soon as
Antonius had been caught and was tractable, Cicero
opposed himself with more courage to the inno-
vators. Accordingly, he denounced the proposed
law in the senate at great length, and so terrified
the very promoters of it that they had no reply
to make to him. And when they made a second
attempt and after full preparation summoned the
consuls to appear before the people, Cicero had
not the slightest fear, but bidding the senate follow
him and leading the way, he not only got the
law rejected, but also induced the tribunes to desist

ΓΙ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

= , \ “ n t ΄
ἐποίησε, παρὰ τοσοῦτον τῷ λόγῳ κρατηθέντας
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
= ' \ e € Sas ,
XIII. Μάλιστα γὰρ οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐπέδειξε 86
«ς ue .“ ς a / an an /
Ῥωμαίοις ὅσον ἡδονῆς λόγος TO καλῷ προστί-
Lo \ δ δ.» Bhs Ἂ ἢ δῷ
θησι, καὶ ὅτι τὸ δίκαιον ἀήττητόν ἐστιν ἂν ὀρθῶς
“- Ν lal , “ιν
λέγηται, καὶ δεῖ τὸν ἐμμελῶς πολιτευόμενον ἀεὶ
fal Ν a /
τῷ μὲν ἔργῳ TO καλὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ κολακεύοντος
'ρεῖσθ Ὁ δὲ λόγῳ τὸ λυποῦν ἀφαιρεῖν τοῦ
αἱρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ λόγῳ τὸ ρ ov
a \ a n \ \ ,
συμφέροντος. δεῖγμα δὲ αὐτοῦ THs περὶ τὸν λό-
\ \ \ \ if iv OG /
γον χάριτος καὶ TO περὶ Tas θέας ἐν TH ὑπατείᾳ
/ an \ ΄ an , an
γενόμενον. TOV yap ἱππικῶν πρότερον ἐν τοῖς
7 an a Ν \
θεάτροις ἀναμεμιγμένων τοῖς πολλοῖς Kal μετὰ
n f / ld ~ ,
τοῦ δήμου θεωμένων ws ἔτυχε, πρῶτος διέκρινεν
DEEN a \ ς / > S n 7 a
ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοὺς ἱππέας ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν
! lal \ / σὰ ,ὔ
Μάρκος ᾿᾽Ὃθων στρατηγῶν, καὶ διένειμεν ἰδίαν
/ fi A 7 \ aA / Y4
ἐκείνοις θέαν, ἣν ἔτι καὶ viv ἐξαίρετον ἔχουσι.
a Ν 5) td e n δ" \ /
τοῦτο πρὸς ἀτιμίας ὁ δῆμος ἔλαβε, καὶ φανέντος
na / ΄
ἐν θεάτρῳ τοῦ ᾿Ὅθωνος ἐφυβρίζων ἐσύριττεν, οἱ
δ᾽ ἱππεῖς ὑπέλαβον κρότῳ τὸν ἄνδρα λαμπρῶ
ς por pa λαμπρῶς.
5 Ἃ e na ᾽ 7 Ν 7 >
αὖθις δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἐπέτεινε τὸν συριγμόν, εἶτα
Ξ \ , \ ΄ ,
ἐκεῖνοι τὸν κρότον. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραπόμενοι
“ / ‘
πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο λοιδορίαις, καὶ TO θέ-
, a \ 3 FEC , χὰ
ατρον ἀκοσμία κατεῖχεν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ Κικέρων ἧκε
/ \ \ “ 7 \ \ “
πυθόμενος καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐκκαλέσας πρὸς τὸ τῆς
τι fal ς \ , \ ,
Ενυοῦς ἱερὸν ἐπετίμησε καὶ παρήνεσεν, ἀπελ-

1 See the three orations de Lege Agruvia, which have come
down to us almost intact.

112

CICERO, χη. 5—x111. 4

from the rest of their measures, so overpowered
were they by his eloquence.!

XIII. For this man beyond all others showed
the Romans how great a charm eloquence adds to
the right, and that justice is invincible if it is
correctly put in words, and that it behooves the
careful statesman always in his acts to choose the
right instead of the agreeable, and in his words
to take away all vexatious features from what is
advantageous. <A proof of the charm of his dis-
course may be found in an incident of his con-
sulship connected with the public spectacles. In
earlier times, it seems, the men of the equestrian
order were mingled with the multitudes in the
theatres and saw the spectacles along with the
people, seated as chance would have it ; Marcus Otho
was the first to separate in point of honour the
knights from the rest of the citizens, which he
did when he was praetor,? and gave them a_par-
ticular place of their own at the spectacles, which
they still retain. The people took this as a mark
of dishonour to themselves, and when Otho ap-
peared in the theatre they hissed him insultingly,
while the knights received him with loud applause.
The people renewed and increased their hisses,
and then the knights their applause. After this
they turned upon one another with reviling
words, and disorder reigned in the theatre. When
Cicero heard of this he came and summoned the
people to the temple of Bellona, where he rebuked

2 It was in 67 B.c., four years before Cicero’s consulship,
that Lucius Roscius Otho, as tribune of the people, introduced
his law giving the equites a special place at the spectacles,
namely, the fourteen rows of seats next those of the senators.
The law, however, had only recently been enacted.

113

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> x / 2 / ‘ Uj
θόντες αὖθις eis TO θέατρον ἐκρότουν τὸν "Ὄθωνα
a \ \ e / ua
λαμπρῶς Kal πρὸς TOUS ἱππέας ἅμιλλαν ἐποι-
“-“ lal \ / “ tf
ovvtTo περὶ τιμῶν Kal δόξης TOD ἀνδρός.
r € \ J
XIV. ‘H δὲ περὶ tov Κατιλίναν συνωμοσία
/ \ \ iy
πτήξασα καὶ καταδείσασα THY ἀρχὴν αὖθις ave-
/ \ is) > / \ /
θάρρει, καὶ συνῆγον ἀλλήλους καὶ παρεκάλουν
. “Ὁ /
εὐτολμότερον ἅπτεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων πρὶν
᾽ a 7. By / ς /
ἐπανελθεῖν ἸΤομπήϊον ἤδη λεγόμενον ὑποστρέφειν
\ a / / 3! δὶ /
μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. μάλιστα δὲ Tov Κατιλίναν
ς / / an
ἐξηρέθιζον of Σύλλα πάλαι στρατιῶται, διαπε-
Γ \ ee a ᾽ / a \ \
PUKOTES μὲν oANS τῆς [ταλίας, πλεῖστοι δὲ καὶ
, a - /
μαχιμώτατοι ταῖς Τυρρηνικαῖς ἐγκατεσπαρμένοι
lf e Ἂν / \ ΄ ΄
πόλεσιν, ἁρπαγὰς πάλιν καὶ διαφορήσεις πλού-
/ 5 a © \ e ,
των ἑτοίμων ὀνειροπολοῦντες. οὗτοι γὰρ ἡγεμόνα
΄, / a b la \ 4
Μάλλιον ἔχοντες, ἄνδρα τῶν ἐπιφανῶς ὑπὸ Σύλ-
, a /
λᾳ στρατευσαμένων, συνίσταντο τῷ Κατιλίνᾳ
n ’ Ὁ is /
Kal παρῆσαν els Ῥώμην συναρχαιρεσιάσοντες.
- , ,
ὑπατείαν yap αὖθις μετήει, βεβουλευμένος ave-
a / \ » Ni an na
λεῖν TOV Κικέρωνα περὶ αὐτὸν τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν
\ , O/ \ \ \ U
tov θόρυβον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ TO δαιμόνιον προση-
ῇ -“ \ a
ualvely τὰ πρασσόμενα σεισμοῖς καὶ κεραυνοῖς
¢ ᾿] ’ 3 ΄ ,
καὶ φάσμασιν. at 0 ἀπ᾿ ἀνθρώπων μηνύσεις
᾽ “ \ Ly ” , ΟῚ » 2 aA
ἀληθεῖς μὲν ἧσαν, οὔπω δ᾽ εἰς ἔλεγχον ἀποχρῶ-
\ / \ / / a“
σαι κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ δυναμένου μέγα τοῦ
/ \ \ ¢ / lal » a
Κατιλίνα. διὸ THY ἡμέραν τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν
3 , e , cas ἔν \ , ᾽
ὑπερθέμενος ὁ Κικέρων ἐκάλει τὸν Κατιλίναν εἰς
/ \ a / 4
τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ περὶ τῶν λεγομένων ἀνέκρινεν.
\ > hd 3
ὁ δὲ πολλοὺς οἰόμενος εἶναι τοὺς πραγμάτων
a Ms > A A \ ev a
καινῶν ἐφιεμένους ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, καὶ ἅμα τοῖς

114

CICERO, xu. 4—x1v. 4

and exhorted them, whereupon they went back
again to the theatre and applauded Otho loudly,
and vied with the knights in showing him honour
and esteem.

XIV. But Catiline and his fellow-conspirators, who
at first were cowed and terrified, began once more
to take courage, and assembling themselves together
exhorted one another to take matters in hand more
boldly before Pompey came back, and he was said
to be now returning with his army. It was the
old soldiers of Sulla, however, who were most of
all urging Catiline on to action. These were to
be found in all parts of Italy, but the greatest
numbers and the most warlike of them had been
scattered among the cities of Etruria, and were
again dreaming of robbing and plundering the
wealth that lay ready to hand. These men, I
say, with Manlius for a leader, one of the men
who had served with distinction under Sulla, asso-
ciated themselves with Catiline and came to Rome
to take part in the consular elections. For Catiline
was again a candidate for the consulship, and had
determined to kill Cicero in the very tumult of
the elections. Moreover, even the heavenly powers
seemed, by earthquakes and thunderbolts and ap-
paritions, to foreshow what was coming to pass. And
there were also human testimonies which were true,
indeed, but not sufficient for the conviction of a
man of reputation and great power like Catiline.
For this reason Cicero postponed the day of the
elections, and summoning Catiline to the senate,
examined him concerning what was reported. But
Catiline, thinking that there were many in the
senate who were desirous of a revolution, and at

115

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συνωμόταις ἐνδεικνύμενος, ἀπεκρίνατο τῷ Κικέ-
ρωνι μανικὴν ἀπόκρισιν" “Ψί γάρ," ἔφη, “ πράττω
δεινόν, εἰ, δυεῖν σωμάτων ὄντων, τοῦ μὲν ἰσχνοῦ
καὶ κατεφθινηκότος, ἔχοντος δὲ κεφαλήν, τοῦ δ᾽
ἀκεφάλου μέν, ἰσχυροῦ δὲ καὶ μεγάλου, τούτῳ
κεφαλὴν αὐτὸς ἐπιτίθημι; τούτων εἴς τε τὴν
βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἠνιγμένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, μᾶλ-
λον ὁ Κικέρων ἔδεισε, καὶ τεθωρακισμένον αὐτὸν
οἵ τε δυνατοὶ πάντες ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας καὶ τῶν νέων
πολλοὶ κατήγαγον εἰς τὸ πεδίον. τοῦ δὲ θώρακος
ἐπίτηδες ὑπέφαινέ TL παραλύσας ἐκ τῶν ὦμων
τοῦ χιτῶνος, ἐνδεικνύμενος τοῖς ὁρῶσι τὸν κίνδυ-
νον. οἱ δ᾽ ἠγανάκτουν καὶ συνεστρέφοντο περὶ
αὐτόν: καὶ τέλος ἐν ταῖς ψήφοις τὸν μὲν Κατιλί-
ναν αὖθις ἐξέβαλον, εἵλοντο δὲ Σιλανὸν ὕπατον
καὶ Μουρήναν.

XV. Οὐ πολλῷ δ᾽ ὕστερον τούτων ἤδη τῷ
Κατιλίνᾳ τῶν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ συνερχομένων καὶ
καταλοχιζομένων, καὶ τῆς ὡρισμένης πρὸς τὴν
ἐπίθεσιν ἡμέρας ἐγγὺς οὔσης, ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν Κικέ-
ρωνος οἰκίαν περὶ μέσας νύκτας ἄνδρες οἱ πρῶτοι
καὶ δυνατώτατοι «Ῥωμαίων, Μάρκος τε Κράσσος
καὶ Μάρκος Μάρκελλος καὶ Σκηπίων Μέτελλος"
κόψαντες δὲ τὰς θύρας καὶ καλέσαντες τὸν θυ-
ρωρὸν ἐκέλευον ἐπεγεῖραι καὶ φράσαι Κικέρωνι
τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτῶν. ἣν δὲ τοιόνδε: τῷ Κράσ-
ow μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐπιστολὰς ἀποδίδωσιν ὁ θυ-
pwpos, ὑπὸ δή τινος ἀνθρώπου κομισθείσας ἀγνώ-
στου, ἄλλας ἄλλοις ἐπιγεγραμμένας, αὐτῷ δὲ
σ / / ΟῚ 4 ἃ > \
Κράσσῳ μίαν ἀδέσποτον. ἣν μόνην ἀναγνοὺς
ὁ Κράσσος, ὡς ἔφραζε τὰ γράμματα φονον γενη-

116

86&

CICERO, xiv. 4-χν. 2

the same time making a display of himself to
the conspirators, gave Cicero the answer of a
madman: “ What dreadful thing, pray,’ said he,
“am I doing, if, when there are two bodies, one
lean and wasted, but with a head,! and the other
headless, but strong and large, I myself become
a head for this?” Since this riddle of Catiline’s
referred to the senate and the people, Cicero was
all the more alarmed, and he wore a breastplate
when all the nobles and many of the young men
escorted him from his house to the Campus Martius.
Moreover, he purposely allowed the spectators to
get a glimpse of his breastplate by loosing his tunic
from his shoulders, thus showing them his peril.
The people were incensed and rallied about him;
and finally, when they voted, they rejected Catiline
once more, and elected Silanus and Murena consuls.”

XV. Not long after this, when Catiline’s soldiers
in Etruria were already assembling and forming into
companies, and when the day set for their attack
was near, there came to the house of Cicero at mid-
night men who were the leading and most powerful
Romans, Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and
Scipio Metellus; and knocking at the door and sum-
moning the doorkeeper, they bade him wake Cicero
and tell him they were there. Their business was
what I shall now relate. After Crassus had dined,
his doorkeeper handed him some letters which an
unknown man had brought; they were addressed
to different persons, and one, which had no sig-
nature, was for Crassus himself. Crassus read this
letter only, and since its contents told him that

1 Unum debile, infirmo capite (Cicero, pro Murena, 25, 51).
2 For the year 62 B.c.

VOL. VIi. E Σ17

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

r , , tal
σόμενον πολὺν διὰ Katirdiva, καὶ παρήνει τῆς
¢ A \ b) /- ’
πόλεως ὑπεξελθεῖν, τὰς ἄλλας οὐκ ἔλυσεν, ἀλλ
ν , \ ce \ “
ἧκεν εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸν Κικέρωνα, πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ
ν rn if rn > jaa ἡ > / aA /
δεινοῦ, καί TL τῆς αἰτίας ἀπολυόμενος ἣν ἔσχε
δ n σ΄ ,
διὰ φιλίαν τοῦ Kazidiva,
Βουλευσάμενος οὖν ὁ Κικέρων ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ βου-
\ Ga ᾿ N > p \ os Lis Pg » /
/
λὴν συνήγαγε, Kal τὰς ἐπιστολὰς κομίσας ἀπέ-
e 9 ͵ ΄ n
δωκεν οἷς σαν ἐπεσταλμέναι, κελεύσας φανερῶς
a rn i Ὁ / A
ἀναγνῶναι. πᾶσαι δ᾽ ἦσαν ὁμοίως ἐπιβουλὴν
if 2 \ \ \ rT Ia Vv 3 \
φράζουσαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Koivtos “Appios, ἀνὴρ
, \\ fd
στρατηγικός, ἀπήγγελλε τοὺς ἐν 'Γυρρηνίᾳ KaTa-
/ / / \
λοχισμούς, Kal Μάλλιος ἀπηγγέλλετο σὺν χειρὶ
Ν ΄ /
μεγάλῃ περὶ Tas πόλεις ἐκείνας αἰωρούμενος ἀεί
ἴω x \ n € / /
τι προσδοκῶν καινὸν ἀπὸ Ths Ῥώμης, γίνεται
a an / lal
δόγμα τῆς βουλῆς παρακατατίθεσθαι τοῖς ὑπά-
/ 7 ’ ,
τοις τὰ πράγματα, δεξαμένους δ᾽ ἐκείνους ws
7 a / \ / a
ἐπίστανται διοικεῖν καὶ σώζειν τὴν πόλιν. τοῦτο
» > / > ’ χά / / lal
δ᾽ ov πολλάκις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν τι μέγα δείσῃ, ποιεῖν
/
εἴωθεν ἡ σύγκλητος.
΄ \ \ 3 , e
XVI. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταύτην λαβὼν τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὁ
Ν \ 7 , sh /
Κικέρων τὰ μὲν ἔξω πράγματα Koivtw Μετέλλῳ
[4 \ Ν / 5 ὌΝ Ἃ Ν
διεπίστευσε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἶχε διὰ χειρὸς καὶ
/ Ud / > lal
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν προΐει δορυφορούμενος ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν
Ν fal “ an lal
τοσούτων TO πλῆθος ὥστε τῆς ἀγορᾶς πολὺ
΄ / 3 Uf, 3 a \ /
μέρος κατέχειν ἐμβάλλοντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς παραπέμ-
a \
TOVTAS, οὐκέτι καρτερῶν THY μέλλησιν ὁ ΚΚατι-
/ PAIIN \ > a ” \ \ ͵
λίνας αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκπηδᾶν ἔγνω πρὸς τὸν Μάλλιον

1 See the Crassus, xiii 3. Cicero’s treatise ou his consulship,
there referred to, was written in Greek, and is not extant.

118

CICERO, xv. 2-xv1. 1

there was to be much bloodshed caused by Catiline,
and advised him to escape secretly from the city,
he did not open the rest, but came at once to
Cicero, terrified by the danger, and seeking to free
himself somewhat from charges that had been
made against him on account of his friendship for
Catiline.!

Cicero, accordingly, after deliberation, convened
the senate at break of day, and carrying the letters
thither gave them to the persons to whom they had
been sent, with orders to read them aloud. All the
letters alike were found to tell of a plot. And when
also Quintus Arrius, a man of praetorian dignity,
brought word of the soldiers who were being mus-
tered into companies in Etruria, and Manlius was
reported to be hovering about the cities there with
a large force, in constant expectation of some news
from Rome, the senate passed a decree that matters
should be put in the hands of the consuls, who were
to accept the charge and manage as best they knew
how for the preservation of the city.2, Now, the
senate is not wont to do this often, but only when
it fears some great danger.

XVI. On receiving this power Cicero entrusted
matters outside to Quintus Metellus, while he him-
self kept the city in hand and daily went forth
attended by so large a bodyguard that a great
part of the forum was occupied when he entered
it with his escort. Thereupon Catiline, no longer
able to endure the delay, resolved to hasten forth

2 Dent operam consules ne quid respublica detrimenti
capiat (Sallust, Catiline, 29); decrevit quondam senatus ut
L. Opimius consul videret ne quid res publica detrimenti
caperet (Cicero, ἐπ Catil. i. 2, 4).

119

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 \ \ / / \ \ / ᾽ /
ἐπὶ TO στράτευμα, Μάρκιον δὲ καὶ KéOnyov ἐκέ-
, / r
λευσε ξίφη λαβόντας ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας ἕωθεν
/ \

ὡς ἀσπασομένους τὸν Κικέρωνα καὶ διαχρήσα-

σθαι προσπεσόντας. τοῦτο Φουλβία, γυνὴ τῶν
A / \ ᾽

ἐπιφανῶν, ἐξαγγέλλει TO Κικέρωνι, νυκτὸς ἐλ-

θοῦσα καὶ διακελευσαμένη , φυλάττεσθαι τοὺς

¢€

περὶ τὸν KéOnyov. οἱ δ᾽ ἧκον ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ

κωλυθέντες εἰσελθεῖν ἠγανάκτουν καὶ κατεβόων

ἐπὶ θύραις, ὥστε ὑποπτότεροι γενέσθαι. προελ-

θὼν δ᾽ ὁ Κικέρων ἐκάλει τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ
a / Ν e / A the € 6

τοῦ Στησίου Διὸς ἱερόν, ὃν Στάτορα Ρωμαῖοι

καλοῦσιν, ἱδρυμένον € ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἱερᾶς ὁδοῦ, πρὸς

τὸ Παλάτιον ἀνιόντων. ἐνταῦθα καὶ τοῦ Karte-

,
λίνα μετὰ TOV ἄλλων ἐλθόντος ὡς ἀπολογησο-
N na

μένου, συγκαθίσαι μὲν οὐδεὶς ὑπέμεινε τῶν συγ-
ἴω Ρ] Ν , > \ lal / fal

κλητικῶν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἀπὸ τοῦ βάθρου μετῆλ-

\ , an
θον. ἀρξάμενος δὲ λέγειν ἐθορυβεῖτο, καὶ τέλος
\ ς Ta iZ / na a /

ἀναστὰς ὁ Kixépwv προσέταξεν αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως
’ , a \ > Ὁ Ν ΄ Ψ /

ἀπαλλάττεσθαι: δεῖν yap αὐτοῦ μὲν λόγοις, ἐκεί-

¢ ,

νου δ᾽ ὅπλοις πολιτευομένου μέσον εἶναι τὸ

τεῖχος. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κατιλίνας εὐθὺς ἐξελθὼν

μετὰ τριακοσίων ὁπλοφόρων καὶ περιστησάμενος

αὑτῷ ῥαβδουχίας ὡς ἄρχοντι καὶ πελέκεις καὶ

/

σημαίας ἐπαράμενος, πρὸς τὸν Μάλλιον ἐχώρει"

καὶ δισμυρίων ὁμοῦ τι συνηθροισμένων ἐπήει τὰς

πόλεις ἀναπείθων καὶ ἀφιστάς, ὥστε τοῦ πολέ-
x ἢ \ Ὶ , a

μου φανεροῦ γεγονότος τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἀποσταλῆ-

ναι διαμαχούμενον.

1 From Cicero’s oration pro Sulla (6, 18) and Sallust’s
Catiline (28) it appears that the names of these would-be
murderers were Caius Cornelius and Lucius Vargunteius.

120

CICERO, xvi 1-4

to Manlius and his army, and ordered Marcius
and Cethegus! to take their swords and go early
in the morning to the house of Cicero on pretence
of paying him their respects, and there to fall upon
him and “dispatch him. This scheme Fulvia, a woman
of high rank, made known to Cicero, coming to him
by night ἘΠῚ urging him to be on his guard against
Cethegus and his companion. The men came at
break of day, and when they were prevented from
entering, they were incensed and made an outcry
at the door, which made them the more sus-
pected. Then Cicero went forth and summoned
the senate to the temple of Jupiter Stesius (or
Stator, as the Romans say), which was _ situated
αὖ che beginning of the Via Sacra, as you go up
to the Pao bill, 'Ehither ΘΕ 3 also came
with the rest in order to make his defence; no
senator, however, would sit with him, but all
moved away from the bench where he was. And
when he began to speak he was interrupted by
outcries, and at last Cicero rose and ordered him
to depart from the city, saying that, since one
of them did his work with words and the other
with arms, the city-wall must needs lie between
them.” Catiline, accordingly, left the city at once
with three hundred armed followers, assumed the
fasces and axes as though he were a magistrate,
raised standards, and marched to join Manlius;
and since about twenty thousand men altogether
had been collected, he marched round to the varicus
cities endeavouring to persuade them to revolt,
so that there was now open war, and Antonius
was sent off to fight it out.

2 Cf. Cicero, in Catil. i. 5, 10.
P25

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ae A , “-
XVII. Τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπολειφθέντας ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν
/ e \ “ / a N
διεφθαρμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Kartidiva συνῆγε καὶ
if / ΄
παρεθάρρυνε ἹΚορνήλιος Λέντλος Σούρας ἐπίκλη-
» \ ΄ sy > Ud \ \ tA
σιν, ἀνὴρ γένους μὲν ἐνδόξου, βεβιωκὼς δὲ φαύ-
λως καὶ δι’ ἀσέλγειαν ἐξεληλαμένος τῆς βουλῆς
, \ “
πρότερον, τότε δὲ στρατηγῶν τὸ δεύτερον, ὡς
ἔθος ἐστὶ τοῖς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἀνακτωμένοις τὸ βου-
΄ / \
λευτικὸν ἀξίωμα. λέγεται δὲ Kal THY ἐπίκλησιν
a ΄ >
αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὸν Σούραν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης.
tal Se lé /
ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Σύλλαν χρόνοις ταμιεύων συχνὰ
τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων ἀπώλεσε καὶ διέφθειρεν.
3 A \ a 7 \ ͵ ᾽
ἀγανακτοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ λόγον ἀπαι-
a a \
TODVTOS ἐν TH συγκλήτῳ, προελθὼν ὀλιγώρως
tal ,
πάνυ καὶ καταφρονητικῶς λόγον μὲν οὐκ ἔφη
/ \ \ / “
διδόναι, παρέχειν δὲ τὴν κνήμην, ὥσπερ εἰώθεισαν
= ° an /
ol παῖδες ὅταν ἐν τῷ σφαιρίζειν ἁμάρτωσιν. ἐκ
/ 4 \
τούτου Yovpas παρωνομάσθη: σούραν yap ot
ς a \ ΄ , / \ /
Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν κνήμην λέγουσι. πάλιν δὲ δίκην
ἔχων καὶ διαφθείρας ἐνίους τῶν δικαστῶν, ἐπεὶ
\ / 3 ie / 7 if
δυσὶ μόναις ἀπέφυγε ψήφοις, ἔφη παρανάλωμα
΄ , a / a
γεγονέναι TO θατέρῳ κριτῇ δοθέν: ἀρκεῖν yap εἰ
Ν lol / / > AVE
Kal μιᾷ ψήφῳ povoy ἀπελύθη.
lal lal ΓΑ lal
Τοῦτον ὄντα τῇ φύσει τοιοῦτον κεκινημένον
ς Ν lal a4 /, 4 3 / rf
ὑπὸ τοῦ Katiriva προσδιέφθειραν ἐλπίσι κεναῖς
ψευδομάντεις καὶ γόητες ἔπη πεπλασμένα καὶ
\ 10 Ἕ, 3 a v ,
χρησμοὺς ἄδοντες, ὡς ἐκ τῶν Σιβυλλείων, προ-
rt e 7] 5 4 ς ,
δηλοῦντας εἱμαρμένους εἶναι TH Pawn Κορνηλί-
-“ e QF \
ους τρεῖς μονάρχους, ὧν δύο μὲν ἤδη πεπληρω-
7 \ / bays \ τι 74 / \
κέναι TO χρεῶν, Κίνναν τε καὶ Σύλλαν, τρίτῳ δὲ

122

80

ς

CICERO, xvi. 1-4

XVII. The creatures of Catiline who had been left
behind in the city were brought together and en-
couraged by Cornelius Lentulus, surnamed Sura, a
man of illustrious birth, but one who had led a low
life and for his licentiousness had formerly been ex-
pelled from the senate, though now he was serving
as praetor for the second time, as is the custom with
those who have recovered their senatorial dignity.
It is said too that he got his surname of Sura for the
following reason. In Sulla’s time he was quaestor
and lost and wasted large amounts of the public
moneys. Sulla was angry at this and demanded an ac-
counting from him in the senate, whereupon Lentulus
came forward with a very careless and contemptuous
air and said that he would not give an account, but
would offer his leg, as boys were accustomed to do
when they were playing bail and made a miss. On
this account he was surnamed Sura, for “sura”’ is
the Roman word for deg. At another time, too, he
was under prosecution and had bribed some of the
jurors, and when he was acquitted by only two votes,
he said that what he had given to the second juror
was wasted money, since it would have sufficed if he
had been acquitted by one vote only.

Such was the nature of this man who had been
stirred up by Catiline, and he was further corrupted
by vain hopes held out to him by false prophets and
jugglers. These recited forged oracles in verse pur-
porting to come from the Sibylline books,! which set
forth that three Cornelii were fated to be monarchs
in Rome, two of whom had already fulfilled their
destiny, namely, Cinna and Sulla, and that now to

1 Cf. Cicero, in Catil. iii. 4, 9.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

fal ,ὔ / \
λοιπῷ Κορνηλίῳ ἐκείνῳ φέροντα τὴν μοναρχίαν
\ id \ -
ἥκειν τὸν δαίμονα, καὶ δεῖν πάντως δέχεσθαι καὶ

\ / f \ ὯΔ ef

μὴ διαφθείρειν μέλλοντα τοὺς καιρούς, ὥσπερ
»
Κατιλίνας.

XVIII. Οὐδὲν οὖν ἐπενόει μικρὸν ὁ Λέντλος ἢ
ἄσημον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐδεδοκτο τὴν βουλὴν ἅπασαν ἀναι-
ρεῖν τῶν τ᾽ ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὅσους δύναιτο, τὴν

Ud b] > \ / , ,
πόλιν δ᾽ αὐτὴν καταπιμπράναι, φείδεσθαί τε
μηδενὸς ἢ τῶν Πομπηΐου τέκνων: ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐξαρ-

, na
πασαμένους ἔχειν Up αὑτοῖς Kai φυλάττειν ὅμηρα
“-“ SS 7. Δ " Ν > ’
τῶν πρὸς Πομπήϊον διαλύσεων" ἤδη γὰρ ἐφοίτα
\ U4 \ / ig \ 3 “ Ιό
πολὺς λόγος καὶ βέβαιος ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατιόντος
i , NS “
ἀπὸ τῆς μεγάλης στρατείας. καὶ νὺξ μὲν ὥριστο

Ν \ > ki , rn / , \
πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν μία TOV Ἰζρονιάδων, ξίφη δὲ

\ n A nm > \ "4 / /

Kal στυππεῖα καὶ θεῖον εἰς THY KeOnyou φέροντες
ede yA > ΄ a ΟΝ / « \
οἰκίαν ἀπέκρυψαν. ἄνδρας δὲ τάξαντες ἑκατὸν

a ἴω ¢ ’
καὶ μέρη τοσαῦτα τῆς Ῥώμης ἕκαστον ἐφ᾽ ἑκά-
e / a
στῳ διεκλήρωσαν, ὡς δι’ ὀλίγου πολλῶν ἁψάν-
, i 3
των φλέγοιτο πανταχόθεν ἡ πόλις. ἄλλοι δὲ
\ = \ ” 3 / > /
τοὺς ὀχετοὺς ἔμελλον ἐμφράξαντες ἀποσφάττειν
¢ /
τοὺς ὑδρευομένους.
͵7 , lal
ΠΠραττομένων δὲ τούτων ἔτυχον ἐπιδημοῦντες
ΤΑ / , /
᾿Αλλοβρίγων δύο πρέσβεις, ἔθνους μάλιστα δὴ
τότε πονηρὰ πράττοντος καὶ βαρυνομένου τὴν
΄ ’ / «ς Ν / > ,
ἡγεμονίαν. τούτους οἱ περὶ Λέντλον ὠφελίμους
ἡγούμενοι πρὸς τὸ κινῆσαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν τὴν
’ ,
Γαλατίαν ἐποιήσαντο συνωμότας. καὶ γράμματα
an \ \ A / /
μὲν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν ἐκεῖ βουλήν, γράμματα δὲ
πρὸς Κατιλίναν ἔδοσαν, τῇ μὲν ὑπισχνούμενοι

124

CICERO, xvu. 4—xvit. 3

him, the third and remaining Cornelius, the heavenly
powers were come with a proffer of the monarchy,
which he must by all means accept, and not ruin his
opportunities by delay, like Catiline.

XVIII. Accordingly, it was no trifling or insignifi-
cant plan which Lentulus was cherishing, nay, it was
decided to kill all the senators and as many of the
other citizens as they could, to burn down the city
itself, and to spare no one except the children of
Pompey ; these they were to seize and hold in their
own custody and keep as hostages for their recon-
ciliation with Pompey ; for already there was current
a wide-spread and sure report of his coming back
from his great expedition. A night had also been
fixed for the attempt, a night of the Saturnalia,! and
swords, tow, and brimstone had been carried to the
house of Cethegus and hidden there. Moreover, they
had appointed a hundred men and assigned by lot as
many quarters of Rome to each one severally, in
order that within a short time many might play the
incendiary and the city be everywhere in a blaze.
Others, too, were to stop up the aqueducts and kill
those who tried to bring water.

But while this was going on, there chanced to be
staying at Rome two ambassadors of the Allobroges,
a nation which at that time was in a particularly evil
plight and felt oppressed by the Roman sway. These
men Lentulus and his partisans thought would be
useful in stirring up Gaul to revolt, and therefore
took them into the conspiracy. They also gave them
letters to their senate, and letters to Catiline, making

1 At the time of the conspiracy of Catiline the Saturnalia
lasted only one day, December 19; in the time of Augustus
three days were devoted to them (December 17-19). See the

note on Sulla, xviii. 5.
125

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ lal
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, τὸν δὲ Κατιλίναν παρακαλοῦντες
’ , \ / ’ \ \ € ,
ἐλευθερώσαντα τοὺς δούλους ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην

/ a ’ a
ἐλαύνειν. συναπέστελλον δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν πρὸς

x , / \ ΄ ,
τὸν Κατιλίναν Titov τινὰ ΪΚροτωνιάτην, κομί-

\ ΄
Covta τὰς ἐπιστολάς. οἷα δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀσταθ-
μήτων καὶ μετ᾽ οἴνου τὰ πολλὰ καὶ γυναικῶν
᾽ ΄, ᾽ , ΄ , \
ἀλλήλοις ἐντυγχανόντων βουλεύματα πόνῳ Kal
λογισμῷ νήφοντι καὶ συνέσει περιττῇ διώκων ὁ
Κικέρων, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἔχων ἔξωθεν ἐπισκο-
ποῦντας τὰ πραττόμενα καὶ συνεξιχνεύοντας
αὐτῷ, πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν μετέχειν δοκούντων τῆς
/
συνωμοσίας διαλεγόμενος κρύφα Kal πιστεύων,
/ Lh
ἔγνω τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ξένους κοινολογίαν: Kal
’ \
νυκτὸς evedpevaas ἔλαβε Tov Κροτωνιάτην καὶ τὰ
γράμματα, συνεργούντων ἀδήλως τῶν ᾿Αλλο-
βρίγων.

XIX. “Apa δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ βουλὴν ἀθροίσας εἰς τὸ
τῆς Ὁμονοίας ἱερὸν ἐξανέγνω τὰ γράμματα καὶ
τῶν μηνυτῶν διήκουσεν. ἔφη δὲ καὶ Σιλανὸς
Ἰούνιος ἀκηκοέναι τινὰς ζεθήγου λέγοντος ὡς
ὕπατοί τε τρεῖς καὶ στρατηγοὶ τέτταρες ἀναιρεῖ-

7 na 2 (4 \ /
σθαι μέλλουσι. τοιαῦτα δ᾽ ἕτερα καὶ ἸΠείσων,
IN ς / > if Tdi δὲ τι ,
ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, εἰσήγγειλε. Γάϊος δὲ Σουλπίκιος,
a rn an i lal
εἷς τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν πεμφθεὶς TOD
Κεθήγου πολλὰ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ βέλη καὶ ὅπλα,
πλεῖστα δὲ ξίφη καὶ μαχαίρας εὗρε νεοθήκτους
ἁπάσας. πέλος δὲ τῷ Κροτωνιάτῃ ψηφισαμένης
ἄδειαν ἐπὶ μηνύσει τῆς βουλῆς ἐξελεγχθεὶς ὁ

a \

Λέντλος ἀπωμόσατο THY ἀρχήν (στρατηγῶν yap
ἐτύγχανε), καὶ τὴν περιπόρφυρον ἐν τῇ βουλῇ
“ἌΝ / 2 eS “Ὁ lal ,
καταθέμενος διήλλαξεν ἐσθῆτα τῇ συμφορᾷ πρέ-

126

87

CICERO, xvii. 3—x1x. 2

the senate promises of freedom and urging Catiline to
set the slaves free and march upon Rome. They
also sent with them to Catiline a certain Titus of
Croton, who was to carry the letters. But the
conspirators were unbalanced men who seldom met
together without wine and women, while Cicero was
following their schemes industriously, with sober
judgement and surpassing sagacity; he also had
many men outside of their conspiracy who kept
watch upon their doings and helped him track
them down, and he conferred secretly and confi-
dentially with many who were supposed to belong
to the conspiracy; he therefore came to know of
their conference with the strangers, and, laying
an ambush by night, he seized the man of Croton
and his letters with the secret co-operation of the
Allobroges.!

XIX. At break of day, then, he assembled the
senate in the temple of Concord, read the letters
aloud, and examined the informers. Silanus Junius
also said that certain ones had heard Cethegus de-
clare that three consuls and four praetors were going
to be taken off. Piso, too, a man of consular dignity,
brought in other reports of a like nature. Moreover,
Caius Sulpicius, one of the praetors, on being sent
to the house of Cethegus, found in it many missiles
and weapons, and a huge quantity of swords and
knives, all newly sharpened. And finally, after the
senate had voted immunity to the man of Croton on
condition that he gave information, Lentulus was
convicted, resigned his office (he was then praetor),
and laying aside his purple-bordered toga in the
senate, assumed in its place a garment suitable to his

1 Cf. Cicero, in Catil. iii, 2, 4-6.
127

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

- 9 \ e \ a Id
πουσαν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ παρεδό-
θησαν εἰς ἄδεσμον φυλακὴν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς.

" 2 1ε / ” \ rn Σ , ,

Ηδη δ᾽ ἑσπέρας οὔσης καὶ τοῦ δήμου περιμέ-

3 Κ \ ‘s , \ /
vovtos ἀθρόου, προελθὼν ὁ Κικέρων, καὶ φράσας,
“ A / \ /
TO πρᾶγμα τοῖς πολίταις Kal προπεμφθείς, παρ-
a / a ,
ῆλθεν εἰς οἰκίαν pirov γειτνιῶντος, ἐπεὶ τὴν ἐκεί-
a a) e nr 7
νου γυναῖκες κατεῖχον, ἱεροῖς ἀπορρήτοις ὀργιά-
NT ς A NES MOR
ζουσαι θεὸν ἣν Ρωμαῖοι μὲν Ayabnv,” EXXnves δὲ
id 2 a
Γυναικείαν ὀνομάζουσι. θύεται δ᾽ αὐτῇ κατ᾽
a a e , \
ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν TH οἰκίᾳ τοῦ ὑπάτου διὰ γυναικὸς ἢ
na A ce /
μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, τῶν ᾿στιάδων παρθένων trapov-
-“ ’ \ 5 «ς / 3 € /
σῶν. εἰσελθὼν οὖν ὁ Κικέρων, καθ᾽ αὑτόν,
/ > “ , ,
ὀλίγων παντάπασιν αὐτῷ παρόντων, ἐφρόντιζεν
“ > ΄’ a
ὅπως χρήσαιτο τοῖς ἀνδράσι. THY TE γὰρ ἄκραν
I'd /
καὶ προσήκουσαν ἀδικήμασι τηλικούτοις τιμω-
“ ᾽
ρίαν ἐξευλαβεῖτο καὶ κατώκνει δι᾿ ἐπιείκειαν
” Ὁ“ \ id \ NA a 9 / »
ἤθους ἅμα καὶ ὡς μὴ δοκοίη τῆς ἐξουσίας ἄγαν
a “ 7
ἐμφορεῖσθαι καὶ πικρῶς ἐπεμβαίνειν ἀνδράσι γέ-
\ / a
νει TE πρώτοις Kal φίλους δυνατοὺς ἐν TH πόλει
͵ ,
κεκτημένοις" μαλακώτερόν τε χρησάμενος ὠρρώ-
ral / Ν
δει τὸν ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν κίνδυνον. οὐ γὰρ ἀγαπήσειν
΄ ΄ ΄ b) ’ SJ e
μετριώτερόν τι θανάτου παθόντας, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἅπαν
/ / al an ,
ἀναρραγήσεσθαι τόλμης, TH παλαιᾷ κακίᾳ νέαν
3 \ / » / , »
ὀργὴν προσλαβόντας: αὐτός τε δόξειν ἄνανδρος
\ / +99 ” an > ,
καὶ μαλακός, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως δοκῶν εὐτολμότατος
εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς.
rxr r rn n ΄ lal /
XX. Ταῦτα τοῦ Κικέρωνος διαποροῦντος yi-

Δ 5,6. for confinement under guard in their own houses
(libera custodia),

128

CICERO, xix. 2-xx. 1

predicament. He and his associates, therefore, were
handed over to the praetors for custody without
fetters.!

It was now evening, and the people were waiting
about the temple in throngs, when Cicero come forth
and told his fellow-citizens what had been done.”
They then escorted him to the house of a friend and
neighbour, since his own was occupied by the women,
who were celebrating mysterious rites to a goddess
whom the Romans call Bona Dea, and the Greeks,
Gynaeceia. Sacrifice is offered to her annually in the
house of the consul by his wife or his mother, in the
presence of the Vestal Virgins. Cicero, then, having
gone into his friend’s house, began to deliberate
with himself—and he had only very few companions
—what he should do with the men.? For he shrank
from inflicting the extreme penalty, and the one
befitting such great crimes, and he hesitated to do it
because of the kindliness of his nature, and at the
same time that he might not appear to make an
excessive use of his power and to trample ruthlessly
upon men who were of the highest birth and had
powerful friends in the city; and if he treated them
with less severity, he was afraid of the peril into
which they would bring the state. For if they suffered
any milder penalty than death, he was sure they
would not be satisfied, but would break out into every
extreme of boldness, having added fresh rage to
their old villainy: and he himself would be thought
unmanly and weak, especially as the multitude
already thought him very far from courageous.

XX. While Cicero was in this perplexity, a sign

2 The third oration in Catilinam.
3 Cf. Sallust’s Cutiline, 46.

129

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

- a €
νεταί TL ταῖς γυναιξὶ σημεῖον θυούσαις. ὁ yap
/ a x rn a
βωμός, ἤδη τοῦ πυρὸς κατακεκοιμῆσθαι δοκοῦν-
’ A / A / a
τος, ἐκ τῆς τέφρας Kal τῶν κεκαυμένων φλοιῶν
, \ ’ na \ / Ὁ 2 ce €
φλογα πολλὴν ανῆκε καὶ λαμπράν. vp ἣς al
NV BA / id ν σις: \ te \
μὲν ἄλλαι διεπτοήθησαν, αἱ δ᾽ ἱεραὶ παρθένοι τὴν
“ / an / 7 -
τοῦ Κικέρωνος γυναῖκα Tepevtiay ἐκέλευσαν ἧ
A \ \ ͵
τάχος χωρεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κελεύειν οἷς
“ ᾿ Ν a if /
ἔγνωκεν ἐγχειρεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς μέγα
/ \ f a an a lal
πρός τε σωτηρίαν καὶ δόξαν αὐτῷ τῆς θεοῦ φῶς
7 \ 4 \ \ ’ 7 9S
διδούσης. ἡ δὲ Tepevtia (καὶ yap οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως ἦν
as SANIT Ν \ / > \ /
πρᾳείὰ τις οὐδ᾽ ἄτολμος τὴν φύσιν, ἀλλὰ φιλό-
\ \ a e 5) , ς 7
τιμος γυνὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, ὡς αὐτός φησιν ὁ Κικέ-
“Ὁ “ /
ρων, TOV πολιτικῶν μεταλαμβάνουσα Tap’ ἐκεί-
/ Ἃ a a > an
νου φροντίδων ἢ μεταδιδοῦσα τῶν οἰκιακῶν
fe n , \ 3 \ 7 ΄ὔ
ἐκείνῳ) ταῦτά τε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔφρασε καὶ παρώ-
\ / ig .
Evvev ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Koivtos ὁ
a » Ν /
ἀδελφὸς Kal τῶν ἀπὸ φιλοσοφίας ἑταίρων IIo-
Ν “ὃ e X o \ / \
πλιος Νιεγιὸδιος, @ TA πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα παρὰ
\ 2 “-
τὰς πολιτικὰς ἐχρῆτο πράξεις.
TH δ᾽ ὑ Md Ze 2 A aN / No
ῇ στεραίᾳ γενομένων ἐν συγκλήτῳ λόγων
, a Ε - ς lal
περὶ τιμωρίας τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὁ πρῶτος ἐρωτηθεὶς
\ 3 \ / / an
γνώμην Σιλανὸς εἶπε THY ἐσχάτην δίκην δοῦναι
/ he >] \
προσήκειν ἀχθέντας εἰς TO δεσμωτήριον. Kal
’ / a
προσετίθεντο τούτῳ πάντες ἐφεξῆς μέχρι Laiov
Kaicapos τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα δικτάτορος γενομένου.
, , 3 , n
τότε δὲ νέος ὧν ETL καὶ τὰς πρώτας ἔχων τῆς
αὐξήσεως ἀρχάς, ἤδη δὲ τῇ πολιτεί ὶ ταῖ
σεως ἀρχάς, ἤδη δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ ταῖς
᾽ / ? ’ , \ eQ\ > \ - \
ἐλπίσιν εἰς ἐκείνην τὴν ὁδὸν ἐμβεβηκὼς H τὰ
€ / > / / ‘
Ρωμαίων εἰς μοναρχίαν μετέστησε πράγματα,

130

CICERO, xx. 1-3

was given to the women who were sacrificing. The
altar, it seems, although the fire was already thought
to have gone out, sent forth from the ashes and
burnt bark upon it a great bright blaze. The rest
of the women were terrified at this, but the sacred
virgins bade Terentia the wife of Cicero go with
all speed to her husband and tell him to carry
out his resolutions in behalf of the country, since
the goddess was giving him a great light on this
path to safety and glory. So Terentia, who was
generally of no mild spirit nor without natural
courage, but an ambitious woman, and, as Cicero
himself tells us,! more inclined to make herself a
partner in his political perplexities than to share
with him her domestic concerns, gave him this
message and incited him against the conspirators ;
so likewise did Quintus, his brother, and Publius
Nigidius, one of his philosophical companions, ot
whom he made the most and greatest use in his
political undertakings.

On the following day the senate discussed the
punishment of the conspirators, and Silanus, who
was the first to be asked to give his opinion, said
that they ought to be taken to prison and there
suffer extremest punishment. All the senators
acceded to his opinion one after the other, until
it came to Caius Caesar,? who afterwards became
dictator. At this time, however, he was a young
man still and at the very beginning of his rise to
power, but in his public policy and his hopes he
had already entered upon that road by which he
changed the Roman state into a monarchy. His

1 In some passage no longer extant.
2 Cf. Cicero, in Catil. iv. 4, 7.

131

4

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνθανε, τῷ δὲ Κικέρωνι πολ-
\ ᾽
λὰς μὲν ὑποψίας, λαβὴν δ᾽ οὐδεμίαν εἰς ἔλεγχον
παρέδωκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λεγόντων ἣν ἐνίων ἀκούειν
€ ? \ 3 \ Ce la ΄ Ν »
ὡς ἐγγὺς ἐλθὼν ἁλῶναι διεκφύγοι τὸν ἄνδρα.
“- / an
τινὲς δέ φασι παριδεῖν ἑκόντα Kal παραλιπεῖν τὴν
᾿ ἐκείνου μήνυσιν φόβῳ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ καὶ
KAT ἐκείνου μή @ τῶ; ͵ a
n ΄ \ iA
τῆς δυνάμεως: παντὶ yap εἶναι πρόδηλον ὅτι
a x 3 a / / /
μᾶλλον ἂν ἐκεῖνοι γένοιντο προσθήκη Καίσαρι
σωτηρίας ἢ Καῖσαρ ἐκείνοις κολάσεως.
ΕῚ 9 , a
XXI. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὖν ἡ γνώμη περιῆλθεν eis
αὐτόν, ἀναστὰς ἀπεφήνατο μὴ θανατοῦν τοὺς
” ’ \ \ by / 3 / > \
ἄνδρας, ἀλλὰ τὰς οὐσίας εἶναι δημοσίας, αὐτοὺς
a7 3 / ’ , a ’ / ἃ xX A
δ᾽ ἀπαχθέντας εἰς πόλεις τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας as ἂν δοκῇ
va) /
Κικέρωνι, τηρεῖσθαι δεδεμένους ἄχρι ἂν οὗ κατα-
a » \ -
πολεμηθῇ Κατιλίνας. οὔσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης ἐπι-
εἰκοῦς καὶ τοῦ λέγοντος εἰπεῖν δυνατωτάτου,
ῥοπὴν ὁ Κικέρων προσέθηκεν οὐ μικράν. αὐτός
᾿ς
τε γὰρ ἀναστὰς ἐνεχείρησεν εἰς ἑκάτερον, τὰ μὲν
a / WN a ΄ ,ἷ ΄
τῇ προτέρᾳ, τὰ δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ Καίσαρος συνειπών,
¢/ lA Zz 7 a / ,
οἱ TE ΤΥ ον πάντες οἰομενον TH Κικέρωνι συμφε-
ρειν τὴν Καίσαρος γνώμην (ἧττον γὰρ ἐν αἰτίαις
ἔσεσθαι μὴ θανατώσαντα τοὺς ἄνδρας) ἡροῦντο
τὴν δευτέραν μᾶλλον ηνώμην, ὥστε καὶ τὸν
\ , a
Σιλανὸν αὖθις μεταβαλλόμενον παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ
λέγειν ὡς οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς εἴποι θανατικὴν γνώμην"
> / \ > x fal «ς ’ὔ 5
ἐσχάτην γὰρ ἀνδρὶ βουλευτῇ “Ρωμαίων εἶναι
γ᾽ rn
δίκην τὸ δεσμωτήριον. εἰρημένης δὲ τῆς γνώμης
lal / a
πρῶτος ἀντέκρουσεν αὐτῇ Κάτλος Λουτάτιος"
εἶτα δεξάμενος Κάτων, καὶ τῷ λόγῳ σφοδρῶς

132

8

Ι

CICERO, xx. 4-xx1. 3

designs were still unnoticed by the rest, but to
Cicero he had given many grounds for suspicion,
and yet no hold which could lead to his convic-
tion, although many were heard to say that he had
come near being caught by Cicero, but had eluded
him. Some, however, say that Cicero purposely over-
looked and neglected the information against him
through fear of his friends and his power, since it
was clear to every one that the other conspirators
would be included in Caesar’s acquittal, rather than
Caesar in their punishment.

XXI. When, then, it was Caesar’s turn to give his
opinion, he rose and deciared it to be against putting
the conspirators to death, but in favour of confiscating
their property and removing them to whatever cities
of Italy Cicero might deem best, there to be put in
fetters and closely guarded until Catiline should be
defeated. The proposal of Caesar was merciful and
its author a very able speaker, and Cicero added
no little weight to it. For when he rose to speak
himself,! he handled the subject in both ways, now
favouring the first proposal and now that of Caesar.
All his friends, too, thinking that Caesar's proposal
was an advantageous one for Cicero, who would be
less subject to censure if he did not put the conspira-
tors to death, chose the second proposal rather, so
that Silanus also changed his position and excused
himself by saying that even his proposal had not
meant death: for “ extremest punishment,” in the
case of a Roman senator, meant the prison. Lutatius
Catulus was the first to oppose the opinion which
Caesar had given; then Cato followed him, helping

1 The fourth oration in Catilinam.

133

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συνεπερείσας ἐπὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τὴν ὑπόνοιαν,
ἐνέπλησε θυμοῦ καὶ φρονήματος τὴν σύγκλητον,

στε θάνατον καταψηφίσασθαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν.
περὶ δὲ δημεύσεως χρημάτων ἐνίστατο Καῖσαρ,
οὐκ ἀξιῶν τὰ φιλάνθρωπα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης
ἐκβαλόντας el χρήσασθαι τῷ σκυθρωποτάτῳ.
βιαζομένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπεκαλεῖτο τοὺς δημάρ-
yous. οἱ δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπήκουον, ἀλλὰ Κικέρων αὐτὸς
ἐνδοὺς ἀνῆκε τὴν περὶ δημεύσεως γνώμην.

XXII. ᾿Εχώρει δὲ μετὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς
ἄνδρας. οὐκ ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ πάντες ἦσαν, ἄλλος δ᾽
ἄλλον ἐφύλαττε τῶν στρατηγῶν. καὶ πρῶτον
ἐκ ἸΙαλατίον παραλαβὼν τὸν Λέντλον ἢγε διὰ
τῆς ἱερᾶς ὁδοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς μέσης, τῶν “μὲν
ἡ γεμονικωτάτων ἀνδρῶν κύκλῳ περιεσπειραμένων
καὶ δορυφορούντων, τοῦ δὲ δήμου φρίττοντος τὰ
δρώμενα καὶ παριόντος σιωπῇ, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν
νέων, ὥσπερ ἱεροῖς τισι πατρίοις ἀριστοκρατικῆς
τινος ἐξουσίας τελεῖσθαι μετὰ φόβου καὶ θάμβους
δοκούντων. διελθὼν δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ γενόμενος
πρὸς τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ παρέδωκε τὸν Λέντλον τῷ
δημίῳ καὶ προσέταξεν ἀνελεῖν: εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς τὸν
Κέθηγον, καὶ οὕτω τῶν ἄλλων ἕκαστον κατα-
γαγὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. ὁρῶν δὲ πολλοὺς ἔτι τῶν
ἀπὸ τῆς συνωμοσίας ἐν ἀγορᾷ συνεστῶτας
ἀθρόους καὶ τὴν μὲν πρᾶξιν ἀγνοοῦντας, τὴν δὲ
νύκτα προσμένοντας, ὡς ἔτι ζώντων τῶν ἀνδρῶν
καὶ δυναμένων ἐξαρπασθῆναι, φθεγξάμενος μέγα
πρὸς αὐτούς, “"Εζησαν," εἶπεν. οὕτω δὲ Ῥω-

' παριόντος Bekker and Graux adopt the παριέντος (acqui-
escung) of Coraés.
2 τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Graux with M4: τῆς.

134

CICERO, χχι. 3~xxi1. 2

by the vehemence of his speech to fix suspicion upon
Caesar, and filled the senate with angry resolution,
so that a decree of death was passed upon the con-
spirators. As regarded the confiscation of their pro-
perty, however, Caesar made opposition, deeming it
wrong that the merciful part of his own proposal
should be rejected and the one part that was most
severe adopted. And when many of the senators
insisted upon it, he invoked the aid of the tribunes,
but they would not listen to his appeal; Cicero him-
self, however, yielded the point, and remitted that
part of the vote which called for confiscation.

XXII. Then he went with the senate to fetch the
conspirators. ‘These were not all in the same place,
but different praetors had different ones under guard.
And first he took Lentulus from the Palatine hill
and led him along the Via Sacra and through the
middle of the forum, the men of highest authority
surrounding him as a body-guard, and the people
shuddering at what was being done and _ passing
along in silence, and especially the young men, as
though they thought they were being initiated with
fear and trembling into some ancient mysteries of an
aristocratic regime. When Cicero had passed through
the forum and reached the prison, he delivered Len-
tulus to the public executioner with the order to put
him to death. Then Cethegus in his turn, and so
each one of the others, he brought down to the
prison and had him executed. And seeing that
many members of the conspiracy were still assembled
in the forum in ignorance of what had been done
and waiting for night to come, with the idea that the
men were still living and might be rescued, he cried
out to them with a loud voice and said: ‘They have

135

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μαίων οἱ δυσφημεῖν μὴ βουλόμενοι TO τεθνάναι
/
σημαίνουσιν.

Ἤδη δ᾽ ἦν ἑσπέρα, καὶ δι’ ἀγορᾶς ἀνέβαινεν
εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, οὐκέτι σιωπῇ τῶν πολιτῶν οὐδὲ
τάξει προπεμπόντων αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ φωναῖς καὶ
κρότοις δεχομένων καθ᾽ ods γένοιτο, σωτῆρα καὶ
κτίστην ἀνακαλούντων τῆς πατρίδος. τὰ δὲ
φῶτα πολλὰ κατέλαμπε τοὺς στενωπούς, λαμπά-
dia καὶ δᾶδας ἱστώντων ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις. αἱ δὲ
γυναῖκες ἐκ τῶν τεγῶν προὔφαινον. ἐπὶ τιμῇ καὶ
θέᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὑπὸ πομπῇ τῶν ἀρίστων μάλα
σεμνῶς ἀνιόντος" ὧν οἱ πλεῖστοι πολέμους τε
κατειργασμένοι μεγάλους καὶ διὰ θριάμβων εἰσ-
εληγλακότες καὶ προσκεκτημένοι γῆν καὶ θάλατ-
ταν οὐκ ὀλίγην ἐβάδιζον ἀνομολογούμενοι πρὸς
ἀλλήλους πολλοῖς μὲν τῶν τότε ἡγεμόνων καὶ
στρατηγῶν πλούτου καὶ λαφύρων καὶ δυνάμεως
χάριν ὀφείλειν τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον, ἀσφαλείας
δὲ καὶ σωτηρίας ἑνὶ μόνῳ Κικέρωνι, τηλικοῦτον
ἀφελόντι καὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ κίνδυνον. οὐ γὰρ
τὸ κωλῦσαι τὰ πραττόμενα καὶ κολάσαι τοὺς
πράττοντας ἐδόκει θαυμαστόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μέγιστον
τῶν πώποτε νεωτερισμῶν οὗτος ἐλαχίστοις κακοῖς
ἄνευ στάσεως καὶ “ταραχῆς κατέσβεσε. καὶ γὰρ
τὸν Κατιλίναν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ᾿συνερρυηκότων
πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τὰ περὶ Λέντλον
καὶ Κέθηγον ἐγκαταλιπόντες ὥχοντο" καὶ μετὰ
τῶν συμμεμενηκότων αὐτῷ διαγωνισάμενος πρὸς
᾿Αντώνιον αὐτός τε διεφθάρη καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον.

XXIII. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ τὸν Κικέρωνα
παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ λέγειν ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ

136

87:

CICERO, xxu. 2—xx. 1

lived.”” For thus the Romans who wish to avoid
words of ill omen indicate death.

It was now evening, and Cicero went up through
the forum to his house, the citizens no longer escort-
ing him on his way with silent decorum, but receiving
him with cries and clapping of hands as he passed
along, calling him the saviour and founder of his
country. And many lights illuminated the streets,
since people placed lamps and torches at their doors.
The women, too, displayed lights upon the house-
tops in honour of the man, and that they might see
him going up to his home in great state under escort
of the noblest citizens. Most of these had brought
to an end great wars and entered the city in triumph,
and had added to the Roman dominion no small
extent of land and sea; but they now walked along
confessing to one another that to many of the com-
manders and generals of the time the Roman people
were indebted for wealth and spoils and power, but
for preservation and safety to Cicero alone, who had
freed them from so peculiar and so great a peril. For
it was not his preventing their schemes and punishing
the schemers which seemed so wonderful, but his
quenching the greatest of all revolutions with the
fewest possible evils, without sedition and commotion.
For most of those who had flocked to the standard
of Catiline, as soon as they learned the fate of Len-
tulus and Cethegus, deserted him and went away ;
and Catiline, after a conflict with his remaining forces
against Antonius, perished himself and his army with
him.

XXIII. However, there were those who were
ready to abuse Cicero for what he had done, and to

1 Near the beginning of 62 B.c.
137

ϑ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a A 7 / a XN
ποιεῖν κακῶς, ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας τῶν εἰς TO μέλλον
, \ lal /
ἀρχόντων Katcapa μὲν στρατηγοῦντα, Μέτελλον
/ “ “Δ
δὲ καὶ Βηστίαν δημαρχοῦντας. οἱ τὴν ἀρχὴν
΄' ” a χε / e / ee
πάραλαβοντες, ἔτι τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἡμέρας ὀλίγας
an / 3 \
ἄρχοντος, οὐκ εἴων δημηγορεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ
a / / 50
τῶν ἐμβόλων βάθρα θέντες οὐ παρίεσαν οὐδ
,ὔ, 9
ἐπέτρεπον λέγειν, GAN ἐκέλευον, εἰ βούλοιτο,
΄ \ an a > , /
μόνον περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπομόσαντα καταβαίνειν.
ral \ / Ψ fa \
κἀκεῖνος ἐπὶ τούτοις ὡς ὀμόσων TpondOeE Kal
, > a a Va 3 Ν
γενομένης αὐτῷ σιωπῆς ὦμνυεν, οὐ τὸν πάτριον,
᾽ ΞΡ ΛΟΟΕ Κ \ \ Ψ Φ \ /
GAN ἴδιόν τινα καὶ καινὸν ὅρκον, ἣ μὴν σεσωκέναι
\ / Pe S' /
τὴν πατρίδα Kal διατετηρηκέναι THY ἡγεμονίαν.
\ \ e/ fal / ς a
ἐπώμνυε δὲ TOY ὅρκον αὐτῷ σύμπας ὁ δῆμος. ἐφ᾽
ye rn (a4 a al Ὡ“ /
ols ἔτι μᾶλλον 6 τε Καῖσαρ οἵ te δήμαρχοι
, ” a / \
χαλεπαίνοντες ἄλλας TE TO Κικέρωνι Tapayas
a \ , οι an a
ἐμηχανῶντο, καὶ νόμος UT αὐτῶν εἰσήγετο καλεῖν
Lise \ A cal 4
Πουπήϊον peta τῆς στρατιᾶς, ὡς δὴ καταλύ-
\ / , 5 3 =
covta τὴν Κικέρωνος δυναστείαν. ἀλλ᾽ ἦν
v fe a Ta / \ ΄ A ,
ὄφελος μέγα τῷ Κικέρωνι καὶ πάσῃ TH πόλει
a / \ a Id
δημαρχῶν tote Κάτων καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνων πολι-
/ ’ 2) ἊΨ, \ 3 ’ / \ /
τεύμασιν ἀπ᾽ ἴσης μὲν ἐξουσίας, μείζονος δὲ δόξης
ΕῚ , ΄ N ” e , 5
ἀντιτασσόμενος. τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα ῥᾳδίως ἔλυσε,
\ , / an ‘
καὶ τὴν Κικέρωνος ὑπατείαν οὕτως ἦρε τῷ λόγῳ
/ ft x A lal ,
μεγάλην δημηγορήσας ὥστε τιμὰς αὐτῷ τῶν πώ-
(4 ’, lal
ποτε μεγίστας ψηφίσασθαι καὶ προσαγορεῦσαι
7 7 x / -
πατέρα πατρίδος. πρώτῳ γὰρ ἐκείνῳ δοκεῖ
1 ἐκείνων Coraés, Bekker, and Graux, after Xylander:
ἐκείνου (referring to Caesar).

138

CICERO, xxi. 1-3

work him harm, and they had as leaders, among
the magistrates-elect, Caesar as praetor, and Metellus
and Bestia! as tribunes. When these assumed
office, Cicero having still a few days of consular
authority,? they would not permit him to harangue
the people, but placing their benches so as to com-
mand the rostra, would not suffer or allow him
to speak; instead, they ordered him, if he wished,
merely to pronounce the oath usual on _ giving
up office, and then come down. Cicero accepted
these terms and came forward to pronounce his oath ;
and when he had obtained silence, he pronounced,
not the usual oath, but one of his own and a new
one, swearing that in very truth he had saved his
country and maintained her supremacy. And all the
people confirmed his oath for him. At this Caesar
and the tribunes were still more vexed and contrived
fresh troubles for Cicero. Among other things, a law
was introduced by them for calling Pompey home
with his army, in order, forsooth, that he might put
down the arbitrary power of Cicero. But Cato, who
was tribune at this time, was a great help to Cicero
and to the whole state, and opposed the measures of
the other tribunes with an authority equal to theirs
and a greater good repute. For he easily put a stop
to their other projects, and so highly extolled the
“arbitrary power” of Cicero in a speech to the
people, that they voted him the greatest honours
ever conferred and called him the father of his coun-
try. For he was the first, as it seems, to receive this

1 Bestia was tribune in 63 B.c., and could not have had
any part in dictating the procedure of Cicero.

2 Caesar, as praetor, assumed office January 1, 62 B.c., the

day after Cicero laid down the consulship; but the new
tribunes for the year 62 assumed office early in December of 63.

139

PLUTARCH'S LIVES

a id iz > Ν ef 3 a
τοῦτο καθυπάρξαι, Κάτωνος αὐτὸν οὕτως ἐν TO
δήμῳ προσαγορεύσαντος.

XXIV. Καὶ μέγιστον μὲν ἴσχυσεν ἐν τῇ πόλει

t a λιν a a se \ b) 7, 5515
τότε, πολλοῖς ὃ ἐπίφθονον. ἑαυτὸν ἐποίησεν ἀπ᾽
οὐδενὸς ἔργου πονηροῦ, τῷ δ᾽ ἐπαινεῖν ἀεὶ καὶ
μεγαλύνειν αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ πολλῶν δυσχεραι-
νόμενος. οὔτε γὰρ βουλὴν οὔτε δῆμον οὔτε

-
δικαστήριον ἣν συνελθεῖν ἐν ᾧ μὴ Κατιλίναν ἔδει
/ > a \ ῇ 2 \ \
θρυλούμενον ἀκοῦσαι καὶ Λέντλον. ἀλλὰ καὶ

\ / a / \ \ /
Ta βιβλια τελευτῶν KATETANTE καὶ τὰ συγγράμ-

ol / \ f 5
para τῶν ἐγκωμίων" καὶ τὸν λόγον ἥδιστον ὄντα
καὶ χάριν ἔχοντα πλείστην. ἐπαχθῆ καὶ φορτικὸν

/
ἐποίησε τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις, ὥσπερ τινὸς ἀεὶ κηρὸς
if
αὐτῷ τῆς ἀηδίας ταύτης προσούσης. ὅμως δέ,
καίπερ οὕτως ἀκράτῳ φιλοτιμίᾳ συνών, ἀπήλ-
a “ ς ’ BD)

λακτὸο τοῦ φθονεῖν ἑτέροις, ἀφθονώτατος ὧν ἐν
la \ “- . \ »

τῷ τοὺς πρὸ αὑτοῦ καὶ τοὺς καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἄνδρας
ἐγκωμιάζειν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν συγγραμμάτων λαβεῖν

\ ’ a
ἔστι. πολλὰ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ Kal ἀπομνημονεύουσιν'
? i

οἷον περὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλους, ὅτι χρυσίου ποταμὸς
” , a

εἴη ῥέοντος, καὶ περὶ τῶν Ἰ]λάτωνος διαλόγων,
¢ a / γ / fa} ¢
ὡς τοῦ Διός, εἰ λόγῳ χρῆσθαι πέφυκεν, οὕτω

/ Ἂ δὲ Θ / > 0 Ν

διαλεγομένου. τὸν δὲ Θεόφραστον εἰώθει τρυφὴν
ἰδίαν ἀποκαλεῖν. περὶ δὲ τῶν Δημοσθένους

, 9 \ , , ΄ 5
λόγων ἐρωτηθεὶς τινα δοκοίη καλλιστον εἰναι,

[4 lal
TOV μέγιστον εἶπε. KALTOL τινὲς τῶν προσποιου-

ly / ΡΣ ’, a a

μένων δημοσθενίζειν ἐπειφύονται φωνῇ tov Κικέ-
/ fal ,

ρωνος, ἣν πρός τινα τῶν ἑταίρων ἔθηκεν ἐν ἐπι-

στολῇ γράψας, ἐνιαχοῦ τῶν λόγων ἀπονυστάζειν

1 Cicero himself nowhere says this, nor does he mention
Cato in connection with the title. In his oration in Pisonem,

[40

CICERO, xxii. 3—XxXiv. 4

title) after Cato had given it to him before the
people.

XXIV. So at this time Cicero had the greatest
power in the state, but he made himself generally
odious, not by any base action, but by continually
praising and magnifying himself, which made him
hateful to many. For there could be no session
either of senate or assembly or court of justice in
which one was not obliged to hear Catiline and Len-
tulus endlessly talked about. Nay, he even went so
far as to fill his books and writings with these praises
of himself; and he made his oratory, which was
naturally very pleasant and had the greatest charm,
irksome and tedious to his hearers, since this un-
pleasant practice clung to him like a fatality. But
nevertheless, although he cherished so strong an am-
bition, he was free from envying others, since he was
most ungrudging in his encomiums upon his pre-
decessors and contemporaries, as may be gathered
from his writings. There are also many sayings of
his on record which prove this; for instance, he said
of Aristotle that he was a river of liquid gold,” and
of the dialogues of Plato that Jupiter, were it his
nature to use human speech, would thus discourse.
Theophrastus, too, he used to call his own special
delight. And when he was asked which of the
speeches of Demosthenes he thought the best, he
replied, “the longest.’ And yet some of those who
pretend to be imitators of Demosthenes dwell much
upon an expression which Cicero used in a letter to
one of his friends, to the effect that in some parts of

3, 6, he says that Quintus Catulus gave him the title in the
Senate. 2 Acad. Prior. ii. 38, 119.
3 Brutus, 31, 121 (si Graece loquatur).

141

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a \ / a
τὸν Δημοσθένη: τῶν δὲ μεγάλων Kal θαυμαστῶν
7 - la n \ rn /
ἐπαίνων οἷς πολλαχοῦ χρῆται περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρός,
ἃ ΄, lal “ΩΣ
καὶ ὅτι περὶ οὺς μάλιστα τῶν ἰδίων ἐσπούδασε
/ \ ,’ ’ , \ 3 /
λόγων, τοὺς Kat ᾿Αντωνίου, Φιλιππικοὺς ἐπέ-
γραψεν, ἀμνημονοῦσι.
A ’ \ /
Τῶν δὲ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐνδόξων ἀπὸ λόγου καὶ
, ᾽ ” > \ ΩΣ > 2 / 2 ὃ Ui
σοφίας οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδεὶς ὃν οὐκ ἐποίησεν ἐνδοξό-
/ xX / > a \ Ὁ
τερον ἢ λέγων ἢ γράφων εὐμενῶς περὶ ἑκάστου.
lA \ a a / \
Ἱζρατίππῳ δὲ τῷ ἸΤεριπατητικῷ διεπράξατο μὲν
ς ΄, / \ / 4 »
Ῥωμαίῳ γενέσθαι παρὰ Καίσαρος ἄρχοντος ἤδη,
\ >] /
διεπράξατο δὲ Kat} τὴν ἐξ ᾿Αρείου πάγου βουλὴν
, a / \ ») A
ψηφίσασθαι δεηθῆναι μένειν αὐτὸν ἐν ᾿Αθήναις
/ a f, A
καὶ διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς νέοις ὡς κοσμοῦντα τὴν
/ 5 \ δὲ \ a K / τὰ
πόλιν. ἐπιστολαὶ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Κικέρωνος εἰσὶ
\ € / “ \ \ \ CHL. 2
πρὸς Ἡρώδην, ἕτεραι δὲ πρὸς τὸν υἱόν, ἐγκελευο-
a / fe
μένον συμφιλοσοφεῖν Κρατίππῳ. Τοργίαν δὲ
, » \ /
TOV ῥήτορα αἰτιώμενος εἰς ἡδονὰς Kal πότους
\ Pi a
προάγειν TO μειράκιον ἀπελαύνει τῆς συνουσίας
lal ¢ lal € n
αὐτοῦ. Kal σχεδὸν αὕτη Te τῶν ᾿αληνικῶν μία
Ν Ὗ \ / Ἂ / b] 3 a
καὶ δευτέρα πρὸς Ιέλοπα τὸν Βυζάντιον ἐν ὀργῇ
΄ \ \ / “
τινι γέγραπται, τὸν μὲν Lopytay αὐτοῦ προση-
/ io A ,
KOVTWS ETLKOTTOVTOS, εἴπερ ἣν φαῦλος καὶ ἀκό-
π / Ν \ \ ,
λαστος, ἧπερ ἐδόκει, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Πέλοπα μικρο-
\ “ /
λογουμένου καὶ μεμψιμοιροῦντος ὥσπερ ἀμελή-
fa \ ΄ \
σαντα τιμάς τινας αὐτῷ Kal ψηφίσματα Tapa
/
Βυζαντίων γενέσθαι.
- lal \ ,
XXV. Ταῦτά τε δὴ φιλότιμα, καὶ τὸ πολλάκις

1 καὶ supplied here by Reiske, and deleted before δεηθῆναι
by Sintenis! (in crit, notes). Graux simply transposes.

142

87.

4
«

CICERO, xxiv. 4—xxv. 1

his speeches Demosthenes nods; but of the great
and admirable praises which he often bestows upon
him, and of the fact that those speeches of his
own to which he devoted most labour, namely, the
speeches against Antony, were entitled by him
Philippics, they say nothing.

Moreover, of the men of his own time who were
famous for eloquence or learning, there is not one
whom he did not make more famous by what he said or
wrote in favour of him. For Cratippus the Peripatetic
he obtained the Roman citizenship from Caesar, now in
power, and he also induced the council of the Areio-
pagus to pass a decree requesting him to remain at
Athens and discourse with the young men, and thus
be an ornament to the city. Furthermore, there are
detters from Cicero to Herodes, and others to his son,
in which he urges them to study philosophy with
Cratippus.! But Gorgias the rhetorician he censured
for leading the young man into pleasures and drink-
ing par ee and banished him from his son’s society.”
This is almost the only one of his Greek letters
(there is also a second, addressed to Pelops of By-
zantium) which was written in a spirit of anger; and
Gorgias he properly rebukes, if, as he was thought
to be, he was worthless and intemperate ; but towards
Pelops he shows a mean and querulous spirit for
having neglected to obtain for him certain honorary
decrees from the Byzantians.

XXV. These complaints were characteristic of

1 These letters are not extant.

2 The younger Cicero, in a letter to Tiro (ad fam. xvi.
21, 6). says that he had found Gorgias useful as a teacher of
declamation, but had dismissed him in obedience to his
father’s positive command.

143

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> ’ a , a ἐν , Ν /
ἐπαιρόμενον τοῦ λογου TH CELvOTHTL TO πρέπον
oh \
προΐεσθαι. Movvatiw μὲν yap ποτε συνηγορή-
\ \ ti a ,
σας, ὡς ἀποφυγὼν τὴν δίκην ἐκεῖνος ἐδίωκεν
- r a ie lal
ἑταῖρον αὐτοῦ Σαβῖνον, οὕτω λέγεται προπεσεῖν
δ ee 5 a e / e bf > la) iad \ \ > /
um ὀργῆς ὁ Κικέρων ὥστ᾽ εἰπεῖν: “Σὺ yap éxet-
= / / \ OL > / ὃ \ ΄
νην, ὦ Μουνάτιε, τὴν δικην ἀπέφυγες διὰ σαυτὸν,
nr \ / \ “ /
οὐκ ἐμοῦ πολὺ σκότος ἐν φωτὶ TO δικαστηρίῳ
͵ ” a? \ ees ἢ ΄
περιχέαντος; Μάρκον δὲ Κράσσον ἐγκωμιάζων
a f δ᾽ / \\ γ᾽ Ὁ /
ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος εὐημέρησε, Kal μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας
cy 3 , la) > if e ’ a 3
αὖθις ὀλίγας λοιδορῶν αὐτόν, ὡς ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν
“ ΄ ’ \ a ,
“Od yap ἐνταῦθα πρώην αὐτὸς ἡμᾶς ἐπήνεις;"
/ is / \
“Nat,” φησι, “μελέτης ἕνεκεν γυμνάζων τὸν
, > / id / 9 ’ , ,
λογον εἰς φαύλην ὑπόθεσιν. εἰπόντος δέ ποτε.
a / / ’ Ὁ if
tov Κράσσου μηδένα Κράσσον ἐν “Ῥώμῃ βεβιω-
΄ / 532)
κέναι μακρότερον ἑξηκονταετίας, εἶθ᾽ ὕστερον
ἢ , \ , ΜΝ; ὁ, δὲν \
ἀρνουμένου καὶ λέγοντος, “Τί δ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ παθὼν
a 53 39 / ’ 7 id [4 ΄
τοῦτ᾽ εἶπον; ““ἬἪιδεις,᾽ ἔφη, “Ῥωμαίους ἡδέως
x fo tear | / ” ,
ἀκουσομένους Kal διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐδημαωγώγεις." ἀρέ-
σκεσθαι δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου τοῖς Στωϊκοῖς φήσαντος,
an , 5 \ \ ᾽ ,
ὅτι πλούσιον εἶναι τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἀποφαίνουσιν,
val 8 ἰς / a rn
“"Ona μὴ μᾶλλον," εἶπεν, “ὅτι πάντα τοῦ σοφοῦ
ἫΝ ” >] > /
λέγουσιν εἶναι." διεβάλλετο δ᾽ εἰς φιλαργυρίαν
ς Ν lal c » .
ὁ Κράσσος. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου τῶν παίδων ὁ
“ ? , Ν a “ bet \ ὃ \ a
ἕτερος ᾿Α ξίῳ τινὶ δοκῶν ὅμοιος εἶναι, Kal διὰ τοῦτο
ὡς , > τ stats nr 9 ,
τῇ μητρὶ προστριβόμενος αἰσχρὰν ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αξίῳ
/ Id “- ΄
διαβολὴν εὐδοκίμησε λόγον ἐν βουλῇ διελθών,
¢ f / > an a) ”
ἐρωτηθεὶς ὁ Κικέρων τί φαίνεται αὐτῷ, “A ξιος,
Ἦ “6 Z a
εἶπε, “ Κράσσου.

144

CICERO, xxv. 1-4

ambition, as well as the fact that he was often led on
by the cleverness of his speech to disregard propriety.
For instance, he once served as advocate for Muna-
tius, who was no sooner acquitted than he prosecuted
a friend of Cicero’s, Sabinus, whereupon, it is said,
Cicero was so transported with anger as to say : “ Was
it, pray, on your own merits, Munatius, that you were
acquitted, and not because I spread much darkness
about the court when before there was light?”” And
again, he gained great applause by an encomium on
Marcus Crassus from the rostra, and then a few days
afterwards as publicly reviled him, whereupon Cras-
sus said: “ What, did you not stand there yourself a
day or two ago and praise me?” “ Yea,’ said Cicero,
“exercising my eloquence by way of practice on a
bad subject.”” Again, Crassus once said that no Crassus
had lived in Rome to be older than sixty years, and
then tried to deny it, exclaiming, “‘ What could have
led me to say this?” “You knew,” said Cicero,
“that the Romans would be delighted to hear it, and
by that means you tried to court their favour.” And
when Crassus expressed his satisfaction with the
Stoics because they represented the good man as
rich, “ Consider,’’ said Cicero, “whether your satis-
faction is not rather due to their declaration that all
things belong to the wise.’’ Now, Crassus was ac-
cused of covetousness. Again, one of the sons of
Crassus who was thought to resemble a certain Axius,
and on this account had brought his mother’s name
into scandalous connection with that of Axius, once
made a successful speech in the senate, and when
Cicero was asked what he thought of him, he
answered with the Greek words “ Axios Krassou.”’ ἢ

1 «Worthy of Crassus.”

145

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXVI. Μέλλων δὲ Κράσσος εἰς Συρίαν ἀπαί-
ρειν ἐβούλετο τὸν Κικέρωνα μᾶλλον αὐτῷ φίλον
ἢ ἐχθρὸν εἶναι: καὶ φιλοφρονούμενος ἔφη βού-
λεσθαι δειπνῆσαι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ: κἀκεῖνος ὑπεδέξατο
προθύμως. ὀλίγαις δ᾽ ὕστερον ἡμέραις περὶ
Βατινίου φίλων τινῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ὡς μνωμέ-
νου διαλύσεις καὶ φιλίαν (ἦν γὰρ ἐχθρός), “Οὐ
δήπου καὶ Bativios,” εἶπε, “ δειπνῆσαι παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ
βούλεται; πρὸς μὲν οὖν Κράσσον τοιοῦτος. av-
τὸν δὲ τὸν Βατίνιον ἔχοντα χοιράδας ἐν τῷ
τραχήλῳ καὶ λέγοντα δίκην οἰδοῦντα ῥήτορα
προσεῖπεν. ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὅτι τέθνηκεν, εἶτα μετὰ
μικρὸν πυθόμενος σαφῶς ὅτι ζῇ, “ Κακὸς τοίνυν
ἀπόλοιτο κακῶς ὁ ψευσάμενος." ἐπεὶ δὲ Καί-
capt ψηφισαμένῳ τὴν ἐν Καμπανίᾳ χώραν
κατανεμηθῆναι τοῖς στρατιώταις πολλοὶ μὲν
ἐδυσχέραινον ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, Λεύκιος δὲ Γέλλιος
ὁμοῦ τι πρεσβύτατος ὧν εἶπεν ὡς οὐ γενήσεται
τοῦτο ζῶντος αὐτοῦ, “ Περιμείνωμεν,᾽ εἶπεν ὁ
Κικέρων, “ μακρὰν γὰρ οὐκ αἰτεῖται Τέλλιεος
ὑπέρθεσιν. ἦν δέ τις ᾿Οκταούϊος αἰτίαν ἔχων
ἐκ Λιβύης γεγονέναι: πρὸς τοῦτον ἔν τινι δίκῃ
λέγοντα τοῦ Κικέρωνος μὴ ἐξακούειν, “ Καὶ μὴν
οὐκ ἔχεις," εἶπε, “TO οὗς ἀτρύπητον.᾽ Μετέλλου
δὲ Νέπωτος εἰπόντος ὅτι πλείονας καταμαρτυρῶν
ἀνήρηκεν ἢ συνηγορῶν σέσωκεν, “ Ὁμολογῶ
γάρ," ἔφη, “ πίστεως ἐν ἐμοὶ πλέον ἢ δεινότητος
εἶναι. νεανίσκου δέ τινος αἰτίαν ἔχοντος ἐν
πλακοῦντι φάρμακον τῷ πατρὶ δεδωκέναι θρα-

146

CICERO, xxvi. 1-5

XXVI. When Crassus was about to set out for
Syria, wishing that Cicero should be a friend rather
than an enemy, he said to him in a friendly manner
that he wished to dine with him; and Cicero readily
received him into his house. But a few days after-
wards, when some friends interceded with him for Va-
tinius, saying that the man sought reconciliation and
friendship (for he was an enemy), “It surely cannot
be,’ said Cicero, “that Vatinius also wishes to dine
with me.” Such, then, was his treatment of Crassus.
Now, Vatinius himself had swellings on his neck, and
once when he was pleading a case Cicero called
him a tumid orator. Again, after hearing that Va-
tinius was dead, and then after a little learning for a
surety that he was alive, “ Wretchedly perish, then,”
said Cicero, “the wretch who lied!” And again,
Caesar once got a decree passed that the land in
Campania should be divided among his soldiers, and
many of the senators were dissatisfied, and Lucius
Gellius, who was about the oldest of them, declared
that it should never be done while he was alive;
whereupon Cicero said: “ Let us wait, since Gellius
does not ask for a long postponement.” There was
a certain Octavius, too, who was reputed to be of
African descent; te this man, who said at a certain
trial that he could not hear Cicero, the orator replied :
“And yet your ear is not without a perforation.” }
And when Metellus Nepos declared that Cicero had
brought more men to death as a hostile witness than
he had saved from it as an advocate, “ Yes,’ said
Cicero, “I admit that my credibility is greater than
my eloquence.” Again, when a certain young man
who was accused of having given his father poison in

1 Usually the mark of a slave.

147

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συνομένου καὶ λέγοντος ὅτι λοιδορήσει τὸν
Κικέρωνα, “ Τοῦτο, ἔφη, “ παρὰ σοῦ βούλομαι
μᾶλλον ἢ πλακοῦντα." Ποπλίου δὲ Σηστίου
συνήγορον μὲν αὐτὸν ἔν τινι δίκῃ παραλαβόντος
μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων, αὐτοῦ δὲ πάντα βουλομένου λέγειν
καὶ μηδενὶ παριέντος εἰπεῖν, ὡς δῆλος ἦν ἀφιέ-
μενος ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ἤδη τῆς ψήφου φερομέ-
ms, “ Χρῶ σήμερον, ᾿ ἔφη, “τῷ καιρῷ, Σήστιε'"
μέλλεις γὰρ αὔριον. ἰδιώτης εἶναι." Πόπλιον δὲ
Κώνσταν νομικὸν εἶναι βουλόμενον, ὄντα δ᾽ ἀμα-
Oi καὶ abun, πρός τινα δίκην ἐκάλεσε μάρτυρα"
τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν εἰδέναι φάσκοντος, ““ἼἼσως," ἔφη,
“δοκεῖς περὶ τῶν νομικῶν ἐρωτᾶσθαι. Μετέλ-
λου δὲ Νέπωτος ἐν διαφορᾷ τινι πολλάκις λέ-
γοντος “Τίς σοῦ πατήρ ἐστιν," ὁ Κικέρων “ Sot
ταύτην " ἔφη ““τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἡ μήτηρ χαλεπω-
τέραν ἐποίησεν." ἐδόκει δ᾽ ἀκόλαστος ἡ μήτηρ
εἶναι τοῦ Νέπωτος, αὐτὸς δέ τις εὐμετάβολος.
καί ποτε τὴν δημαρχίαν ἀπολιπὼν ἄφνω πρὸς
Πομπήϊον ἐξέπλευσεν εἰς Συρίαν, εἶτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν
ἐπανῆλθεν ἀλογώτερον. θάψας δὲ Φίλαγρον
τὸν καθηγητὴν ἐπιμελέστερον ἐπέστησεν αὐτοῦ
TO τάφῳ κόρακα λίθινον" καὶ ὁ Κικέρων “ Todt”
ἔφη 4 σοφώτερον ἐποίησας: πέτεσθαι γάρ σε
μᾶλλον ἢ λέγειν ἐδίδαξεν." ἐπεὶ δὲ Μάρκος
Ἄππιος ἔν τινι δίκῃ προοιμιαζόμενος εἶπε φίλον
αὐτοῦ δεδεῆσθαι παρασχεῖν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ λο-
μ Ὲ J, See, oe δ.) Ἐν {-
γιότητα καὶ πίστιν, “ Εἶθ᾽ οὕτως, ἔφη, “σιδη-
ροῦς γέγονας ἄνθρωπος ὥστε μηδὲν ἐκ τοσούτων
ὧν ἡτήσαθ᾽ ὁ φίλος παρασχεῖν;

148

874

CICERO, xxvi. 5-8

a cake put on bold airs and threatened to cover Cicero
with abuse, “That,” said Cicero, “I would rather
have from you than a cake.” There was Publius
Sextius, too, who retained Cicero as an advocate in
a case, along with others, and then wanted to do all
the speaking himself, and would allow no one else a
word ; when it was clear that he was going to be ac-
quitted by the jurors and the vote was already being
given, “ Use your opportunity to-day, Sextius,” said
Cicero, “ for to-morrow you are going to be a nobody.”
Publius Consta, too, who wanted to be a lawyer, but
was ignorant and stupid, was once summoned by
Cicero as witness in a case; and when he kept say-
ing that he knew nothing, “ Perhaps,” said Cicero,
“you think you are being questioned on points of
law.” Again, in a dispute with Cicero, Metellus
Nepos asked repeatedly “ Who is your father?”” “In
your case,” said Cicero, “‘ your mother has made the
answer to this question rather difficult.” Now, the
mother of Nepos was thought to be unchaste, and he
himself a fickle sort of man. He once suddenly de-
serted his office of tribune and sailed off to join
Pompey in Syria, and then came back from there
with even less reason. Moreover, after burying his
teacher Philagrus with more than usual ceremony,
he set upon his tomb a raven in stone; whereupon
Cicero remarked: “In this you have acted more
wisely than is your wont, for he taught you to fly
rather than to speak.” And again, when Marcus
Appius prefaced his speech in a case by saying that
his friend had begged him to exhibit diligence,
eloquence, and fidelity, “And then,” said Cicero,
“are you so hard-hearted as to exhibit none of those
great qualities which your friend demanded ?”’

VOL. VII. jap 24)

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXVII. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρὸς ἐχθροὺς ἢ ἢ ἀντιδίκους
σκώμμασι χρῆσθαι πικροτέροις δοκεῖ ῥητορικὸν
εἶναι" τὸ δ᾽ οἷς ἔτυχε προσκρούειν ἕνεκα τοῦ
γελοίου πολὺ συνῆγε μῖσος αὐτῷ. γράψω δὲ
καὶ τούτων ὀλίγα. Μάρκον ᾿Ακυΐνιον ἔχοντα δύο
γαμβροὺς φυγάδας ᾿Αδραστον ἐκάλει. Λευκίου
δὲ Κόττα τιμητικὴν ἔχοντος ἀρχήν, φιλοινοτάτου
δ᾽ ὄντος, ὑπατείαν μετιὼν ὁ Κικέρων ἐδίψησε,
καὶ τῶν φίλων κύκλῳ περιστάντων ὡς ἔπινεν,
es ᾿Ορθῶς φοβεῖσθε," εἶπε, “ μή μοι γένοιτο χαλ-
επὸς ὁ τιμητὴς ὅτι ὕδωρ πίνω. Βωκωνίῳ δ᾽
ἀπαντήσας ἄγοντι μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τρεῖς ἀμορφοτάτας
θυγατέρας ἀνεφθέγξατο"

“ ’, 2 > IA ” / ”
Φοίβου ποτ᾽ οὐκ ἐῶντος ἔσπειρεν τέκνα.

Μάρκου δὲ Γελλίου δοκοῦντος οὐκ ἐξ ἐλευθέρων
γεγονέναι, λαμπρᾷ δὲ τῇ φωνῇ καὶ μεγάλῃ γράμ-
ματα πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐξαναγνόντος, τὰ Μὴ
θαυμάζετε," εἶπε, “καὶ αὐτὸς εἷς ἐστι τῶν ἀνα-
πεφωνηκότων.᾽" ἐπεὶ δὲ Φαῦστος ὁ Σύλλα τοῦ
μοναρχήσαντος ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπὶ θανά-
τῷ προγράψαντος ἐν δανείοις γενόμενος καὶ πολ-
λὰ τῆς οὐσίας διασπαθήσας ἀ ἀπάρτιον προέγραψε,
ταύτην ἔφη μᾶλλον αὐτῷ τὴν προγραφὴν ἀρέ-
σκειν ἢ τὴν πατρῴαν.

XXVIII. "Ex τούτων ἐγίνετο πολλοῖς ἐπα-
χθής" καὶ οἱ μετὰ Κλωδίου συνέστησαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἀρχὴν τοιαύτην λαβόντες. ἣν Κλώδιος ἀνὴρ
εὐγενής, τῇ μὲν ἡλικίᾳ νέος, τῷ δὲ φρονήματι

1 Adrastus, mythical king of Argos, gave his two daughters
in marriage to Tydeus and Polyneices, both of whom were
fugitives from their native cities.

150

CICERO, xxv. 1—xxvill. 1

XXVII. Now, this use of very biting jests against
enemies or legal opponents seems to be part of
the orator’s business; but his indiscriminate attacks
for the sake of raising a laugh made many people
hate Cicero. And I will give a few instances of
this also. Marcus Aquinius, who had two sons-in-
law in exile, he called Adrastus.1 Again, Lucius
Cotta, who held the office of censor, was very fond of
wine, and Cicero, when canvassing for the consulship,
was a-thirst, and as his friends stood about him while
he drank, said: “ You have good reason to fear that
the censor will deal harshly with me—for drinking
water.” And when he met Voconius escorting three
very ugly daughters, he cried out :—

“It was against the will of Phoebus that he begat
children.”’ 2

Again, when Marcus Gellius, who was thought to
be of servile birth, had read letters to the senate
in a loud and clear voice, “Do not marvel,” said
Cicero, “he too is one of those who have cried
aloud for their freedom.” * And when Faustus, the
son of the Sulla who was dictator at Rome and
placarded many people for death, got into debt,
squandered much of his substance, and placarded
his household goods for sale, Cicero said he liked
this placarding better than his father’s.

XXVIII. Asa consequence of this he became odious
to many; and besides, the partisans of Clodius com-
bined against him on the following ground. Clodius
was a man of noble birth, young in years, but bold

2 An iambic trimeter from some lost tragedy, perhaps the
Oedipus of Euripides (Nauck, 7'rag. Graec. Frag.”, p. 911).

3 A play upon the phrase (used of a slave) ‘‘ in libertatem
reclamare.”

151

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θρασὺς καὶ αὐθάδης. οὗτος ἐρῶν Πομπηΐας τῆς
Καίσαρος γυναικὸς εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ παρεισ-
ἢλθε κρύφα, λαβὼν ἐσθῆτα καὶ σκευὴν ψαλ-
τρίας" ἔθυον γὰρ αἱ γυναῖκες τὴν ἀπόρρητον
ἐκείνην καὶ ἀθέατον. ἀνδράσι θυσίαν ἐν τῇ τοῦ
Καίσαρος οἰκίᾳ, καὶ παρῆν ἀνὴρ, οὐδείς" ἀλλὰ
μειράκιον ὧν ἔτι καὶ μήπω γενειῶν ὁ Κλώδιος
ἤλπιξε ᾿λήσεσθαι διαδὺς πρὸς τὴν Πομπηΐαν
μετὰ τῶν γυναικῶν. ὡς δ᾽ εἰσῆλθε νυκτὸς εἰς
οἰκίαν μεγάλην, ἠπορεῖτο τῶν διόδων: καὶ πλα-
νώμενον αὐτὸν ἰδοῦσα Αὐρηλίας θεραπαινὶς τῆς
Καίσαρος μητρός, TNT EV ὄνομα. φθέγξασθαι
δ᾽ ἀναγκασθέντος ἐκείνου καὶ φήσαντος ἀκόλου-
θον ἸΠομπηΐας ζητεῖν "ABpav τοὔνομα, συνεῖσα
τὴν φωνὴν οὐ γυναικείαν οὖσαν ἀνέκραγε καὶ
συνεκάλει τὰς γυναῖκας. αἱ δ᾽ ἀποκλείσασαι
τὰς θύρας καὶ πάντα διερευνώμεναι, λαμβάνουσι
τὸν Κλώδιον εἰς οἴκημα παιδίσκης, 7) 7 συνεισῆλθε,
καταπεφευγότα. τοῦ δὲ πράγματος περιβοήτου
γενομένου Καῖσάρ τε τὴν ἸΠομπηΐαν ἀφῆκε καὶ
δίκην 1 ἀσεβείας ἀπεγράψατο τῷ Κλωδίῳ.
XXIX. Κικέρων δ᾽ ἣν μὲν αὐτοῦ φίλος καὶ
τῶν περὶ Κατιλίναν πραττομένων ἐχρῆτο προ-
θυμοτάτῳ συνεργῷ καὶ φύλακι τοῦ σώματος,
ἰσχυριξομένου δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἔγκλημα τῷ μηδὲ
γεγονέναι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐν “Ῥώμῃ τὸν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽
ἐν τοῖς πορρωτάτω χωρίοις διατρίβειν, κατεμαρ-
τύρησεν ὡς ἀφιγμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν οἴκαδε καὶ

1 δίκην before this word Sintenis and Bekker assume a
lacuna in the text, where once stood some such phrase as
εἷς τῶν δημάρχων (Plutarch, Caesar, x. 5). So (substantially)
Graux,

152

876

CICERO, xXxviti.:1~xx1x."1

and presumptuous in spirit. This man, being in love
with Pompeia, Caesar’s wife, got into his house
secretly, by assuming the dress and guise of a lute-
player; for the women of Rome were celebrating in
Caesar’s house that mysterious rite which men were
not allowed to witness,! and no man was there; but
being still a beardless youth Clodius hoped without
being noticed to slip through to Pompeia along with
the women. But since he got in at night and the
house was large, he lost his way in the passages ; and
as he was wandering about, a maid of Aurelia, Caesar’s
mother, caught sight of him and asked him his name.
Being thus compelled to speak, he said that he was
looking for an attendant of Pompeia named Abra,
whereupon the maid, perceiving that his voice was
not that of a woman, raised a cry and called the
women together. These shut the doors, searched
carefully all about, and found Clodius, who had taken
refuge in the chamber of the girl with whom he
came into the house. The affair having become
noised abroad, Caesar divorced Pompeia and had an
action for sacrilege brought against Clodius.

XXIX. Now, Cicero was a friend of Clodius, and
in the affair of Catiline had found him a most eager
co-worker and guardian of his person; but when
Clodius replied to the charge against him by insist-
ing that he had not even been in Rome at the time,
but had been staying in places at the farthest
remove from there, Cicero testified against him,
declaring that Clodius had come to his house and

1 Cf. chapter xix. 3,

153

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 διειλεγμένου περί τινων" ὅπερ ἣν ἀληθές. ov μὴν
ἐδόκει μαρτυρεῖν ὁ Κικέρων διὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν,
ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν αὑτοῦ γυναῖκα TepevTiay ἀπολο-
γούμενος. ἣν γὰρ αὐτῇ πρὸς τὸν Κλώδιον ἀπέ-
χθεια διὰ τὴν ἀδελφὴν τὴν ἐκείνου Κλωδίαν, ὡς
τῷ Κικέρωνι βουλομένην γαμηθῆναι καὶ τοῦτο
διὰ Τύλλου τινὸς πράττουσαν, ὃς ἑταῖρος μὲν ἣν
καὶ συνήθης ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Κικέρωνος, ἀεὶ δὲ
πρὸς τὴν Κλωδίαν φοιτῶν καὶ θεραπεύων ἐγγὺς

8 οἰκοῦσαν ὑποψίαν τῇ Τερεντίᾳ παρέσχε. χα-
λεπὴ δὲ τὸν τρόπον οὖσα καὶ τοῦ Κικέρωνος
ἄρχουσα παρώξυνε τῷ Κλωδίῳ συνεπιθέσθαι καὶ
καταμαρτυρῆσαι. κατεμαρτύρουν δὲ τοῦ Κλω-
δίου πολλοὶ τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐπιορ-
κίας, ῥᾳδιουργίας, ὄχλων δεκασμούς, φθορὰς
γυναικῶν. Λεύκουλλος δὲ καὶ θεραπαινίδας
παρεῖχεν ὡς συγγένοιτο τῇ νεωτάτῃ τῶν ἀδελφῶν

4 ὁ Κλώδιος, ὅτε Λευκούλλῳ συνῴκει. πολλὴ δ᾽
ἣν δόξα καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις δυσὶν ἀδελφαῖς πλη-
σιάξειν τὸν Κλώδιον, ὧν Τερτίαν μὲν Μάρκιος. ὁ
Ῥήξ, Κλωδίαν δὲ Μέτελλος 0 Κέλερ εἶχεν, ἣν
Κουαδραντίαν ἐκάλουν, ὅτι τῶν ἐραστῶν τις
αὐτῇ χαλκοῦς ἐμβαλὼν εἰς βαλάντιον ὡς ἀργύ-
ριον εἰσέπεμψε: τὸ δὲ λεπτότατον τοῦ χαλκοῦ
νομίσματος κουαδράντην ἐκάλουν. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ
μάλιστα τῶν ἀδελφῶν κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὁ Κλώδιος.

5 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε τοῦ δήμου πρὸς τοὺς καταμαρ-
τυροῦντας αὐτοῦ καὶ συνεστῶτας ἀντιταττομένου

1 Κοναδραντίαν Sintenis with the MSS.; Κουαδρανταρίαν Bek-
ker, after Xylander and Du Soul (ef. Cie. pro Cael. 26,
62, mulier quadrantaria).

154

CICERO, xxix 1-5

consulted him on certain matters; which was true.
However, it was thought that Cicero did not give
his testimony for the truth’s sake, but by way of
defence against the charges of his own wife Terentia.
For there was enmity between her and Clodius on
account of his sister Clodia, whom Terentia thought
to be desirous of marrying Cicero and to be con-
triving this with the aid of a certain Tullus; now,
Tullus was a companion and an especial intimate of
Cicero, and his constant visits and attentions to
Clodia, who lived near by, made Terentia suspicious.
So, being a woman of harsh nature, and having sway
over Cicero, she incited him to join in the attack
upon Clodius and give testimony against him. More-
over, many men of the better class bore witness
against Clodius for perjury, recklessness, bribery of
the multitude, and debauching of women. And
Lucullus actually produced female slaves who tes-
tified that Clodius had commerce with his youngest
sister when she was living with Lucullus as his wife.
There was also a general belief that Clodius had
intercourse with his other two sisters, of whom
Tertia was the wife of Marcius Rex, and Clodia of
Metellus Celer; the latter was called Quadrantia,
because one of her lovers had put copper coins into
a purse and sent them to her for silver, and the
smallest copper coin was called “quadrans.” It was
with regard to this sister in particular that Clodius
was in evil repute. However, since the people at
this time set themselves against those who com.
bined and testified against him, the jurors were

155

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φοβηθέντες οἱ δικασταὶ φυλακὴν περιεστήσαντο,
καὶ τὰς δέλτους οἱ πλεῖστοι συγκεχυμένοις τοῖς
γράμμασιν ἤνεγκαν. ὅμως δὲ πλείονες ἔδοξαν οἱ
ἀπολύοντες γενέσθαι" καί τις ἐλέχθη καὶ δεκα-

6 σμὸς διελθεῖν. ὅθεν ὁ μὲν Κάτλος ἀπαντήσας τοῖς
κριταῖς, “ “Tels,” εἶπεν, “ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὑπὲρ ἀσφα-
λείας ἠτήσασθε τὴν φυλακήν, φοβούμενοι μή
τις ὑμῶν ἀφέληται τὸ ἀργύριον." Κικέρων δὲ
τοῦ Κλωδίου πρὸς αὐτὸν λέγοντος ὅτι μαρτυρῶν
οὐκ ἔσχε π πίστιν παρὰ τοῖς δικασταῖς, AR.
ἐμοὶ μέν," εἶπεν, “οἱ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τῶν δικα-
στῶν ἐπίστευσαν" τοσοῦτοι γάρ σου κατεψηφί-
σαντο" σοὶ δὲ τριάκοντα οὐκ ἐπίστευσαν' οὐ
γὰρ πρότερον ἀπέλυσαν ἢ ἔλαβον τὸ ἀργύριον."

70 «μέντοι Καῖσαρ οὐ κατεμαρτύρησε κληθεὶς ἐπὶ
τὸν Κλώδιον, οὐδ᾽ ἔφη μοιχείαν “κατεγνωκέναι τῆς
γυναικός, ἀφεικέναι δ᾽ αὐτὴν ὅτι τὸν Καίσαρος
ἔδει γάμον οὐ πράξεως αἰσχρᾶς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ
φήμης καθαρὸν εἶναι.

XXX. Διαφυγὼν δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον ὁ Κλώδιος
καὶ δήμαρχος αἱρεθεὶς εὐθὺς εἴχετο τοῦ Κικέρω-
νος, πάνθ᾽ ὁμοῦ πράγματα καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους
συνάγων καὶ ταράττων ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν. τόν τε γὰρ
δῆμον ὠκειώσατο νόμοις φιλανθρώποις, καὶ τῶν
ὑπάτων ἑκατέρῳ μεγάλας ἐπαρχίας ἐψηφίσατο,
Πείσωνι μὲν Μακεδονίαν, Γαβινίῳ δὲ Συρίαν,
πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ἀπόρων συνέτασσεν εἰς τὸ πολί-
τευμα, καὶ δούλους ὡπλισμένους περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε.

2 τῶν δὲ πλεῖστον δυναμένων τότε τριῶν ἀνδρῶν,

1 Cf. also the Caesar, x. 7. Each juror was provided with.
three tablets, on one of which was marked A (absolvo) ; on a
second C (condemno) ; and on a third N.L. (non liquet). The

156

CICERO, xxix. 5—xxx. 2

frightened and surrounded themselves with a guard,
and most of them cast their voting-tablets with the
writing on them confused.! But nevertheless those
who were for acquittal appeared to be in the
majority ; and some bribery also was said to have
been used. This led Catulus to say, when he met
the jurors, “It was indeed as a measure of safety
that you asked for your guard; you were afraid that
someone would take your money away from you.” 2
And Cicero, when Clodius told him that as a witness
he had found no credit with the jurors, said: “ Nay,
twenty-five of the jurors gave me credit, for so many
voted against you; and thirty of them gave you no
credit, for they did not vote to acquit you until they
had got your money.” Caesar, however, when sum-
moned as a witness, gave no testimony against
Clodius, and denied that he had condemned his wife
for adultery, but said that he had put her away
because Caesar’s wife must be free not only from
shameful conduct, but even from shameful report.
XXX. But Clodius, having escaped his peril, and
having been chosen tribune,* at once began to
attack Cicero, arraying and stirring up against him
all things and all men alike. He won the favour
of the people by benevolent laws, got large pro-
vinces voted to each of the consuls (Macedonia to
Piso, and Syria to Gabinius), brought many of the
poorer class into organized political activity, and
kept armed slaves about his person. Now, of the
three men who at that time had most power,

jurors voted by placing one of these tablets in the urn.
Plutarch must have misunderstood his source.

2 Cf. Cicero, ad Att. i. 16, 5.

3 Cf. Cicero, sbid. 16, 10. 4 For the year 58 B.c.

157

an

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, a
Κράσσου μὲν ἄντικρυς Κικέρωνι πολεμοῦντος,
of. / \ ,
Πομπηΐου δὲ θρυπτομένου πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους,
’
Καίσαρος δὲ μέλλοντος εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξιέναι μετὰ
Ν “ \ &
στρατεύματος, ὑπὸ τοῦτον ὑποδὺς ὁ Κικέρων,
Ud ᾽ ” , > 3. δῷ 2 a \
καίπερ οὐκ ὄντα φίλον, ἀλλ ὕποπτον EK τῶν περὶ
\ la
Κατιλίναν, ἠξίωσε πρεσβευτὴς αὐτῷ συστρα-
/ a , e
τεύειν. δεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὁ Κλώδιος
e n je \ te A Ν
ὁρῶν ἐκφεύγοντα τὴν δημαρχίαν αὐτοῦ τὸν Κικέ-
ρωνα προσεποιεῖτο συμβατικῶς ἔχειν, καὶ τῇ
,
Tepevtia τὴν πλείστην ἀνατιθεὶς αἰτίαν, ἐκείνου
rn ,
δὲ μεμνημένος ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ καὶ λόγους εὐγνώ-
2 / Ὁ A ᾽ “ ᾽ \
μονας ἐνδιδούς, ὡς ἄν τις οὐ μισῶν οὐδὲ χαλε-
, > 5 fa) / Ν ᾽ὔ by
παίνων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκαλῶν μέτρια καὶ φιλικά, παντά-
“ Ν > a “ »» a A
πασιν αὐτοῦ τὸν φόβον ἀνῆκεν, WoT ἀπειπεῖν TO
“ \ ΄ a
Καίσαρι τὴν πρεσβείαν καὶ πάλιν ἔχεσθαι τῆς
,ὔ » ae \ e a ,
πολιτείας. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Καῖσαρ τὸν τε
Κλώδιον ἐπέρρωσε καὶ Ἰ]ομπήϊον ἀπέστρεψε
A a , ’ /
κομιδῆ τοῦ Κικέρωνος, αὐτὸς τε κατεμαρτύρησεν
a Ἅ, a A A
ἐν τῷ δήμῳ μὴ δοκεῖν αὐτῷ καλῶς μηδὲ νομίμως
” > / ’ a \ \ /
ἄνδρας ἀκρίτους ἀνηρῆσθαι τοὺς περὶ Λέντλον
Τὴ \ ,
καὶ Ké@nyov. αὕτη γὰρ ἣν ἡ κατηγορία, καὶ ἐπὶ
aA, € Oe / ᾽ lal 4 φ \
τοῦθ᾽ ὁ Κικέρων ἐκαλεῖτο. κινδυνεύων οὖν καὶ
, 9 fol a \ / > /
διωκόμενος ἐσθῆτα μετήλλαξε Kal κόμης ἀνά-
“ / μὰ an A
πλεως περιϊὼν ἱκέτευε TOV δῆμον. πανταχοῦ δ᾽ ὁ
\
Κλώδιος ἀπήντα κατὰ τοὺς στενωπούς, ἀνθρώ-
\ Ν a €
πους ἔχων ὑβριστὰς περὶ αὑτὸν Kal θρασεῖς, οἱ
\ Ν / ’ / ᾽ \
πολλὰ μὲν χλευάζοντες ἀκολάστως εἰς THY μετα-
Ν Ν an a {A A
βολὴν καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τοῦ Κικέρωνος, πολλαχοῦ
158

876

CICERO, xxx. 2-5

Crassus was an out-and-out foe of Cicero, Pompey
was dallying with both, and Caesar was about to
set out for Gaul with an army ; into Caesar’s favour,
therefore, Cicero insinuated himself (although Caesar
was not a friend, but an object of suspicion owing to
the affair of Catiline), and asked to accompany him
on his campaign as legate.!. But no sooner had
Caesar granted the request than Clodius, seeing
that Cicero was thus escaping his tribunicial
power, pretended to be desirous of a reconciliation,
and by laying the chief blame upon Terentia, and
always speaking of Cicero in friendly terms and
using kindly expressions about him, as one who
bore him no hatred or even ill-will, but had mode-
rate complaints to make of him in a friendly way,
he altogether took away his fear, so that he declined
the office of legate under Caesar and again applied
himself to public matters. But at this conduct
Caesar was exasperated, and encouraged Clodius
against Cicero, and completely alienated Pompey
from him, while he himself testified before the
people that he did not think it right or lawful
that men should be put to death without a trial,
as in the case of Lentulus, Cethegus, and their
accomplices. For this was the denunciation made
against Cicero, and to this he was summoned to
make answer. And so, being in peril of prosecution,
he changed his attire,? and with his hair untrimmed
went about supplicating the people. But Clodius
met him everywhere in the streets, with a band
of bold and insolent men about him, who made
many unbridled jests upon Cicero’s change of attire,

1 According to Cicero (ad Att. ii. 18, 3), it was Caesar who
made the request. 2 To a garb of mourning.

159

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a ἴς a
δὲ πηλῴ καὶ λίθοις βάλλοντες ἐνίσταντο ταῖς
€ ,
ἱκεσίαις.

͵ 3 \ 3 \ a i? aA \
XXXI. Ov μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον μὲν
’ lal an “ a
ὀλίγου δεῖν σύμπαν TO τῶν ἱππικῶν πλῆθος
συμμετέβαλε τὴν ἐσθῆτα, καὶ δισμυρίων οὐκ
/ a
ἐλάττους νέων παρηκολούθουν κομῶντες Kal συνι-
κετεύοντες" ἔπειτα τῆς βουλῆς συνελθούσης ὅπως
, N a e 3... τ / θ lal
ψηφίσαιτο τὸν δῆμον ws ἐπὶ πένθεσι μεταβαλεῖν
τὰ ἱμάτια, καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐναντιωθέντων, Κλω-
, \ , \ \ ΄,
δίου δὲ σιδηροφορουμένου περὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον,
5. > 2 / lal “-
Ξξέδραμον οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν βουλευτικῶν καταρ-
\ an a 5
ρηγνύμενοι τοὺς χιτῶνας καὶ βοῶντες. ὡς δ᾽ ἢν
v9 3 yA Oa \ \ ” b) ?
οὔτ᾽ οἶκτος οὔτε τις αἰδὼς πρὸς THY ὄψιν, ἀλλ
ἊΝ Ν K , i Ἃ Bi \ ὃ ,
ἔδει τὸν Κικέρωνα φεύγειν ἢ βίᾳ καὶ σιδήρῳ
a \ N Si 2 a l,
κριθῆναι πρὸς τὸν Κλώδιον, ἐδεῖτο ἸΠομπηΐον
a , \
βοηθεῖν ἐπίτηδες ἐκποδὼν γεγονότος καὶ διατρί-
a Ν U , οἵ a
Bovtos ἐν ἀγροῖς περὶ τὸν ᾿Αλβανόν. καὶ πρῶτον
\ ” , Ν \ ,
μὲν ἔπεμψε Ileicwva τὸν γαμβρὸν δεησόμενον'
»Μ λ 3 Ν > / “ > e
ἔπειτα καὶ αὐτὸς ἀνέβη. πυθόμενος δ᾽ ὁ Ilop-
7. ΣΈ | ε ΄ > ” > “ x \
πήϊος οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν, δεινὴ yap
αὐτὸν αἰδὼς εἶχε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα μεγάλους ἠγω-
νισμένον ἀγῶνας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς
/ ’ ’ / > \ /
χάριν ἐκείνῳ πεπολιτευμένον, ἀλλὰ Καίσαρι
γαμβρὸς ὧν δεομένῳ προὔδωκε τὰς παλαιὰς
/ \ \ ’ », ι δι 2
χάριτας καὶ κατὰ θύρας ἄλλας ὑπεξελθὼν ἀπε-
΄ \ », “ \ \ e
δίδρασκε τὴν ἔντευξιν. οὕτω δὴ προδοθεὶς ὁ
Κικέρων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ γεγονὼς ἔρημος ἐπὶ τοὺς
ς / / \ , N φ
ὑπάτους κατέφυγε. καὶ TaBivios μὲν ἣν χαλε-
Ν ay / \ / / > A
mos ἀεί, Ἰ]είσων δὲ διελέχθη πρᾳότερον αὐτῷ,

160

CICERO, xxx. 5—xxx1. 4

and often pelted him with mud and stones, and so
interfered with his supplications to the people.
XXXI. However, in the first place, nearly the
whole body of knights changed their attire with
Cicero, and as many as twenty thousand young men
escorted him with their hair untrimmed and joined
in his suppliant entreaties to the people;1! and
besides, when the senate had met in order to pass
a vote that the people should change their dress
in token of public calamity, and the consuls had
opposed it, and Clodius was in arms about the
senate-house, not a few of the senators ran out,
rending their garments and crying aloud. But since
“this sight awakened neither pity nor any mercy,
but Cicero was obliged either to go into exile or
to appeal to force and the sword against. Clodius,
he begged for aid from Pompey, who had purposely
got out of the way and was staying at his country
seat in the Alban hills. First Cicero sent Piso,?
his son-in-law, to entreat for him; then he went
up thither himself also. Pompey, however, on
learning of his coming, could not endure to see
him, for he felt a strong sense of shame towards
the man who had made great struggles in his behalf
and had often adopted a political course to please
him; but since he was Caesar’s son-in-law, at his
request he proved false to his old obligations,
clipped out by another door, and so ran away from
the interview. Thus betrayed by him and left
desolate, Cicero fled for refuge to the consuls.
Gabinius was always severe with him, but Piso dealt

1 Cf. Cicero’s oration post red. ad Quir. 3, 8.
2 Not the consul who is mentioned in xxx. 1 and below in
§ 4.

161

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

παραινῶν ἐκστῆναι καὶ ὑποχωρῆσαι TH τοῦ Krw-
δίου ῥύμῃ καὶ τὴν μεταβολὴν τῶν καιρῶν ἐνεγκεῖν
καὶ γενέσθαι πάλιν σωτῆρα τῆς πατρίδος ἐν
στάσεσι καὶ κακοῖς δι᾿ ἐκεῖνον οὔσης.
Τοιαύτης τυχὼν ἀποκρίσεως ὁ Κικέρων ἐβου-
λεύετο σὺν τοῖς φίλοις: καὶ Λεύκουλλος μὲν ἐκέ-
1} ς / 7 \ is
NEVE μένειν, WS TrEPLETOMEVOV, ἄλλοι δὲ φεύγειν,
an f
ὡς ταχὺ τοῦ δήμου ποθήσοντος αὐτόν, ὅταν
3 A a , , \ » /
ἐμπλησθῇ τῆς Κλωδίου μανίας καὶ ἀπονοίας.
Lovee) ΝΜ ΄ \ \ ‘ yy a
ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε Κικέρωνι: καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄγαλμα τῆς
’ a ἃ \ , » 2 \ aA ’ 4
Αθηνᾶς, ὃ πολὺν χρόνον ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας
e / Sas , > ΄
ἱδρυμένον ἐτίμα διαφερόντως, εἰς Καπιτώλιον
Ἵ ἀνέθηκεν ἐπιγράψας “᾿Αθηνᾷ “Pa
κομίσας Ποῦ ἐπ ρα αν ει ηνᾷ “Ρώμης
φύλακι, πομποὺς δὲ παρὰ τῶν φίλων λαβὼν
\ / , ς A an / \ A
περὶ μέσας νύκτας ὑπεξῆλθε τῆς πόλεως καὶ πεζῇ
/
διὰ Aevxavias ἐπορεύετο, λαβέσθαι Σικελίας
βουλόμενος.
ς >]
XXXII. ‘Os δ᾽ ἦν φανερὸς ἤδη πεφευγώς,
᾽ A an A id 4
ἐπήγαγεν αὐτῷ φυγῆς ψῆφον ὁ Κλώδιος, καὶ διά-
γραμμα προὔθηκεν εἴργειν πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος τὸν
Ν / 4
ἄνδρα καὶ pn παρέχειν στέγην ἐντὸς μιλίων
, ᾽ , a \ 4 ”
πεντακοσίων Irartas. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἄλλοις
na /
ἐλάχιστος ἦν τοῦ διαγράμματος τούτου λόγος
΄ὔ Ν , A
αἰδουμένοις Tov Κικέρωνα, καὶ πᾶσαν ἐνδεικνύ-
΄ /
μενοι φιλοφροσύνην παρέπεμπον αὐτόν: ἐν δ᾽
[ ΄ , a , A τ A A
Ἱππωνίῳ, πόλει τῆς Λευκανίας, ἣν Οὐιβῶνα νῦν
a oh. Ν
καλοῦσιν, Οὐΐβιος, Σικελὸς ἀνήρ, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ
A / , bd \ \ \
THs Κικέρωνος φιλίας ἀπολελαυκὼς Kai γεγονὼς

162

81

CICERO, χχχι. 4--ΧΧΧΙΙ. 2

with him more gently, advising him to stand aside
and yield to the impetuous assaults of Clodius, to
submit to the change in the times, and to become
once more a saviour of his country when she was in-
volved in seditions and misfortunes through Clodius.

After getting such answer to his appeal, Cicero
took counsel with his friends: Lucullus urged him
to remain in the city, believing that he would
prevail ; but others advised him to go into exile,
believing that the people would quickly long for
him when they were sated with the folly and
madness of Clodius. This Cicero decided to do;
so he took the statue of Minerva which had long
stood in his house, and which he honoured exceed-
ingly, carried it to the capitol,! and dedicated it
there with the inscription “To Minerva, Guardian
of Rome”; then, accepting an escort from [115
friends, about midnight he slipped out of the city,
and set out on foot through Lucania, desiring to
reach Sicily.

XXXII. But as soon as it was known that he had
fled, Clodius caused a vote of banishment to be passed
upon him, and issued an edict that all men should
refuse him fire and water and that no man should
give him shelter within five hundred miles of Italy.
Now, most men paid not the slightest heed to
this edict out of respect for Cicero, and escorted
him on his way with every mark of kindness ;
but at Hipponium, a city of Lucania,? which is
now called Vibo, Vibius, a Sicilian, who had
profited much from Cicero’s friendship and_par-
ticularly by being made prefect of engineers during

1 Cf. Cicero, de leg. ii. 17, 42 ; ad fam. xii. 25, 1.
2 Rather Bruttium.

103

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὑπατεύοντος αὐτοῦ τεκτόνων ἔπαρχος, οἰκίᾳ μὲν
> 266 Ν / δὲ ΄ > f
οὐκ ἐδέξατο, TO χωρίον δὲ καταγράψειν ἐπηγγέλ-
λετο, καὶ Τ᾿άϊος Οὐεργίλιος, ὁ τῆς Σικελίας στρα-
τηγός, ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Κικέρωνι κεχρημένος,
n ’
ἔγραψεν ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς Σικελίας. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀθυμή-
σας ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Βρεντέσιον, κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Δυρρά-
΄ “ /
χίον ἀνέμῳ φορῷ περαιούμενος, ἀντιπνεύσαντος
πελαγίου μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπαλινδρόμησεν, εἶτ᾽ αὖθις
ἀνήχθη. λέγεται δὲ καὶ καταπλεύσαντος εἰς
Δυρράχιον αὐτοῦ καὶ μέλλοντος ἀποβαίνειν σει-
an an \ ἣν fel
σμόν τε τῆς γῆς Kal σπασμὸν ἅμα γενέσθαι τῆς
΄, ’ 3 ἊΝ fe e \ \
θαλάττης. ab ὧν συνέβαλον οἱ μαντικοὶ μὴ
μόνιμον αὐτῷ τὴν φυγὴν ἔσεσθαι: μεταβολῆς γὰρ
εἶναι ταῦτα σημεῖα. πολλῶν δὲ φοιτώντων ἀν-
δρῶν ὑπ᾽ εὐνοίας καὶ τῶν “EXdnvidwv πόλεων
\ \ a -“
διαμιλλωμένων πρὸς αὑτὰς ταῖς πρεσβείαις, ὅμως
> “ \ / an \ / \ \
ἀθυμῶν καὶ περίλυπος διῆγε τὰ πολλά, πρὸς τὴν
/ a a
Ἰταλίαν, ὥσπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες, ἀφορῶν, καὶ τῷ
φρονήματι μικρὸς ἄγαν καὶ ταπεινὸς ὑπὸ τῆς
συμφορᾶς γεγονὼς καὶ συνεσταλμένος, ὡς οὐκ ἄν
τις ἄνδρα παιδείᾳ συμβεβιωκότα τοσαύτῃ προσ-
εδόκησε. καίτοι πολλάκις αὐτὸς ἠξίου τοὺς
φίλους μὴ ῥήτορα καλεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ φιλόσοφον"
, \ ἢ ΕΣ Ἢ
φιλοσοφίαν γὰρ ὡς ἔργον ἡρῆσθαι, ῥητορικῇ δ᾽
ὀργάνῳ χρῆσθαι πολιτευόμενος ἐπὶ τὰς χρείας.
A \ / e
ἀλλ᾽ ἡ δόξα δεινὴ τὸν λόγον, ὥτπερ βαφήν, ἀπο-
7 a io \ \ a lal > 7,
κλύσαι τῆς ψυχῆς, καὶ τὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐνομόρ-
᾽ e / \ an
ξασθαι πάθη δι’ ὁμιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν τοῖς

164

CICERO, χχχιι. 2-5

his consulship, would not receive him in his house,
but sent him word that he would assign him _ his
country-place for residence; and Caius Vergilius,
the praetor of Sicily, who had been on most inti-
mate terms with Cicero, wrote him to keep away
from Sicily.1 Disheartened at this treatment, he
set out for Brundisium, and from there tried to
cross to Dyrrhachium with a fair breeze, but since
he met a counter-wind at sea he came back the
next day, and then set sail again. It is said, too,
that after he had put in at Dyrrhachium and was
about to land, there was an earthquake accompanied
by a violent convulsion of the sea. Wherefore the
soothsayers conjectured that his exile would not
be lasting, since these were signs of change. But
although many people visited him out of goodwill,
and the Greek cities vied with one another in
sending him deputations, still, he passed his time
for the most part in dejection and great grief,
looking off towards Italy like a disconsolate lover,
while in his spirit he became very petty and mean
by reason of his misfortune, and was more humbled
than one would have expected in a man who had
enjoyed so lofty a discipline as his. And yet he
often asked his friends not to call him an orator,
but a philosopher, because he had chosen philosophy
as an occupation, but used oratory merely as an
instrument for attaining the needful ends of a
political career. But public opinion has great power
to wash away reason, like a dye, from the soul of
man, and by force of familiar association to impress
the feelings of the vulgar on those who engage

1 Cf. Cicero, pro Plancio, 40, 95 ff.
? As his letters to Atticus (iii. 8-21) show.

165

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ ” ΄ Cc} / ,
πολιτευομένοις, ἄν μή TLS ED μάλα φυλαττόμενος
¢ a ἣν a ΄
οὕτω συμφέρηται τοῖς ἐκτὸς ὡς τῶν πραγμάτων
A A \ A “
αὐτῶν, οὐ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι παθῶν συμμε-
θέξων.
XXXIII. ‘O δὲ Κλώδιος ἐξελάσας τὸν Κικέ-
ρωνα κατέπρησε μὲν αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπαύλεις, κατ-
\ / A
ἔπρησε δὲ τὴν οἰκίαν Kal τῷ τόπῳ ναὸν ᾿Ελευ-
,ὔ 3 , \ EH Τοῦ > ΄
θερίας ἐπῳκοδόμησε: τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην οὐσίαν ἐπώλει
᾽
καὶ διεκήρυττε καθ᾽ ἡμέραν, μηδὲν ὠνουμένου μη-
4 x a
δενός. ἐκ δὲ τούτου φοβερὸς ὧν τοῖς ἀριστοκρα-
a Ν i a ’ / > e/ ἐν
τικοῖς, καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀνειμένον εἰς ὕβριν πολλὴν
καὶ θρασύτητα συνεφελκόμενος, ἐπεχείρει τῷ
Πομπηΐῳ, τῶν διῳκημένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν
στρατείαν ἔνια σπαράττων. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ ἸΠΤομπήϊος
3 A > 7, ’ \ id \ , X ,
ἀδοξῶν ἐκάκιζεν αὐτὸς αὑτὸν προέμενος τὸν Kuxé-
ρωνα" καὶ πάλιν ἐκ μεταβολῆς παντοῖος ἐγίνετο
πράττων κάθοδον αὐτῷ μετὰ τῶν φίλων. ἐνιστα-
μένου δὲ τοῦ Κλωδίου συνέδοξε τῇ βουλῇ μηδὲν
/ an a \
διὰ μέσου πρᾶγμα κυροῦν μηδὲ πράττειν δημό-
σιον, εἰ μὴ Κικέρωνι κάθοδος γένοιτο. τῶν δὲ
Γ a
περὶ Λέντλον ὑπατευόντων Kal τῆς στάσεως
΄ / uA A A
πρόσω βαδιζούσης, ὥστε τρωθῆναι μὲν ἐν ἀγορᾷ
΄, De Se \ , > \ ἐς
δημάρχους, Κόϊντον δὲ τὸν Κικέρωνος ἀδελφὸν ἐν
A a , a δ
τοῖς νεκροῖς ὡς τεθνηκότα κείμενον διαλαθεῖν, 6
a , a A
Te δῆμος ἤρχετο τρέπεσθαι TH γνώμῃ, καὶ τῶν
, v , “Ὁ ᾽ / Ν
δημάρχων "Ἄννιος Μίλων πρῶτος ἐτόλμησε τὸν
Κλώδιον εἰς δίκην ἀπάγειν βιαίων, καὶ Πομπηΐῳ
πολλοὶ συνῆλθον ἔκ τε τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶν πέριξ
πόλεων. μεθ᾽ ὧν προελθὼν καὶ τὸν Κλώδιον

166

CICERO, xxxtl. 5-ΧΧΧΠΙ. 3

in political life, unless one is right well on his guard
when he engages himself in things external, and
is resolved to participate only in the things them-
selves, and not in the feelings attendant upon
them.

XXXIII. As for Clodius, after driving Cicero away
he burned down his villas, and burned down his
house, and erected on its site a temple to Liberty;
the rest of his property he offered for sale and had it
proclaimed daily, but nobody would buy anything.
Being therefore formidable to the patricians, and
dragging along with him the people, who indulged
in great boldness and effrontery, he assailed Pompey,
attacking fiercely some of the arrangements made by
him on his expedition. The disgrace which this
brought upon Pompey led him to reproach himself
for his abandonment of Cicero; and changing front
he used every effort to effect Cicero’s return, and so
did his friends. But since Clodius opposed himself
to this, the senate decided to ratify no measure that
came up in the mean time and to do no public busi-
ness, unless Cicero should be permitted to return.!
During the consulship of Lentulus,? however, when
the disorder went on increasing, so that tribunes
were wounded in the forum and Quintus the brother
of Cicero lay unnoticed for dead among the slain,?
the people began to change their minds, and Annius
Milo, one of the tribunes, first ventured to prosecute
Clodius for violence, and many joined themselves to
Pompey both from the people and from the surround-
ing cities. With these Pompey came forth, drove

1 Cf. Cicero, pro Sest. 31, 67 f.; Plutarch, Pompey, xlix. 1-3.
2 ΘΕ Ὁ:
? Cf. Cicero, pro Sest. 35, 75 f.

167

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀναστήσας ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐκάλει
τοὺς πολίτας. καὶ λέγεται μηδέποτε μηδὲν ἐκ
τοσαύτης ὁμοφροσύνης ἐπιψηφίσασθαι τὸν δῆ-
μον. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἁμιχλωμένη πρὸς τὸν δῆμον
ἔγραψεν ἐπαινεθῆναι τὰς πόλεις ὅσαι τὸν Κικέ-
ρωνα παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν ἐθεράπευσαν, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν
αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις, ἃς Κλώδιος διεφθάρκει,
τέλεσι δημοσίοις ἀνασταθῆναι.

Κατήει δὲ Κικέρων ἑκκαιδεκάτῳ μηνὶ μετὰ τὴν
φυγήν" καὶ τοσαύτη τὰς πόλεις χαρὰ καὶ σπουδὴ
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους περὶ τὴν ἀπάντησιν εἶχεν ὥστε
τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπὸ Κικέρωνος ὕστερον ἐνδεέστερον εἶναι
τῆς ἀληθείας. ἔφη γὰρ αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὦὥμων τὴν
Ἰταλίαν φέρουσαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην εἰσενεγκεῖν.
ὅπου καὶ Κράσσος, ἐχθρὸς ὧν αὐτῷ πρὸ τῆς
φυγῆς, τότε προθύμως ἀπήντα καὶ διελύετο, τῷ
παιδὶ ἸΠοπλίῳ χαριζόμενος, ὡς ἔλεγε, ζηλωτῇ τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ὄντι.

XXXIV. Χρόνον δ᾽ οὐ πολὺν διαλιπὼν καὶ
παραφυλάξας ἀποδημοῦντα τὸν Κλώδιον ἐπῆλθε
μετὰ πολλῶν τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ τὰς δημαρχικὰς
δέλτους, ἐν αἷς ἀναγραφαὶ τῶν διῳκημένων ἦσαν,
ἀπέσπασε καὶ διέφθειρεν. ἐγκαλοῦντος δὲ περὶ
τούτου τοῦ Κλωδίου, τοῦ δὲ Κικέρωνος λέγοντος
ὡς παρανόμως ἐκ πατρικίων εἰς δημαρχίαν παρέλ-
θοι, καὶ κύριον οὐδὲν εἶναι τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ, Κάτων ἠγανάκτησε καὶ ἀντεῖπε, τὸν μὲν
Κλώδιον οὐκ ἐπαινῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυσχεραίνων τοῖς
πεπολιτευμένοις, δεινὸν δὲ καὶ βίαιον ἀποφαίνων

1 On the question οὗ Cicero’s recall,
2 Cf. Cicero, in Prsonem, 22, 52.
3 Οἱ, Cicero, post red. in sen. 15, 39.

168

81

CICERO, xxxill. 3—xxxIv. 2

Clodius from the forum, and summoned the citizens
to the vote.1 And it is said that the people never
passed any vote with such unanimity. The senate,
too, vying with the people, wrote letters of thanks to
all the cities which had ministered to Cicero during
his exile, and decreed that his house and his villas,
which Clodius had destroyed, should be restored at
the public cost.”

Thus Cicero came home in the sixteenth month
after his exile ; and so great was the joy of the cities
and the eagerness of men to meet him that what
was said by Cicero afterwards fell short of the truth.
He said, namely, that Italy had taken him on her
shoulders and carried him into Rome.? And there
Crassus also, who was his enemy before his exile, now
readily met him and was reconciled with him, to
gratify his son Publius, as he said, who was an ardent
admirer of Cicero.

XXXIV. After allowing only a short time to pass
and watching for an opportunity when Clodius was
absent from the city, Cicero went up with a great
company to the capitol, and there tore away and
destroyed the tablets of the tribunes, in which were
the records of their administration. When Clodius
brought charges against him for this and Cicero
argued that it was illegal for Clodius to pass from the
ranks of the patricians into the tribunate,* and that
therefore none of his acts was valid, Cato was in-
dignant and spoke against Cicero; not that he
approved of Clodius, nay, he was actually displeased
at his political course, but he set forth that it was a

4 Clodius had secured an adoption into a plebeian family
in order to become a candidate for the tribuneship. Cf.
Cicero, pro domo sua, 29, 77.

169

PLUTARCH’S. LIVES

ἀναίρεσιν ψηφίσασθαι δογμάτων καὶ πράξεων
τοσούτων τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐν αἷς εἶναι καὶ τὴν
ἑαυτοῦ τῶν περὶ Κύπρον καὶ Βυζάντιον διοίκησιν.
ἐκ τούτου “προσέκρουσεν ὁ Κικέρων αὐτῷ πρόσ-
κρουσιν εἰς οὐδὲν ἐμφανὲς προελθοῦσαν, ἀλλ᾽
ὥστε τῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ χρῆσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
ἀμαυρότερον.

XXXV. Μετὰ ταῦτα Κλώδιον μὲν ἀποκτίννυσι
Μίλων: καὶ διωκόμενος φόνου Κικέρωνα παρε-
στήσατο συνήγορον. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ φοβηθεῖσα μὴ
κινδυνεύοντος ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ θυμοειδοῦς τοῦ
Μίλωνος ταραχὴ γένηται περὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐπέ-
τρεψε Πομπηΐῳ ταύτην τε καὶ τὰς ἄλλας κρίσεις
βραβεῦσαι, παρέχοντα τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς δικα-
στηρίοις ἀσφάλειαν. ἐκείνου δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἔτι
νυκτὸς ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων περιλαβόντος τοῖς στρατι-
ὦταις, ὁ Μίλων τὸν Κικέρωνα δείσας μὴ πρὸς
τὴν ὄψιν ἀηθείᾳ διαταραχθεὶς χεῖρον διαγωνί-
σηται, συνέπεισεν ἐν φορείῳ κομισθέντα πρὸς
τὴν ἀγορὰν ἡσυχάξειν, ἄ ἄχρι οὗ συνίασιν οἱ κριταὶ

καὶ “πληροῦται τὸ δικαστήριον. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ μόνον ἣν,
ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν ὅπλοις ἀθαρσής, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ λέγειν
μετὰ φόβου προσήει, καὶ μόλις ἂν ἐπαύσατο!
παλλόμενος καὶ τρέμων ἐπὶ πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἀκμὴν
τοῦ λόγου καὶ κατάστασιν λαβόντος. Λικιννίῳ
δὲ Μουρήνᾳ φεύγοντι δίκην ὑπὸ Κάτωνος Bon-
θῶν, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος Ὁρτήσιον ὑπερβαλεῖν
εὐημερήσαντα, μέρος οὐδὲν ἀνεπαύσατο τῆς νυ-
κτός, ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ σφόδρα φροντίσαι καὶ διαγρυ-
πνῆσαι κακωθεὶς ἐνδεέστερος αὑτοῦ φανῆναι.

1 ἂν ἐπαύσατο Graux with 1) (ἀνεπαύσατο M4): ἐπαύσωτο.

170

CICERO, xxxiv. 2—xxxv. 3

strange and violent measure for the senate to vote
the abrogation of so many acts and decrees, among
which were those for his own administration in Cyprus
and Byzantium. This led to an antagonism between
him and Cicero which came to no open manifestation,
but made their friendly treatment of one another
less marked.

XXXV. After this Clodius was killed by Milo;}
and Milo, being prosecuted for murder, engaged
Cicero as his advocate. But the senate was afraid
that at the trial of Milo, who was a man of repute
and high spirit, there might be a disturbance in the
city, and therefore intrusted the superintendence
of this and the other trials to Pompey, who was to
furnish security for the city and the courts of jus-
tice. So Pompey, while it was still night, posted his
soldiers on the heights so as to command the forum,
and Milo, fearing that Cicero might be disturbed at
the unusual sight and conduct his case less success-
fully, persuaded him to be brought in a litter to the
forum and to wait there quietly until the jurors
assembled and the court-room was filled. Now Cicero,
as it would seem, was not only without courage under
arms, but also felt fear when he began to speak, and
in many trials he hardly ceased quivering and trem-
bling after his eloquence had become high and sus-
tained. When he was to plead for Licinius Murena
in a case brought against him by Cato, and was
ambitious to surpass Hortensius, who had made a
successful plea, he took no rest at all during the
night before, so that his lack of sleep and his great
anxiety did him harm, and he was thought inferior

1 Early in 528.c. For this year Pompey had been made
sole consul,

171

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 τότε δ᾽ οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Μίλωνος δίκην ἐκ τοῦ
φορείου προελθὼν καὶ θεασάμενος τὸν Πομπήϊον
ἄνω καθεζόμενον ὥσπερ ἐν στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ κύκλῳ
τὰ ὅπλα περιλάμποντα τὴν ἀγοράν, συνεχύθη
καὶ μόλις ἐνήρξατο τοῦ λόγου, κραδαινόμενος τὸ
σῶμα καὶ τὴν φωνὴν. ἐνισχόμενος, αὐτοῦ ποῦ
Μίλωνος εὐθαρσῶς καὶ ἀνδρείως παρισταμένου
τῷ ἀγῶνι καὶ κόμην θρέψαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν
ἐσθῆτα φαιὰν ἀπαξιώσαντος" ὅπερ οὐχ ἥκιστα
δοκεῖ συναίτιον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς καταδίκης.
ἀλλ᾽ ὅ γε Κικέρων διὰ ταῦτα φιλέταιρος μᾶλλον
ἢ δειλὸς ἔδοξεν εἶναι.

XXXVI. Τίνεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ods Αὔγου-
pas Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν, ἀντὶ Κράσσου τοῦ νέου
μετὰ τὴν ἐν Πάρθοις αὐτοῦ τελευτήν. εἶτα κλήρῳ
λαχὼν τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν Κιλικίαν καὶ στρατὸν ὅπλι-
τῶν μυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων, ἱππέων δὲ δισχιλίων
ἑξακοσίων, ἔπλευσε, προσταχθὲν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ
περὶ Καππαδοκίαν ᾿Αριοβαρξάνῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ

2 φίλα καὶ πειθήνια παρασχεῖν. ταῦτά τε δὴ παρ-
ἐστήσατο καὶ συνήρμοσεν ἀμέμπτως ἄτερ πολ έ-
μου, τούς τε Κίλικας ὁρῶν πρὸς τὸ Παρθικὸν 878
πταῖσμα Ρωμαίων καὶ τὸν ἐν Συρίᾳ νεωτερισμὸν
ἐπηρμένους KATETPAUVEY ἡμέρως ἄρχων. καὶ δῶρα
μὲν οὐδὲ τῶν βασιλέων διδόντων ἔλαβε, δείπνων
δὲ τοὺς ἐπαρχικοὺς ἀνῆκεν" αὐτὸς δὲ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν
τοὺς χαρίεντας ἀνελάμβανεν € ἑστιάσεσιν οὐ πολυ-

3 τελῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλευθερίως. ἡ δ᾽ οἰκία θυρωρὸν οὐκ
εἶχεν, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ὠφθη κατακείμενος ὑπ᾽ οὐδενός,
ἀλλ᾽ ἕωθεν ἑστὼς ἢ περιπατῶν πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου
τοὺς ἀσπαζομένους ἐδεξιοῦτο. λέγεται δὲ μήτε

172

CICERO, xxxv. 4—xxxvi. 3

to himself in his plea. And so at this time, when
he came out of his litter to plead Milo’s cause and
saw Pompey stationed on the heights as in a camp,
and arms flashing all around the forum, he was con-
founded and could scarcely begin his speech, for his
bedy quivered and his voice faltered; whereas Milo
showed the good courage of a brave man at the trial
and had not deigned to let his hair go untrimmed or
to change his attire to a dark one; and this seems
most of all to have contributed to his condemnation.
However, Cicero’s behaviour led men to think him
devoted to his friends rather than cowardly.
XXXVI. He became also one of the priests whom
the Romans call Augurs, in place of the younger
Crassus, who had died among the Parthians.!. Then
the lot gave him Cilicia as his province, with an
army of twelve thousand men-at-arms and twenty-six
hundred horsemen, and he set sail,? with instructions
to keep Cappadocia friendly and obedient to King
Ariobarzanes. This he accomplished and arranged
satisfactorily without war, and seeing that the Cili-
cians, in view of the Parthian disaster to the Romans
and the uprising in Syria, were in an agitated state,
he pacified them by his mild government. Gifts he
would not receive, not even when the kings offered
them, and he relieved the provincials from the
expense of entertainments; but he himself daily re-
ceived men of pleasing accomplishments at banquets
which were not expensive, although generous. His
house, too, had no door-keeper, nor did anyone ever
see him lying a-bed, but early in the morning he
would stand or walk in front of his chamber and re-
ceive those who came to pay him their respects. It is

1 In 538.0, See the Crassus, chapter xxv. 2 inbhpre

a

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

( ¥A > , / (An eee J A /
ῥάβδοις αἰκίσασθαί τινα μήτ᾽ ἐσθῆτα περισχίσαι
/ / e 23 lol aA / r
μήτε βλασφημίαν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἢ ζημίας προσβαλεῖν
7 e/ » Ν \ Ni n /
μεθ᾽ ὕβρεων. ἀνευρὼν δὲ πολλὰ τῶν δημοσίων
κεκλεμμένα τάς τε πόλεις εὐπόρους ἐποίησε, καὶ
τοὺς ἀποτίνοντας οὐδὲν τούτου πλεῖον παθόντας

΄ὔ
ἐπιτίμους διεφύλαξεν. ἥψατο δὲ καὶ πολέμου,
A ᾽

λῃστὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν ᾿Αμανὸν οἰκούντων τρεψά-
μενος: ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιω-

a > 10 K / 1 δὲ Ph 10 ὃ
τῶν ἀνηγορεύθη. Καιλίου! δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος δεο-
μένου παρδάλεις αὐτῷ πρός τινα θέαν εἰς Ῥώμην
ἐκ Κιλικίας ἀποστεῖλαι, καλλωπιζόμενος ἐπὶ τοῖς
πεπραγμένοις γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ εἶναι παρ-

ψ, 2 τι / / \ > ne
δάλεις ἐν Κιλικίᾳ: πεφευγέναι yap εἰς Καρίαν
ἀγανακτούσας ὅτι μόναι πολεμοῦνται, πάντων
εἰρήνην ἐχόντων. πλέων δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπαρχίας

A \ «ς , / lo) 2 3 /
τοῦτο μὲν Ῥόδῳ προσέσχε, τοῦτο δ᾽ ᾿Αθήναις
bf , yy , a / a
ἐνδιέτριψεν ἄσμενος πόθῳ τῶν πάλαι διατριβῶν.
ἀνδράσι δὲ τοῖς πρώτοις ἀπὸ παιδείας συγγενό-
μενος καὶ τοὺς τότε φίλους καὶ συνήθεις ἀσπασά-
μενος καὶ τὰ πρέποντα θαυμασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς
Ἑλλάδος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπανῆλθεν, ἤδη τῶν πρα-
γμάτων ὥσπερ ὑπὸ φλεγμονῆς ἀφισταμένων ἐπὶ
τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον.

’ \ = aA A

XXXVIT. "Ev μὲν οὖν τῇ βουλῇ ψηφιζομένων

᾽ A / “ὃ bal Μ A
αὐτῷ θρίαμβον ἥδιον av ἔφη παρακολουθῆσαι

ry!
Καίσαρι θριαμβεύοντι συμβάσεων γενομένων"
4

ἰδίᾳ δὲ συνεβούλευε πολλὰ μὲν Καίσαρι γράφων,

1 Καιλίον Coraés, Bekker, and Graux, after Xylander:
Κεκιλίου.

174

CICERO, xxxvi. 3-xxxvil. 1

said, moreover, that he never ordered any man to be
chastised with rods or to have his raiment torn from
him, and that he never inflicted angry abuse or con-
tumelious punishments. He discovered that much
of the public property had been embezzled, and by
restoring it he made the cities well-to-do, and men
who made restitution he maintained in their civil
rights without further penalties. He engaged in
war, too, and routed the robbers who made their
homes on Mount Amanus;! and for this he was
actually saluted by his soldiers as Imperator. When
Caelius the orator asked Cicero to send him panthers
from Cilicia for a certain spectacle at Rome, Cicero,
pluming himself upon his exploits, wrote to him that
there were no panthers in Cilicia; for they had fled
to Caria in indignation because they alone were
warred upon, while everything else enjoyed peace.?
On his voyage back from his province he _ first
touched at Rhodes, and then gladly spent some time
at Athens in fond remembrance of his old pursuits
in that place. Then, after associating with men who
were foremost for their learning, and after greeting
his old-time friends and intimates, and after receiving
from Greece the tokens of admiration that were his
due, he returned to Rome,? where a violent inflamma-
tion, as it were, was already forcing matters on
towards the civil war.

XXXVII. Accordingly, when the senators were
voting him a triumph, he said he would more gladly
follow in Caesar’s triumphal procession if matters
could be settled ; and privately he gave much advice

* Cf. Cicero, ad fam. ii. 10, 2 f.
2 Ad fam. 1. 11 2.
3 January 4, 49 B.o. Cf. ad fam. xvi. 11, 2.

175

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 a J L4 oh.
πολλὰ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἸΠομπηΐου δεόμενος, πραὔνων
id
ἑκάτερον Kal παραμυθούμενος. ὡς δ᾽ ἦν ἀνήκεστα
καὶ Καίσαρος ἐπερχομένου Ἰ]ομπήϊος οὐκ ἔμεινεν,
ἀλλὰ μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν πόλιν
’ an nr
ἐξέλιπε, ταύτης μὲν ἀπελείφθη τῆς φυγῆς ὁ Κικέ-
ρων, ἔδοξε δὲ Καίσαρι προστίθεσθαι. καὶ δῆλός
aA \ € >
ἐστι TH γνώμῃ πολλὰ ῥιπτασθεὶς ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα
καὶ δυσπαθήσας. γράφει γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς
a / of
διαπορεῖν ποτέρωσε χρὴ τρέπεσθαι, ἸΙομπηΐου
mew ΩΣ \ \ CHESS \ \ / 4
μὲν ἔνδοξον καὶ καλὴν ὑπόθεσιν πρὸς τὸν πόλε-
“ a
μον ἔχοντος, Καίσαρος δ᾽ ἄμεινον τοῖς πράγμασι
χρωμένου καὶ μᾶλλον ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς φίλους
, σ΄ Seo: \ a / \ » \
σώζξοντος, ὥστ᾽ ἔχειν μὲν ὃν φύγῃ, μὴ ἔχειν δὲ
\ a Δ ΄ Ψ XS a /
πρὸς ὃν φύγῃ. Τρεβατίου δέ, τινὸς τῶν Καίσαρος
ς , / 5. \ .“ ἢ A "»
ἑταίρων, γράψαντος ἐπιστολὴν ὅτι Καῖσαρ οἴεται
lal / \ b] \ ο / » id A
δεῖν μάλιστα μὲν αὐτὸν ἐξετάζεσθαι μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ
\ a » / , 2 ? » 7 \
καὶ τῶν ἐλπίδων μετέχειν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀναδύεται διὰ
a ¢ ’ -
γῆρας, εἰς τὴν “Ελλάδα βαδίζειν κἀκεῖ καθήμενον
ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν ἐκποδὼν ἀμφοτέροις γενόμενον,
θαυμάσας ὁ Κικέρων ὅτι Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς οὐκ ἔγρα-
, \ ’ A
ψεν, ἀπεκρίνατο πρὸς ὀργὴν ὡς οὐδὲν ἀνάξιον
A \ a
πράξει τῶν πεπολιτευμένων. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐν ταῖς
ἐπιστολαῖς γεγραμμένα τοιαῦτά ἐστι.
XXXVIII. Tov δὲ Καίσαρος εἰς ᾿Ιβηρίαν ἀπά-
ραντος, εὐθὺς ὡς ἸΙομπήϊον ἔπλευσε: καὶ τοῖς
”
μὲν ἄλλοις ἀσμένοις WhOn, Κάτων δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰδὼν
ἰδίᾳ πολλὰ κατεμέμφετο Ἰ]ομπηΐῳ προσθέμενον'
a x \ ἄγος στὴν a ” 2 a
αὑτῷ μὲν yap οὐχὶ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν ἣν

176

πο ----------ο-ος-ς-.--ς---ς---ς.-.-----ς-ουςο.

CICERO, xxxvul. 1—xxxvill. 1

to Caesar by letter, and much to Pompey in person
by way of personal entreaty, trying to mollify and
pacify each of them. But when things were past
healing, and Caesar was advancing upon the city, and
Pompey did not stay there, but abandoned the city
in the company of many good men, Cicero did not
take part in this flight, and was thought to be attach-
ing himself to Caesar. And it is clear that his judge-
ment drew him strengly in both directions and that
he was in distress. For he writes in his letters that
he knew not which way he ought to turn, since
Pompey had honourable and good grounds for going
to war, while Caesar managed matters better and
had more ability to save himself and his friends; he
therefore knew from whom he should flee, but not to
whom he should flee.!. And when Trebatius, one of the
companions of Caesar, wrote him a letter stating that
Caesar thought he ought above all things to range
himself on his side and share his hopes, but that if
he declined to do this by reason of his age, he ought
to go to Greece and take up a quiet life there out of
the way of both, Cicero was amazed that Caesar him-
self did not write, and replied in a passion that he
would do nothing unworthy of his political career.
Such, then, is the purport of his letters.

XXXVIII. But when Caesar set out for Spain,
Cicero at once sailed to Pompey.? The rest of
Pompey’s followers were glad to see him, but when
Cato saw him, he privately blamed him much for
attaching himself to Pompey. In his own case,
Cato said, it was not honourable to abandon the

1 Kgo vero quem fugiam habeo, quem sequar non habeo
(ad Ait. viii. 7, 2).

2 In April, 49 B.c., Caesar set out for Spain, and in June
Cicero sailed for Greece.

177

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

5 ᾽ 3 a ¢/- aA i ΄ » a δὲ
ar ἀρχῆς εἵλετο τῆς πολιτείας τάξιν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ
΄, 5 A / Ν A / »
χρησιμώτερον ὄντα TH πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς φίλοις εἰ
an \ ἊΝ a »
μένων ἴσος ἐκεῖ πρὸς τὸ ἀποβαῖνον ἡρμόζετο, κατ
> / Ν oO ’ οἱ / /
οὐδένα λογισμὸν οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης πολέμιον γεγο-
vA ,
vévat Καίσαρι καὶ τοσούτου μεθέξοντα κινδύνου
δεῦρ᾽ ἥκειν.
᾿ , \ “τσ , » ἡ e ,
Οὗτοί τε δὴ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀνέστρεφον οἱ λόγοι
\ iL \ / > A fol
τὴν γνώμην, καὶ TO μέγα μηδὲν αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι
- Νὴ
Πομπήϊον. αἴτιος δ᾽ ἣν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἀρνούμενος
, , \ a oh
μεταμέλεσθαι, φλαυρίζων δὲ tod Πομπηΐου τὴν
\ \ ,
παρασκευὴν καὶ πρὸς τὰ βουλεύματα δυσκολαί-
͵ὔ lal Ψ
νων ὑπούλως, καὶ τοῦ παρασκώπτειν τι καὶ λέγειν
Ἂ 3 \ / > > , ᾽ >
χαρίεν Els τοὺς συμμάχους οὐκ ἀπεχόμενος, ἀλλ
ἈΝ \ ’ / 3) aN “Ν᾿ fal
αὐτὸς μὲν ἀγέλαστος ἀεὶ περιϊὼν ἐν τῷ στρατο-
Ud / /
πέδῳ Kal σκυθρωπός, ἑτέροις δὲ παρέχων γέλωτα
\ / / \ \ / » ,
μηδὲν δεομένοις. βέλτιον δὲ Kal τούτων ὀλίγα
/ ié / x > /
παραθέσθαι. Δομιτίου τοίνυν ἄνθρωπον εἰς τάξιν
\ / N /
ἡγεμονικὴν ἄγοντος οὐ πολεμικὸν Kal λέγοντος ὡς
3 \ \ , SAR ΓΝ, \ , Pla Nie ae
ἐπιεικὴς TOV τρόπον ἐστὶ Kal σώφρων, ‘Ti οὖν,
/ r
εἶπεν, “οὐκ ἐπίτροπον αὐτὸν τοῖς τέκνοις φυλάσ-
” 53 A δέ Θ Υ' \ ΄
σεις; ἐπαινούντων ὃὲ τινων Θεοφάνην τὸν Λέ-
ἃ > a / /
σβιον, ὃς ἣν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τεκτόνων ἔπαρ-
€ = / ¢ / \ /
χος, ὡς εὖ παραμυθήσαιτο “Ῥοδίους τὸν στόλον
/ ¢ / ’ >
ἀποβαλόντας, “Ηλίκον,᾽" εἶπεν, “ἀγαθόν ἐστι τὸ
Ν 7 7 »” /

Γραικὸν ἔχειν ἔπαρχον." Καίσαρος δὲ κατορ-
an lal Ul “-
θοῦντος τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τρόπον τινὰ πολιορκοῦν-
>’ / , \ 3 / /
τος αὐτούς, Λέντλῳ μὲν εἰπόντε πυνθάνεσθα:

178

&&

CICERO, xxxvii. 1-4

line of public policy which he had chosen from
the beginning; but Cicero, though he was of more
service to his country and his friends if he remained
at home without taking sides and accommodated
himself to the issue of events, without any reason
and under no compulsion had made himself an
enemy of Caesar, and had come thither to share
in their great danger.

By these words the purpose of Cicero was upset,
as well as by the fact that Pompey made no great
use of him. But he was himself to blame for this,
since he made no denial that he was sorry he had
come, made light of Pompey’s preparations and
showed a lurking displeasure at his plans, and did
not refrain from jests and witty remarks about his
comrades in arms; nay, although he himself always
went about in the camp without a smile and
scowling, still he made others laugh in spite of
themselves. And it will be well to give a few
instances of this also. When Domitius, then, was
advancing to a post of command a man who was
no soldier, with the remark that he was gentle
in his disposition and prudent, “Why, then,” said
Cicero, “do you not keep him as a guardian of your
children?”’ And when certain ones were praising
Theophanes the Lesbian, who was prefect of engi-
neers in the camp, because he had given excellent
consolation to the Rhodians on the loss of their
fleet, ‘What a great blessing it is,’ said Cicero,
“to have a Greek as prefect !’’ Again, when Caesar
was successful for the most part and in a way was
laying siege to them,! Lentulus said he had heard

1 At Dyrrhachium. See the Caesar, xxxix.; Caesar, B.C.
lil. 41-55.

179

PLUTARCH'’'S LIVES

\ % \ / / > la
στυγνοὺς εἶναι τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους, amexpt-
a ’
νατο" “ Λέγεις αὐτοὺς δυσνοεῖν Καίσαρι. Map-
’ , “ 3 ’ » \ \
κίου δὲ τινος ἥκοντος ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας νεωστὶ καὶ
/ a
λέγοντος ἐν «Ῥώμῃ φήμην ἐπικρατεῖν ws πολιορ-
a Da «cD? 267 Ὁ “5 «εὖ
κοῖτο Πομπήϊος, “ Kir ἐξέπλευσας,᾽" εἶπεν, “ἵνα
a Ἂν ?
τοῦτο πιστεύσῃς αὐτὸς θεασάμενος; μετὰ δὲ
\ / \ 2 / δ a \
τὴν ἧτταν Novytou μὲν εἰπόντος ὅτι δεῖ χρηστὰς
, " e \ \ \ a
ἐλπίδας ἔχειν, ἑπτὰ γὰρ ἀετοὺς ἐν τῷ στρατο-
ke sh. “a A ”
πέδῳ τοῦ Πομπηΐου λελεῖφθαι, “Karas ἄν,
» ce / > A > nr ”
ἔφη, “παρὴνεις, εἰ KoNOLOLS ἐπολεμοῦμεν.. Aa-
A /
Binvov δὲ μαντείαις τισὶν ἰσχυριζομένου καὶ λέ-
id “-“ , Ls “ee 9 a ”
pO ὡς δεῖ περιγενέσθαι Πομπήϊον, Οὐκοῦν,
,
ἜΜ στρατηγήματι τούτῳ χρώμενοι νῦν ἀποβε-
βλήκαμεν τὸ στρατόπεδον."
XXXIX. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ γενομένης τῆς κατὰ Φάρ-
΄ τ > / 1 , \
σαλον μάχης, ἧς ov μετέσχε Ot ἀρρωστίαν, καὶ
of. , ς ΄,
Πομπηΐου φυγόντος, ὁ μὲν Κάτων καὶ στράτευμα
\ fd /
συχνὸν ἐν Δυρραχίῳ καὶ στόλον ἔχων μέγαν
a / a \ U a
ἐκεῖνον ἠξίου στρατηγεῖν KATA νόμον Kal TO τῆς
Λ , )
ὑπατείας ἀξίωμα προὔχοντα. διωθούμενος δὲ
\ 2 \ e / \ ee , \
τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Κικέρων καὶ ὅλως φεύγων τὸ
συστρατεύεσθαι παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἦλθεν ἀναιρεθῆναι,
of la) / nr
Πομπηΐου tod νέου καὶ τῶν φίλων προδότην
΄ \ Ἂ
ἀποκαλούντων καὶ τὰ ξίφη σπασαμένων, εἰ μὴ
Κά ἐνστὰς μόλις ἀφείλ ὶ διῆ ὑτὸ
των ἐνστὰς μόλις ἀφείλετο καὶ διῆκεν αὐτὸν
ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου. κατασχὼν δ᾽ εἰς Βρεντέ-
> a 7 , ,
σιον ἐνταῦθα διέτριβε, Καίσαρα περιμένων βρα-
δύ S \ \ 2 3 , \ \ »
ὕνοντα διὰ τὰς ἐν “Acta καὶ περὶ Αἴγυπτον
,ὔ »
ἀσχολίας. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς Τάραντα καθωρμισμένος

180

CICERO, xxxvill. 4- ΧΧΧΙΧ. 3

that Caesar’s friends were gloomy, to which Cicero
replied: ‘You mean that they are ill-disposed to
Caesar.”” And when a certain Marcius, who had
recently come from Italy, spoke of a report which
prevailed in Rome that Pompey was _ besieged,
“ And then,” said Cicero, “did you sail off that
you might see with your own eyes and believe?”
Again, after the defeat, when Nonnius said they
ought to have good hopes, since seven eagles were
left in the camp of Pompey, “ Your advice would
be good,” said Cicero, “if we were at war with
jackdaws.” And when Labienus, insisting on cer-
tain oracles, said that Pompey must prevail, “ Yes,”
said Cicero, “this is the generalship that has now
cost us our camp.”

XXXIX. However, after the battle at Pharsalus,}
in which Cicero took no part because of illness, had
been fought, and Pompey was in flight, Cato, who
had a considerable army and a large fleet at Dyr-
rhachium, asked Cicero to take the command in
accordance with custom and because of his superior
consular rank. But Cicero rejected the command
and was altogether averse to sharing in the cam-
paign, whereupon he came near being killed; for
the young Pompey and his friends called him a
traitor and drew their swords upon him, and that
would have been the end of him had not Cato inter-
posed and with difficulty rescued him and sent him
away from the camp.” So Cicero put in at Brun-
disium and tarried there, waiting for Caesar, who
was delayed by his affairs in Asia and Egypt. But
when word was brought that Caesar had landed at

1 In August, 48 B.c.
2 Cf. Cato the Younger, lv. 3.

VOL. VII, G {δι

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀπηγγέλλετο Kal πεζῇ περιϊὼν ἐκεῖθεν ets Bpev-
τέσιον, ὥρμησε πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐ πάνυ μὲν ὧν
δύσελπις, αἰδούμενος δὲ πολλῶν παρόντων ἀνδρὸς
ἐχθροῦ καὶ κρατοῦντος λαμβάνειν πεῖραν. οὐ
μὴν ἐδέησεν αὐτῷ πρᾶξαί τι παρ᾽ ἀξίαν ἢ εἰπεῖν.
ὁ γὰρ Καῖσαρ, ὡς εἶδεν αὐτὸν πολὺ πρὸ τῶν
ἄλλων ἀπαντῶντα, κατέβη καὶ ἠσπάσατο καὶ
διαλεγόμενος μόνῳ συχνῶν σταδίων ὁδὸν προῆλ-
θεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου διετέλει τιμῶν καὶ φιλοφρονού-
μενος, ὥστε καὶ γράψαντι λόγον ἐγκώμιον. Κά-
τωνος “ἀντιγράφων τόν τε λόγον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν
βίον ὡς μάλιστα τῷ Llepixréovs ἐοικότα καὶ
Θηραμένους ἐπαινεῖν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κικέρωνος
λόγος Κάτων, ὁ δὲ Καίσαρος ᾿Αντικάτων ἐπιγέ-
γραπται.

Λέγεται δὲ καὶ Koivtov Λιγαρίου δίκην φεύ-
γοντος ὅτι τῶν Καίσαρος πολεμίων εἷς ἐγεγόνει,
καὶ Κικέρωνος αὐτῷ βοηθοῦντος, εἰπεῖν τὸν
Καίσαρα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους" “TC κωλύει διὰ
χρόνου Κικέρωνος ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντος, ἐπεὶ πάλαι
κέκριται πονηρὸς ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολέμιος; ᾿ ἐπεὶ δ᾽
ἀρξάμενος λέγειν ὁ Κικέρων ὑπερφυῶς ἐκίνει καὶ
προὔβαινεν αὐτῷ πάθει τε ποικίλος καὶ “χάριτι
θαυμαστὸς ὁ 0 λόγος, πολλὰς μὲν ἱέναι χρόας ἐπὶ
τοῦ προσώπου τὸν Καίσαρα, πάσας δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς
τρεπόμενον τροπὰς κατάδηλον εἶναι, τέλος δὲ τῶν
κατὰ Φάρσαλον ἁψαμένου τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀγώνων
ἐκπαθῆ γενόμενον τιναχθῆναι τῷ σώματι καὶ τῆς
χειρὸς ἐκβαλεῖν ἔνια τῶν γραμματείων. τὸν
γοῦν ἄνθρωπον ἀπέλυσε τῆς αἰτίας βεβιασμένος.

δ ὁ ἀνὴρ Bekker, after Schaefer: ara.
182

CICERO, xxxix. 3-6

Tarentum! and was coming round by land from
there to Brundisium, Cicero hastened to meet him,
being not altogether despondent, but feeling shame
to test in the presence of many witnesses the
temper of a man who was an enemy and victorious.
However, there was no need that he should do
or say anything unworthy of himself. For Caesar,
when he saw him approaching far in advance of the
rest, got down and embraced him and journeyed on
for many furlongs conversing with him alone. And
after this he continued to show him honour and
kindness, so that in his reply to the encomium upon
Cato which Cicero wrote he praised Cicero’s elo-
quence and his life, as most resembling that of
Pericles and Theramenes. Now, the discourse of
Cicero was entitled “Cato,” and that of Caesar
Anti-Cato.”

It is said also that when Quintus Ligarius was
under prosecution because he had been one of the
enemies of Caesar, and Cicero was his advocate,
Caesar said to his friends: “‘ What is to prevent our
hearing a speech from Cicero after all this while,
since Ligarius has long been adjudged a villain and
an enemy?” But when Cicero had begun to speak
and was moving his hearers beyond measure, and his
speech, as it proceeded, showed varying pathos and
amazing grace, Caesar's face often changed colour
and it was manifest that all the emotions of his soul
were stirred; and at last, when the orator touched
upon the struggles at Pharsalus,? he was so greatly
affected that his body shook and he dropped from
his hand some of his documents. At any rate he
acquitted Ligarius under compulsion.

1 In September, 47 B.a 2 Cf. pro Ligari, 9, 27 1.
183

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XL. Ἔκ τούτου Κικέρων, εἰς μοναρχίαν τῆς
πολιτείας μεθεστώσης, ἀφέμενος τοῦ τὰ κοινὰ
πράττειν ἐσχόλαζε τοῖς βουλομένοις φιλοσοφεῖν
τῶν νέων, καὶ σχεδὸν ἐ ἐκ τῆς πρὸς τούτους συνη-
θείας, εὐγενεστάτους καὶ πρώτους ὄντας, αὖθις
” > a , / > na > Weed Ν

2 ἴσχυεν ἐν τῇ πόλει μέγιστον. αὐτῷ ὃ ἔργον μὲν
ἣν τὸ τοὺς φιλοσόφους συντελεῖν διαλόγους καὶ
μεταφράζειν, καὶ τῶν διαλεκτικῶν ἢ φυσικῶν
ὀνομάτων ἕκαστον εἰς Ῥωμαϊκὴν μεταβάλλειν
διάλεκτον" ἐκεῖνος γάρ ἐστιν, ὥς φασιν, ὁ καὶ
τὴν φαντασίαν καὶ τὴν συγκατάθεσιν καὶ τὴν
ἐποχὴν καὶ τὴν κατάληψιν, ἔτ 6€ TO ἄτομον, τὸ
ἀμερές, τὸ κενόν, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ τῶν τοιούτων
ἐξονομάσας πρῶτος ἢ μάλιστα Ῥωμαίοις, τὰ μὲν
μεταφοραῖς, τὰ δ᾽ οἰκειότησιν ἄλλαις γνώριμα

3 καὶ προσήγορα μηχανησάμενος. τῇ δὲ πρὸς τὴν
ποίησιν εὐκολίᾳ παίξων ἐχρῆτο. λέγεται γάρ,
ὁπηνίκα ῥυείη πρὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον, τῆς νυκτὸς ἔπη
ποιεῖν πεντακόσια.

Τὸ μεν οὖν πλεῖστον τοῦ χρόνου τούτου περὴ
Τοῦσκλον ἐν χωρίοις αὑτοῦ διάγων ἔγραφε πρὸς
τοὺς φίλους Λαέρτου βίον ζῆν, εἴτε παίζων, ὡς
ἔθος εἶχεν, εἴθ᾽ ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας σπαργῶν πρὸς
τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ ἀδημονῶν τοῖς καθεστῶσι.

4 σπανίως δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ θεραπείας ἕνεκα τοῦ Kat-
σαρος κατῇήει, καὶ πρῶτος ἣν τῶν συναγορευόντων
ταῖς τιμαῖς καὶ λέγειν ἀεί τι καινὸν εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα
καὶ τὰ πραττόμενα φιλοτιμουμένων. οἷόν ἐστι

1 In Latin, respectively, visum (conception), assensio(assent),
assensionis retentio (withholding of assent), comprehensio
(perception), individuum (atom), vacuum (void); ‘‘ameres”

184

CICERO, xu. 1-4

XL. After this, when the government had been
changed to a monarchy, Cicero abstained from
public affairs and devoted his time to those of the
young men who wished to study philosophy, and
mainly from his intimacy with these, since they
were of the highest birth and standing, he was once
more very influential in the state. He made it his
business also to compose and translate philosophical
dialogues, and to render into Latin the several terms
of dialectics and natural philosophy; for he it was,
as they say, who first, or principally, provided Latin
names for “ phantasia,” “synkatathesis,” “ epokhe,”’
and *-“katalepsis, “aswell /as for" “ atomon;”’
“ameres,’ “kenon,’! and many others like these,
contriving partly by metaphors and partly by new
and fitting terms to make them intelligible and
familiar. His facility in verse-making, too, he em-
ployed to divert himself. It is said, indeed, that
when he applied himself to such work, he would
make five hundred verses in a night.

During this time, then, he lived for the most part
at his country-seat in Tusculum, and he used te
write to his friends that he was living the life of
Laertes,? either jesting, as was his wont, or because
his ambition filled him with a desire for public
activity and made him dissatisfied with the turn
things had taken. He rarely went down to the
city, and then only to pay court to Caesar, and he
was foremost among those who advocated Caesar’s
honours and were eager to be ever saying something
new about him and his measures. Of this sort is

(indivisible), with its Latin equivalent, does not occur in the
extant works of Cicero (Gudeman),
2 Cf. Odyssey, i. 189 ff.

185

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κι Ν \ a -/. \ 26 a
καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν ἸΙομπηΐου λεχθὲν εἰκόνων, ἃς
’ / \ / e A bad LA
avnpnuevas καὶ καταβεβλημένας ὁ Καῖσαρ éxé-
λευσεν ἀνασταθῆναι: καὶ ἀνεστάθησαν. ἔφη γὰρ
« 4 Ὁ“ ΄ A / val
ὁ Κικέρων ὅτι ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ Καῖσαρ
of. 7 \ ᾽ fal ΄
τοὺς μὲν Πομπηΐου ἵστησι, τοὺς δ᾽ αὑτοῦ πή-
γνυσιν ἀνδριαντας.
ia ᾽ , \
ΧΙ]. Aravootvpevos δ᾽, ὡς λέγεται, THY πάτριον
e , a “ \ \ a
ἱστορίαν γραφῇ περιλαβεῖν καὶ πολλὰ συμμῖξαι
a em “ \ [χὰ \ / ,
τῶν ἰλληνικῶν καὶ ὅλως TOUS συνηγμένους λό-
b) a \ / > a / a
yous αὐτῴ καὶ μύθους ἐνταῦθα τρέψαι, πολλοῖς
a /
μὲν δημοσίοις, πολλοῖς δ᾽ ἰδίοις κατελήφθη πρά-
> 7, \ ΄ τ ’ ,
γμασιν ἀβουλήτοις Kal πάθεσιν, ὧν αὐθαίρετα
nr An a a \ \
δοκεῖ πλεῖστα συμβῆναι. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀπε-
, \ a , ᾽ \ crits)
πέμψατο τὴν γυναῖκα Tepevtiav ἀμεληθεὶς ὑπ
a , - a
αὐτῆς παρὰ Tov πόλεμον, ὥστε καὶ τῶν avay-
7 9 , 5 \ ’ rn Ἂς 3. Δὸν
καίων ἐφοδίων ἐνδεὴς ἀποσταλῆναι καὶ μηδ᾽ ὅτε
wn 9 / na
κατῆρεν αὖθις εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν τυχεῖν εὐγνώμονος.
» x N \ > 9 2 , /
αὐτὴ μὲν yap οὐκ ἦλθεν, ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ διατρί-
Ω by) a \ , > / δὲ A θ
βοντος αὐτοῦ πολὺν χρόνον, ἐρχομένῃ δὲ τῇ θυ-
/ Ὁ) e ,
γατρί, παιδίσκῃ νέᾳ, τοσαύτην ὁδὸν, οὐ πομπὴν
΄, / > \
πρέπουσαν, οὐ χορηγίαν παρέσχεν, adda καὶ
τὴν οἰκίαν τῷ Κικέρωνι πάντων ἔρημον καὶ κενὴν
~ lal ’
ἀπέδειξεν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς ὀφλήμασι καὶ μεγάλοις.
e U aA
αὗται γάρ εἰσιν αἱ λεγόμεναι τῆς διαστάσεως
a \
εὐπρεπέσταται προφάσεις. τῇ δὲ Tepevtia καὶ
/ \ , \
ταύτας ἀρνουμένῃ λαμπρὰν ἐποίησε τὴν ἀπολο-
fal ’ /
γίαν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον γήμας
\ a /
παρθένον, ws μὲν ἡ Tepevtia κατεφήμιζεν, ἔρωτι
ΜΡ τ᾿ . \ , ΄ A ͵ ) ΄,
τῆς wpas, ὡς δὲ Τίρων ὁ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύ-
186

CICERO, xv. 4-χι.. 3

what he said about the statues of Pompey. These
Caesar ordered to be set up again after they had
been thrown down and taken away; and they were
set up again. What Cicero said was that by this act
of generosity Caesar did indeed set up the statues of
Pompey, but firmly planted his own also.

XLI. He purposed, as we are told, to write a
comprehensive history of his native country, com-
bining with it many Greek details, and introducing
there all the tales and myths which he had col-
lected ; but he was prevented by many public affairs
which were contrary to his wishes, and by many
private troubles, most of which seem to have been
of his own choosing. For in the first place he
divorced his wife Terentia because he had been neg-
lected by her during the war, so that he set out in
lack of the necessary means for his journey, and
even when he came back again to Italy did not find
her considerate of him. For she did not come to
him herself, although he tarried a long time at
Brundisium, and when her daughter, a young girl,}
made the long journey thither, she supplied her
with no fitting escort and with no means; nay, she
actually stripped and emptied Cicero’s house of all
that it contained, besides incurring many large
debts. These, iadeee are the τς plausible
reasons given for the divorce. Terentia, however,
denied that these were the reasons, and Cicero him-
self made her defence a telling one by marrying
shortly afterwards a maiden.2. This he did, as
Terentia asserted, out of love for her youthful
beauty; but as Tiro, Cicero’s freedman, has written,

1 Tullia was old enough to have lost her first husband and
married a second (ὃ 5). 2 Publilia, of patrician family.

187

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θερος γέγραφεν, εὐπορίας ἕνεκεν πρὸς διάλυσιν
4 δανείων. ἣν “γὰρ ἡ παῖς σφόδρα πλουσία, καὶ
τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτῆς ὁ Κικέρων ἐν πίστει κληρονόμος
ἀπολειφθεὶς ᾿διεφύλαττεν. ὀφείλων δὲ πολλὰς
μυριάδας ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκείων ἐπείσθη τὴν
παῖδα γῆμαι παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν καὶ τοὺς δανειστὰς 882
ἀπαλλάξαι τοῖς ἐκείνης χρησάμενον. ᾿Αντώνιος
δὲ τοῦ γάμου μνησθεὶς ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς Φιλιπ-
πικοὺς ἀντυγραφαῖς ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτόν φησι γυναῖκα
Tap ἡ ἐγήρασε: χαριέντως ἅμα τὴν οἰκουρίαν ὡς
us :
ἀπράκτου καὶ ἀστρατεύτου παρασκώπτων τοῦ
5 Κικέρωνος. γήμαντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρό-
νον ἡ θυγάτηρ ἀπέθανε τίκτουσα παρὰ Λέντλῳ"
τούτῳ γὰρ ἐγαμήθη μετὰ τὴν [Πείσωνος τοῦ προ-
τέρου ἀνδρὸς τελευτήν. καὶ συνῆλθον μὲν ἐπὶ
τὴν παραμυθίαν τῷ Κικέρωνι πανταχόθεν οἱ
φίλοι" " βαρέως δ᾽ ἄγαν ἤνεγκε τὸ συμβεβηκός,
ὥστε καὶ τὴν γαμηθεῖσαν ἀποπέμψασθαι δόξασαν
ἡσθῆναι τῇ τελευτῇ τῆς Τυλλίας.

XLII. Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατ᾽ οἶκον οὕτως εἶχε τῷ
Κικέρωνι. τῆς δ᾽ ἐπὶ Καίσαρα συνισταμένης
πράξεως οὐ μετέσχε, καίπερ ὧν ἑταῖρος ἐν τοῖς
μάλιστα Βρούτου καὶ βαρύνεσθαι τὰ παρόντα
καὶ τὰ πάλαι ποθεῖν πρώγματα δοκῶν ὡς ἕτερος
οὐδείς. ἀλλ᾽ ἔδεισαν οἱ ἄνδρες αὐτοῦ τήν τε
φύσιν ὡς ἐνδεᾶ τόλμης, τόν τε χρόνον, ἐν @ καὶ
ταῖς ἐρρωμενεστάταις φύσεσιν ἐπιλείπει τὸ θαρ-

2 ρεῖν. ὡς δ᾽ οὖν ἐπέπρακτο τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον καὶ
Κάσσιον τὸ ἔργον καὶ τῶν Καίσαρος φίλων συνι-
σταμένων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας αὖθις ἣν δέος ἐμφυλίοις
πολέμοις περιπετῆ γενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν, ᾿Αντώ-

1 φίλοι Graux, after Volkmann: φιλόσοφοι.
188

CICERO, χει. 3—XLu. 2

to get means for the payment of his debts. For the
girl was very wealthy, and Cicero had been left her
trustee and had charge of her property. So since
he owed many tens of thousands he was persuaded
by his friends and relatives to marry the girl, old as
he was, and to get rid of his creditors by using her
money. But Antony, who spoke of the marriage in
his replies to Cicero’s Philippics, says that he cast
out of doors the wife with whom he had grown old,
and at the same time makes witty jibes upon the
stay-at-home habits of Cicero, who was, he said,
unfit for business or military service. Not long after
Cicero’s marriage his daughter died in child-birth at
the house of Lentulus, to whom she had been mar-
ried after the death of Piso, her former husband.
His friends came together from all quarters to
comfort Cicero; but his grief at his misfortune was
excessive, so that he actually divorced the wife he
had wedded, because she was thought to be pleased
at the death of Tullia.

XLII. Such, then, were Cicero’s domestic affairs.
But in the design that was forming against Caesar
he took no part, although he was one of the closest
companions of Brutus and was thought to be dis-
tressed at the present and to long for the old state
of affairs more than anybody else. But the con-
spirators feared his natural disposition as _ being
deficient in daring, and his time of life, in which
courage fails the strongest natures. And so, when
the deed had been accomplished by the partisans of
Brutus and Cassius,! and the friends of Caesar were
combining against the perpetrators of it, and it was
feared that the city would again be plunged into civil

1 On the Ides of March, 44 Β.0.
189

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

νιος μὲν ὑπατεύων τὴν βουλὴν συνήγαγε Kal
βραχέα διελέχθη περὶ ὁμονοίας, Κικέρων δὲ πολλὰ
πρὸς τὸν καιρὸν οἰκείως διελθὼν ἔπεισε τὴν
΄ >
σύγκλητον ᾿Αθηναίους μιμησαμένην ἀμνηστίαν
-“" 3 \ , id A \ “-
τῶν ἐπὶ Καίσαρι ψηφίσασθαι, νεῖμαι δὲ τοῖς
περὶ Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας. ἔσχε δὲ
"4 / » ,ὔ e \ a ’ ‘\ \ ’ ’
τούτων τέλος οὐδέν. ὁ γὰρ δῆμος αὐτὸς μὲν ad
a 5
ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς οἶκτον ἐξαχθεὶς ὡς εἶδε τὸν νεκρὸν
> , ᾽ ’ ca) ’ , \ \ \
ἐκκομιζόμενον δι’ ἀγορᾶς, ᾿Αντωνίου δὲ καὶ τὴν
an - “
ἐσθῆτα δείξαντος αὐτοῖς αἵματος κατάπλεων καὶ
κεκομμένην πάντη τοῖς ξίφεσιν, ἐκμανέντες ὑπ᾽
ὀργῆς ἐν ἀγορᾷ ζήτησιν ἐποιοῦντο τῶν ἀνδρῶν,
καὶ πῦρ ἔχοντες ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἔθεον ὡς ὑφά-
ψοντες. οἱ δὲ τοῦτον μὲν τῷ προπεφυλάχθαι
/ \ , e / \ \ aN
διέφυγον τὸν κίνδυνον, ἑτέρους δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ
sf a ᾽ 7 \ /
μεγάλους προσδοκῶντες ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν.
- 5 > a
XLIII. Εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐπῆρτο, καὶ
A 95 \ e A
πᾶσι μὲν ἣν φοβερὸς ws μοναρχήσων, τῷ δὲ
Κικέρωνι φοβερώτατος. ἀναρρωννυμένην τε yap
αὐτῷ πάλιν ὁρῶν τὴν δύναμιν ἐν τῇ πολιτεία
\ r a \ σι > id ΟΝ ” ΄
καὶ τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπιτήδειον εἰδὼς ἤχθετο
παρόντι. καί πού τι καὶ προὐὔπῆρχεν ὑποψίας
3 an \ b) / \ \ a , ᾽
αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ τὴν τῶν βίων ἀνο-
μοιότητα καὶ διαφοράν. ταῦτα δείσας ὁ Κικέρων
a “ \
πρῶτον μὲν ὥρμησε πρεσβευτὴς Δολοβέλλᾳ
a 2 SS Λ eae \ δι e 7, Ἢ
συνεκπλεῦσαι εἰς Συρίαν" ἐπεὶ Ol μέλλοντες
/
ὑπατεύειν pet ᾿Αντώνιον, Ἴρτιος καὶ Ilavoas,
ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ ζηλωταὶ τοῦ Κικέρωνος, ἐδέ-
a a /
οντο μὴ σφᾶς καταλιπεῖν, ὑποδεχόμενοι KATANU-

190

CICERO, xin. 2—xi1. 2

wars, Antony, as consul, convened the senate and
said a few words about concord, while Cicero, after a
lengthy speech appropriate to the occasion, per-
suaded the senate to imitate the Athenians! and
decree an amnesty for the attack upon Caesar, and
to assign provinces to Cassius and Brutus. But none
of these things came to pass. For when the people,
who of themselves were strongly moved to pity, saw
Caesar’s body carried through the forum, and when
Antony showed them the garments drenched with
blood and pierced everywhere with the swords, they
went mad with rage and sought for the murderers
in the forum, and ran to their houses with fire-
brands in order to set them ablaze. For this danger
the conspirators were prepared beforehand and so
escaped it,? but expecting others many and great,
they forsook the city.

XLII. At once, then, Antony was highly elated,
and all men were fearful that he would make
himself sole ruler, and Cicero most fearful of all.
For Antony saw that Cicero’s power in the state
was reviving, and knew that he was attached to
Brutus and his party, and was therefore disturbed
at his presence in the city. And besides, they had
previously been somewhat suspicious of one another
because of the marked difference in their lives.
Fearing these things Cicero at first was inclined
to sail to Syria with Dolabella, as his legate; but
the consuls elect to succeed Antony,? Hirtius and
Pansa, who were good men and admirers of Cicero,
begged him not to desert them, and undertook

1 These declared a general amnesty after the overthrow of
the Thirty Tyrants by Thrasybulus in 403 B.c,
2 Cf. Plutarch’s Brutus, chapter xx. δ᾽ In 43 8.6.

Ig!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

» , τ / / € >) αν >
σειν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐκείνου παρόντος, ὁ δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀπι-
a 7 ” pe f \
στῶν παντάπασιν οὔτε πιστεύων Δολοβέλλαν μὲν

, ς N a \ \ Yj
εἴασε χαίρειν, ὁμολογήσας δὲ Tots περὶ Tov Ἴρτιον
\ / > > / / “ ’ 3 a
τὸ θέρος ἐν ᾿Αθήναις διάξειν, ὅταν δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι

Di /

παραλάβωσι τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀφίξεσθαι πάλιν, αὐτὸς

καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐξέπλευσε. γενομένης δὲ περὶ τὸν
a a Ν / Ν €

πλοῦν διατριβῆς, Kal λόγων ἀπὸ Ρώμης, ola
a an , a

φιλεῖ, καινῶν προσπεσόντων, μεταβεβλῆσθαι
᾿ \ \

μὲν ᾿Αντώνιον θαυμαστὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ πάντα

» Ν \

πράττειν καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον,
a an / hi \ \

ἐνδεῖν δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας τὰ πράγματα μὴ

he
τὴν ἀρίστην ἔχειν διάθεσιν, καταμεμψάμενος
ΓΝ ς a \ \ > / Sout
αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ τὴν πολλὴν εὐλάβειαν ἀνέστρεφεν
5 ¢ , \ “ ,
αὖθις εἰς Ρώμην. καὶ TOV πρώτων οὐ διημάρ-
9 id a a > , ΄ \

τανεν ἐλπίδων: τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ
rn / Ἂν \ ’ /

χαρᾶς καὶ πόθου πρὸς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ἐξεχύθη,

(2 /

Kal σχεδὸν ἡμερήσιον ἀνήλωσαν χρόνον ai περὶ
τὰς πύλας καὶ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῦ δεξιώσεις καὶ
7 a ᾽ Cc / \
φιλοφροσύναι. τῇ ὃ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλὴν συναγα-

Ῥ: \ la) \ 5
yovtos ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ καλοῦντος αὐτὸν οὐκ ἦλθεν,
ἀλλὰ κατέκειτο μαλακῶς ἔχειν ἐκ τοῦ κόπου σκη-

/ b] / \ 2 XN ») a >
πτόμενος. ἐδόκει δὲ τἀληθὲς ἐπιβουλῆς εἶναι
, ” e , \ Ue ’ Ls \
φόβος ἔκ τινος ὑποψίας καὶ μηνύσεως καθ᾽ ὁδὸν
ny ’ , \ A
αὐτῷ προσπεσούσης. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ χαλεπῶς μὲν
8. 3. \ fal A \ / ”
εἶχεν ἐπὶ τῇ διαβολῇ Kal στρατιώτας ἔπεμψεν
Ν an Ni /
ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἢ καταπρῆσαι τὴν οἰκίαν κελεύσας,
> / \ Lod \ / b] Ἢ
ἐνστάντων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ δεηθέντων ἐνέχυρα
\ , 9 Ls \ \ \ .“
λαβὼν μονον ἐπαύσατο. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οὕτως
, > / \ /
ἀντιπαρεξιόντες ἀτρέμα Kal φυλαττόμενοι διετέ-

[92

oa)
oa)
— - Co -

SS ἘΣ ΒΒΒΒΒΙΙΝ

CICERO, xu. 2-6

to put down Antony if Cicero would remain at
Rome. So Cicero, who neither distrusted nor
trusted them altogether, let Dolabella go without
him, and after agreeing with Hirtius and Pansa
to spend the summer at Athens, and to come back
again when they had assumed office, set off by
himself. But there was some delay about his
voyage, and, as is often the case, new and unex-
pected reports came from Rome, to the effect that
Antony had undergone a wonderful change and was
doing and administering everything to please the
senate, and that matters needed only Cicero’s
presence to assume the best possible complexion ;
he therefore blamed himself for his excessive
caution and turned back again to Rome. And in
his first expectations he was not disappointed ; for
a great crowd of people, moved with joy and
longing for him, poured forth to meet him, and
almost a day’s time was consumed in the friendly
greetings given him at the gates and as he entered
the city. On the following day, however, when
Antony convened the senate and invited him to be
present, Cicero did not come, but kept his bed,
pretending to be indisposed from fatigue. The
truth, however, seemed to be that he was afraid
of a plot against him, in consequence of some sus-
picion and of information that had unexpectedly
come to him on the road. But Antony was indig-
nant at the implication and sent soldiers with orders
to bring Cicero or burn down his house ; but since
many opposed this course and entreated him to
desist, he did so, after merely taking sureties. And
thenceforward they kept up this attitude, quietly
ignoring one another and mutually on their guard,

193

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λουν, ἄχρι οὗ Καῖσαρ ὁ νέος ἐξ ᾿Απολλωνίας
παραγενόμενος τόν τε κλῆρον ἀνεδέξατο τοῦ
Καίσαρος ἐκείνου, καὶ περὶ τῶν δισχιλίων πεντα-
κοσίων μυριάδων ἃς ᾿Αντώνιος ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας
κατεῖχεν, εἰς διαφορὰν κατέστη πρὸς αὐτόν.
XLIV. "Ex δὲ τούτου Φίλιππος ὁ ὁ τὴν μητέρα
τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος ἔχων καὶ Μάρκελλος ὁ τὴν
ἀδελφὴν ἀφικόμενοι μετὰ τοῦ νεανίσκου πρὸς τὸν
Κικέρωνα συνέθεντο, Κικέρωνα μὲν ἐκείνῳ τὴν
ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς πολιτείας δύναμιν
ἔν τε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παρέχειν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ
Κικέρωνι τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν ὅπλων
ἀσφάλειαν. ἤδη γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν ὑπὸ
Καίσαρι στρατευσαμένων περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε τὸ
μειράκιον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ μείζων τις αἰτία γεγο-
νεναι τοῦ τὸν Κικέρωνα δέξασθαι προθύμως τὴν
Καίσαρος φιλίαν. ἔτι γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, Lopmrniov
ζῶντος καὶ Καίσαρος ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους
ὁ Κικέρων καλεῖν τινα τοὺς τῶν συγκλητικῶν
παῖδας εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὡς μέλλοντος ἐξ
αὐτῶν ἕνα τοῦ Διὸς ἀποδεικνύειν τῆς “Ῥώμης
ἡγεμόνα: τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας
ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν
ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας.
ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθ᾽ ἕνα τῶν
παίδων a ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παρα-
πορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀπο-
πέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δ᾽ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν
κατ᾽ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν"
«ῷὋ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων
οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος." τοιοῦτόν φασιν ἐνύ-

194

CICERO, xin. 6—XLIv. 4

until the young Caesar came from Apollonia,}
assumed the inheritance of the elder Caesar, and
engaged in a dispute with Antony concerning the
twenty-five million drachmas which Antony was de-
taining from the estate.”

XLIV. After this, Philip, who had married the
mother, and Marcellus, who had married the sister of
the young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero
and made a compact that Cicero should give Caesar
the influence derived from his eloquence and political
position, both in the senate and before the people,
and that Caesar should give Cicero the security to be
derived from his wealth and his armed forces. For
already the young man had about him many of the
soldiers who had served under the elder Caesar. It
was thought, too, that there was a stronger reason
why Cicero readily accepted the young man’s friend-
ship. For it would appear that while Pompey and
Caesar were still living Cicero dreamed that some-
one invited the sons of the senators to the Capitol,
on the ground that Jupiter was going to appoint one
of their number ruler of Rome; and that the citizens
eagerly ran and stationed themselves about the tem-
ple, while the youths, in their purple-bordered togas,
seated themselves there in silence. Suddenly the
door of the temple opened, and one by one the
youths rose and walked round past the god, who
reviewed them all and sent them away sorrowing.
But when this young Caesar advanced into his pre-
sence the god stretched out his hand and said: “O
Romans, ye shall have an end of civil wars when this
youth has become your ruler.” By such a dream as

1 Where he was studying.
* Caesar's widow had made Antony guardian of the estate.

195

PLUTARCH’S LIVES :

’ ld δὴ "πὶ / \ \ > / f
πνιον ἰδόντα τὸν Κικέρωνα τὴν μὲν ἰδέαν τοῦ
,ὔ “ ἧς
παιδὸς ἐκμεμάχθαι καὶ κατέχειν ἐναργῶς, αὐτὸν
>) > > fe ’ δ / \ /
δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ καταβαίνον-
NTE. A \ A
Tos εἰς TO πεδίον τὸ "Άρειον αὐτοῦ, τοὺς παῖδας
ἤδη γεγυμνασμένους ἀπέρχεσθαι, κἀκεῖνον ὀφ-
On a K , iB 7 x wv 60. 2
vat τῷ Kixépwvte πρῶτον οἷος ὠφθὴ κα
«“ > / \ / / »
ὕπνον, ἐκπλαγέντα δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τίνων εἴη
\ \ 3 .Λ La)
γονέων. ἣν δὲ πατρὸς ᾿Οκταουΐου τῶν οὐκ ἄγαν
a ’ / A
ἐπιφανῶν, "Attias δὲ μητρός, ἀδελφιδῆς Kai-
σαρος. ὅθεν Καῖσαρ αὐτῷ παῖδας οὐκ ἔχων
δ hi a > nA
ἰδίους τὴν οὐσίαν ἑαυτοῦ Kal τὸν οἶκον ἐν ταῖς
/ ” > , \ Ἂς 1 /
διαθήκαις ἔδωκεν. ἐκ τούτου φασὶ τὸν Κικέρωνα
nr \
TO παιδὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀπαντήσεις ἐντυγχάνειν ἐπι-
fal > a > / / \ ΄
μέλως, KAKELVOY οἰκείως δέχεσθαι Tas φιλοφροσύ-
νας" καὶ γὰρ ἐκ τύχης αὐτῷ γεγονέναι συμβεβήκει
Κικέρωνος ὑ ὑπατεύοντος.
XLV. Αὗται μὲν οὖν προφάσεις ἦσαν αἱ
/ 6 Ἱ Ν δὲ \ Ae ΄ a va ,
λεγόμεναι" τὸ δὲ πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιο; μῖσος Κικέρωνα
rn 5 / S “
πρῶτον, εἶτα ἡ φύσις ἥττων οὖσα τιμῆς προσε-
/ LA / A
ποίησε Καίσαρι νομίζοντα προσλαμβάνειν τῇ
, \ b / ΄ ec \ ς /
πολιτείᾳ τὴν ἐκείνου δύναμιν. οὕτω γὰρ ὑπήει
τὸ μειράκιον αὐτὸν ὥστε καὶ πατέρα προσα-
tn b] ᾿] e / r > a ΕῚ
γορεύειν. ἐφ ᾧ σφόδρα Βροῦτος ἀγανακτῶν ἐν
a \ ? \ a =~
ταῖς πρὸς Αττικὸν ἐπιστολαῖς καθήψατο τοῦ
4 \ / ,
Κικέρωνος, ὅτε διὰ φόβον ᾿Αντωνίου θεραπεύων
\ , n , ’ > > id A
τὸν Καίσαρα δῆλός ἐστιν οὐκ ἐλευθερίαν τῇ
/ \ /
πατρίδι πράττων, ἀλλὰ δεσπότην φιλάνθρωπον
e “ ΄ > \ > οὗ / r
αὑτῷ μνώμενος. ov μὴν ἀλλὰ τόν γε παῖδα
1 αἱ λεγόμεναι Bekker, after Reiske: λεγόμεναι.
196

CICERO, xtiv. 4—-xLv. 2

this, they say, Cicero had impressed upon him the
appearance of the youth, and retained it distinctly,
but did not know him.!' The next day, however,
as he was going down to the Campus Martius, the
youths, who had just finished exercising there, were
coming away, and the youth of his dream was seen
by Cicero for the first time, and Cicero, amazed,
inquired who his parents were. Now, his father was
Octavius, a man of no great prominence, but his
mother was Attia, a daughter of Caesar’s sister. For
this reason Caesar, who had no children of his own,
willed his property and his family name to him.
After this, it is said, Cicero took pains to converse
with the youth when they met, and the youth
welcomed his kind attentions; and indeed it
happened that he was born during Cicero’s con-
sulship.

XLV. These, then, were the reasons that were
mentioned ; but it was Cicero’s hatred for Antony in
the first place, and then his natural craving for
honour, that attached him to the young Caesar, since
he thought to add Caesar’s power to his own political
influence. And indeed the young man carried his
court to him so far as actually to call him father.
At this Brutus was very angry, and in his letters to
Atticus attacked Cicero, saying that in paying court
to Caesar through fear of Antony he was plainly not
obtaining liberty for his country, but wooing a kind
master for himself.2 However, Brutus took up

1 According to Dion Cassius (xlv. 2) and Suetonius (Divus
Augustus, 94), Cicero dreamed that Octavius was let down
from heaven by a chain of gold, and presented with a whip
by Jupiter.

2 Cicero, ad Brutum, i. 17, 5 (Brutus to Atticus),

197

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Κικέρωνος ὁ Βροῦτος ἐν ᾿Αθήναις διατρίβοντα
παρὰ τοῖς φιλοσόφοις ἀναλαβὼν ἔσχεν ἐφ᾽
ἡγεμονίας, καὶ πολλὰ χρώμενος αὐτῷ κατώρθου.

Τοῦ δὲ Κικέρωνος ἀκμὴν ἔσχεν ἡ δύναμις ἐν
τῇ πόλει τότε μεγίστην, καὶ κρατῶν ὅσον ἐβού-
AeTO τὸν μὲν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐξέκρουσε καὶ κατε-
στασίασε καὶ πολεμήσοντας αὐτῷ τοὺς δύο
ὑπάτους, Ἴρτιον καὶ Ildvoav, ἐξέπεμψε, Καίσαρι
δὲ ῥαβδούχους καὶ στρατηγικὸν κόσμον, ὡς δὴ
προπολεμοῦντι τῆς πατρίδος, ἔπεισε ψηφίσασθαι
τὴν σύγκλητον. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ᾿Αντώνιος μὲν ἥττητο,
τῶν δ᾽ ὑπάτων ἀμφοτέρων ἀποθανόντων ἐκ τῆς
μάχης πρὸς Καίσαρα συνέστησαν αἱ δυνάμεις,
δείσασα δ᾽ ἡ βουλὴ νέον ἄνδρα καὶ τύχῃ λαμπρᾷ
κεχρημένον ἐπειρᾶτο τιμαῖς καὶ δωρεαῖς ἀπο-
καλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὰ στρατεύματα καὶ περισπᾶν
τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς μὴ δεομένη τῶν προπολεμούντων
᾿Αντωνίου πεφευγότος, οὕτως ὁ Καῖσαρ φοβηθεὶς
ὑπέπεμπε τῷ Κικέρωνι τοὺς δεομένους καὶ πεί-
θοντας ὑπατείαν μὲν ἀμφοτέροις ὁμοῦ πράττειν,
χρῆσθαι δὲ τοῖς πράγμασιν ὅπως αὐτὸς ἔγνωκε,
παραλαμβάνοντα τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὸ μειράκιον
διοικεῖν ὀνόματος καὶ δόξης γλιχόμενον. ὧμο-
λόγει δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ὡς δεδιὼς κατάλυσιν καὶ
κινδυνεύων ἔρημος γενέσθαι χρήσαιτο τῇ Κικέ-
ρωνος ἐν δέοντι φιλαρχίᾳ, προτρεψάμενος αὐτὸν
ὑπατείαν μετιέναι συμπράττοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ
συναρχαιρεσιάζοντος.

198

884

CICERO, xtv.. 2-5

Cicero’s son who was studying philosophy at Athens,
gave him a command, and achieved many successes
through his instrumentality.!

Cicero’s power in the city reached its greatest
height at this time, and since he could do what he
pleased, he raised a successful faction against Antony,
drove him out of the city, and sent out the two
consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, to wage war upon him,
while he persuaded the senate to vote Caesar the
lictors and insignia of a praetor, on the ground that
he was fighting in defence of the country. But after
Antony had been defeated,” and, both consuls having
died after the battle, the forces had united under
Caesar, the senate became afraid of a young man
who had enjoyed such brilliant good fortune, and
endeavoured by honours and gifts to call his troops
away from him and to circumscribe his power, on the
ground that there was no need of defensive armies
now that Antony had taken to flight. Under these
circumstances Caesar took alarm and secretly sent
messengers to Cicero begging and urging him to
obtain the consulship for them both, but to manage
affairs as he himself thought best, after assuming the
office, and to direct in all things a youthful colleague
who only craved name and fame. And Caesar him-
self admitted afterwards that it was the fear of having
his troops disbanded and the danger of finding him-
self left alone which led him to make use in an
emergency of Cicero’s love of power, by inducing him
to sue for the consulship with his co-operation and
assistance in the canvass.

1 Cf. the Brutus, xxiv. 2; xxvi. 3.

2 Near Mutina, a city in Gallia Cispadana, early in the

year 43 B.c. Octavius Caesar acted in conjunction with the
two consuls, Cf. Appian, B.C., in. 71.

199

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XLVI. Ἐνταῦθα μέντοι μάλιστα Κικέρων
ἐπαρθεὶς ὑπὸ νέου γέρων καὶ φενακισθεὶς καὶ
συναρχαιρεσιάσας καὶ παρασχὼν αὐτῷ τὴν
σύγκλητον εὐθὺς μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων αἰτίαν εἶχεν,
ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον αὑτὸν “ἀπολωλεκὼς ἤσθετο καὶ
τοῦ δήμου προέμενος τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. αὐξηθεὶς
γὰρ ὁ νεανίας καὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν λαβὼν Κικέρωνα
μὲν εἴασε χαίρειν, ᾿Αντωνίῳ δὲ καὶ Λεπίδῳ φίλος
γενόμενος καὶ τὴν δύναμιν εἰς ταὐτὸ “σσυνενεγκών,
ὥσπερ ἄλλο τι κτῆμα, τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐνείματο
πρὸς αὐτούς. καὶ κατεγράφησαν ἄνδρες ods ἔδει
θνήσκειν, ὑπὲρ διακοσίους. πλείστην δὲ τῶν
ἀμφισβητημάτων. αὐτοῖς ἔριν ἡ Κικέρωνος προ-
γραφὴ παρέσχεν, ᾿Αντωνίου μὲν ἀσυμβάτως ἔχον-
TOS εἰ μὴ πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος ἀποθνήσκοι, Λεπίδου
δ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίῳ “προστιθεμένου, Καίσαρος δὲ πρὸς
ἀμφοτέρους ἀντέχοντος. ἐγίνοντο δ᾽ αἱ σύνοδοι
μόνοις ἀπόρρητοι περὶ πόλιν Βονωνίαν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας
τρεῖς, καὶ συνήεσαν εἰς τόπον τινὰ πρόσω τῶν
στρατοπέδων ποταμῷ περιρρεόμενον. λέγεται δὲ
τὰς πρώτας ἡμέρας διαγωνισάμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ὁ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐνδοῦναι τῇ τρίτῃ καὶ προ-
έσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα. τὰ δὲ τῆς ἀντιδόσεως οὕτως
εἶχεν. ἔδει Κικέρωνος ἐκστῆναι Καίσαρα, Παύλου
δὲ τἀδελφοῦ Λέπιδον, Λευκίου δὲ Καίσαρος
᾿Αντώνιον, ὃς ἦν θεῖος αὐτῷ πρὸς μητρός. οὕτως
ἐξέπεσον ὑπὸ θυμοῦ καὶ λύσσης τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων
λογισμῶν, μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἀπέδειξαν ὡς οὐδὲν ἀνθρώπου
θηρίον ἐστὶν ἀγριώτερον ἐξουσίαν πάθει προσλα-
βόντος.

ΧΙ ΤΙ. Πραττομένων δὲ τούτων ὁ Κικέρων ἣν
μὲν ἐν ἀγροῖς ἰδίοις περὶ Τοῦσκλον, ἔχων τὸν
200

CICERO, xtvi. 1-xivi. 1

XLVI. Here, indeed, more than at any other time,
Cicero was led on and cheated, an old man by a
young man. He assisted Caesar in his canvass and
induced the senate to favour him. For this he w:s
blamed by his friends at the time, and shortly afte1-
wards he perceived that he had ruined himself and
betrayed the liberty of the people. For after the
young man had waxed strong and obtained the con-
sulship,! he gave Cicero the go-by, and after making
friends with Antony and Lepidus and uniting his
forces with theirs, he divided the sovereignty with
them, like any other piece of property. And a list
was made out by them of men who must be put to
death, more than two hundred in number. The pro-
scription of Cicero, however, caused most strife in
their debates, Antony consenting to no terms unless
Cicero should be the first man to be put to death,
Lepidus siding with Antony, and Caesar holding out
against them both. They held secret meetings by
themselves near the city of Bononia for three days,
coming together in a place at some distance from the
camps and surrounded by ariver. It is said that for
the first two days Caesar kept up his struggle to save
Cicero, but yielded on the third and gave him up.
The terms of their mutual concessions were as follows.
Caesar was to abandon Cicero, Lepidus his brother
Paulus, and Antony Lucius Caesar, who was his uncle
on the mother’s side. So far did anger and fury lead
them to renounce their human sentiments, or rather,
they showed that no wild beast is more savage than
man when his passion is supplemented by power.

XLVII. ‘While this was going on, Cicero was at his
own country-seat in Tusculum, having his brother with

1 In August, 43 B.c., when only twenty years of age.
201

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀδελφὸν μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ" πυθόμενοι δὲ τὰς προγραφὰς
ἔγνωσαν εἰς "ΑΆστυρι μεταβῆναι, χωρίον παράλιον

a / 2 a N lal >? ’
τοῦ Κικέρωνος, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πλεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν

\ a ” \ ¢ Lis ᾽ A , : :
πρὸς Βροῦτον' ἤδη γὰρ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λόγος ἐφοίτα

A / 3

κρατοῦντος. ἐκομίζοντο δ᾽ ἐν φορείοις ἀπειρηκότες
ὑπὸ λύπης" καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐφιστάμενοι καὶ
τὰ φορεῖα παραβάλλοντες ἀλλήλοις προσωλο-

Ἃ A 3 e Tw ’ / \
φύροντο. μᾶλλον δ᾽ ὁ Koivtos ἠθύμει, καὶ

Ν > , a

λογισμὸς αὐτὸν εἰσήει τῆς ἀπορίας" οὐδὲν yap
ἔφη λαβεῖν οἴκοθεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ Κικέρωνι

’ὔ 4 3’ U 7 5 oy Ν \
γλίσχρον ἣν ἐφόδιον: ἄμεινον οὖν εἶναι τὸν μὲν
Κικέρωνα προλαμβάνειν τῇ φυγῇ, αὐτὸν δὲ μετα-
θεῖν οἴκοθεν συσκευασάμενον. ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε" καὶ
περιλαβόντες ἀλλήλους καὶ ἀνακλαυσάμενοι
διελύθησαν.

«ς \ = fiw ᾽ a ee e /

O μὲν οὖν Koivtos ov πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις
ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκετῶν προδοθεὶς τοῖς ζητοῦσιν ἀνῃρέθη

\ A , ς \ / ’ ΕΣ
μετὰ τοῦ παιδός. ὁ δὲ Κικέρων εἰς "Αστυρα

\ \ A tN 2A\ » 7 \
κομισθεὶς καὶ πλοῖον εὑρὼν εὐθὺς ἐνέβη Kal
/ ,
παρέπλευσεν ἄχρι Κιρκαίου, πνεύματι χρώμενος.
bd a \ , b \ Μ a
ἐκεῖθεν δὲ βουλομένων εὐθὺς αἴρειν τῶν κυβερ-
νητῶν, εἴτε δείσας τὴν θάλασσαν εἴτ᾽ οὔπω
παντάπασι τὴν Καίσαρος ἀπεγνωκὼς πίστιν,
> / δ “ “-“ / e \ e >
ἀπέβη καὶ παρῆλθε πεζῇ σταδίους ἑκατὸν ὡς εἰς
“Ῥώμην πορευόμενος. αὖθις & ἀλύων καὶ μετα-
’ / \ / > »

βαλλόμενος κατήει πρὸς θάλασσαν εἰς Αστυρα.
κἀκεῖ διεννυκτέρευσεν ἐπὶ δεινῶν καὶ ἀπόρων
λογισμῶν, ὥστε καὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Καίσαρος
Ων / i \ ΄ e \ SEEN
οἰκίαν διενοήθη κρύφα καὶ σφάξας ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ

202

88

«

CICERO, xivul. 1-4

him; but when they learned of the proscriptions they
determined to remove to Astura, a place of Cicero’s
on the sea-coast, and from there to sail to Brutus in
Macedonia ; for already a report was current that he
was in force there. So they were carried along in
litters, being worn out with grief; and on the way
they would halt, and with their litters placed side by
side would lament to one another. But Quintus was
the more dejected and began to reflect upon his
destitute condition; for he said that he had taken
nothing from home, nay, Cicero too had scanty pro-
vision for the journey; it was better, then, he said,
that Cicero should press on in his flight, but that he
himself should get what he wanted from home and
then hasten after him. This they decided to do, and
after embracing one another and weeping aloud, they
parted.

So then Quintus, not many days afterwards, was
betrayed by his servants to those who were in search
of him, and put to death, together with his son.
But Cicero was brought to Astura, and finding a
vessel there he embarked at once and coasted along
as far as Circaeum, with the wind in his favour.
From there his pilots wished to set sail at once, but
Cicero, whether it was that he feared the sea, or had
not yet altogether given up his trust in Caesar, went
ashore and travelled along on foot a hundred furlongs
in the direction of Rome. But again losing resolution
and changing his mind, he went down to the sea at
Astura. And there he spent the night in dreadful
and desperate calculations; he actually made up his
mind to enter Caesar’s house by stealth, to slay him-
self upon the hearth, and so to fasten upon Caesar an

203

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῆς ἑστίας ἀλάστορα προσβαλεῖν. ἀλλὰ καὶ
ταύτης αὐτὸν ἀπέκρουσε τῆς ὁδοῦ δέος βασάνων'
καὶ πολλὰ } ταραχώδη καὶ παλίντροπα βουλεύ-
ματα τῆς γνώμης. μεταλαμβάνων παρέδωκε τοῖς
οἰκέταις ἑαυτὸν εἰς Καεήτην * κατὰ πλοῦν κομί-
ζειν, ἔχων ἐκεῖ χωρία καὶ καταφυγὴν ὥρᾳ θέρους
φιλάνθρωπον, ὅταν ἥδιστον οἱ ἐτησίαι κατα-
πνέωσιν.

"Eyes δ᾽ ὁ τόπος καὶ ναὸν ᾿Απόλλωνος μικρὸν
ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης. ἐντεῦθεν ἀρθέντες ἀθρόοι
κόρακες ὑπὸ κλαγγῆς προσεφέροντο τῷ πλοίῳ
τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἐπὶ γῆν ἐρεσσομένῳ" καὶ καθί-
σαντες ἐπὶ τὴν κεραίαν ἑκατέρωθεν οἱ μὲν ἐβόων,
οἱ δ᾽ ἔκοπτον τὰς τῶν μηρυμάτων ἀρχάς, καὶ
πᾶσιν ἐδόκει τὸ σημεῖον εἶναι πονηρόν. ἀπέβη
δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Κικέρων, καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἔπαυλιν
ὡς ἀναπαυσόμενος κατεκλίθη. τῶν δὲ κοράκων
οἱ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς θυρίδος διεκάθηντο φθεγγό-
μενοι θορυβῶδες, εἷς δὲ καταβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ κλινίδιον
ἐγκεκαλυμμένου τοῦ Κικέρωνος a ἀπῆγε τῷ στόματι
κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου τὸ ἱμάτιον. οἱ
δ᾽ οἰκέται ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶντες, καὶ κακίσαντες ἑαυτοὺς
εἰ περιμένουσι τοῦ δεσπότου φονευομένου θεαταὶ ᾿
γενέσθαι, θηρία δ᾽ αὐτῷ βοηθεῖ καὶ προκήδεται
map ἀξίαν πράττοντος, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀμύνουσι,
τὰ μὲν δεόμενοι, τὰ δὲ βίᾳ λαβόντες ἐκόμιζον ἐν
τῷ φορείῳ πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν.

XLVUI. Ἔν τούτῳ δ᾽ οἱ σφαγεῖς ἐπῆλθον, ἑ ἑκα-
τοντάρχης ἝἙρέννιος. καὶ ἸΠοπίλλιος χιλίαρχος,

1 πολλὰ Graux, after Coraés : τᾶλλα.
2 Kaiq7:,’ Coraés and Bekker, after Wyttenbach ; Καιήτας
Sintenis (in notes), and Graux ; Kazitas MSS.

204

CICERO, xtivil. 4—XLViil. 1

avenging daemon. But a fear of tortures drove him
from this course also; then, revolving in his mind
many confused and contradictory purposes, he put
himself in the hands of his servants to be taken by
sea to Caieta, where he had lands and an agreeable
retreat in summer time, when the breath of the
Etesian winds is most pleasant.

The place has also a temple of Apollo, a little
above the sea. From thence a flock of crows flew
with loud clamour towards the vessel of Cicero as it
was rowed towards land ; and alighting on either end
of the sail-yard, some cawed, and others pecked at
the ends of the ropes, and everybody thought that
the omen was bad. Nevertheless Cicero landed, and
going to his villa lay down to rest. Then most of
the crows perched themselves about the window,
cawing tumultuously, but one of them flew down
upon the couch where Cicero lay with muffled head,
and with its beak, little by little, tried to remove the
garment from his face. The servants, on seeing this,
rebuked themselves for waiting to be spectators of
their master’s murder, while wild beasts came _ to
his help and cared for him in his undeserved mis-
fortune, but they themselves did nothing in his
defence. So partly by entreaty, and partly by force,
they took him and carried him in his litter towards
the sea.

XLVIII. But meantime his assassins came to the
villa, Herennius a centurion, and Popillius a tribune,

205

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

? , \ / ΄, rn ¢
WwW eo en ΠΕ δίκην φεύγοντι Ὁ ΣΡ 10)

Κικέρων, ἔχοντες ,ὑπηρέτας. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰς θύρας
κεκλεισμένας εὑρόντες ἐξέκοψαν, οὐ φαινομένου
τοῦ Κικέρωνος οὐδὲ τῶν ἔνδον εἰδέναι φασκόντων,
λέγεται νεανίσκον τινὰ τεθραμμένον μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ
Κικέρωνος ἐν γράμμασιν ἐλευθερίοις καὶ μαθή-
μασιν, ἀπελεύθερον δὲ Koivtov τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ,
Φιλόλογον τοὔνομα, φράσαι. τῷ χιλιάρχῳ τὸ
φορεῖον κομιζόμενον διὰ τῶν καταφύτων καὶ
συσκίων περιπάτων ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν. ὁ μὲν
οὖν χιλίαρχος ὀλίγους ἀναλαβὼν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ
περιέθει πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον, τοῦ δ᾽ ‘Epevviou δρόμῳ
φερομένου διὰ τῶν περιπάτων ὁ Κικέρων ἤσθετο,
καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐκέλευσεν ἐνταῦθα καταθέσθαι
τὸ φορεῖον. αὐτὸς δ᾽ ᾿ ὥσπερ εἰώθει, T τῇ ἀριστερᾷ
χειρὶ τῶν γενείων ἁπτόμενος ἀτενὲς ἐνεώρα τοῖς
σφαγεῦσιν, αὐχμοῦ καὶ κόμης ἀνάπλεως καὶ
συντετηκὼς ὑπὸ φροντίδων τὸ πρόσωπον, ὥστε
τοὺς πλείστους ἐγκαλύψασθαι. τοῦ ἹἙρεννίου
σφάζοντος αὐτόν. ,ἐσφάγη δὲ τὸν τράχηλον ἐκ
τοῦ φορείου προτείνας, ἔτος ἐκεῖνο γεγονὼς ἑξη-
κοστὸν καὶ τέταρτον. τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν ἀπέκοψεν
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας, ᾿Αντωνίου “κελεύσαντος,
αἷς τοὺς Φιλιππικοὺς ἔγραψεν. αὐτός τε γὰρ ὁ
Κικέρων τοὺς κατ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου λόγους Φιλιππικοὺς
ἐπέγραψε καὶ μέχρι νῦν τὰ βιβλία Φιλιππικοὶ
καλοῦνται.

XLIX. Tov & ἀκρωτηρίων εἰς Ῥώμην κομι-
σθέντων ἔτυχε μὲν ἀρχαιρεσίας τελῶν ὁ ᾿Αντώ-
νιος, ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ ἰδὼν ἀνεβόησεν ὡς νῦν αἱ
προγραφαὶ τέλος ἔχοιεν. τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν καὶ
τὰς χεῖρας ἐκέλευσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐπὶ τοῦ

206

CICERO, xtivui, 1--xLix. 1

who had once been prosecuted for parricide and de-
tended by Cicero; and they had helpers. After they
had broken in the door, which they found closed,
Cicero was not to be seen, and the inmates said they
knew not where he was. Then, we are told, a youth
who had been liberally educated by Cicero, and who
was a freedman of Cicero’s brother Quintus, Philo-
logus by name, told the tribune that the litter was
being carried through the wooded and shady walks
towards the sea. The tribune, accordingly, taking a
few helpers with him, ran round towards the exit,
but Herennius hastened on the run through the
walks, and Cicero, perceiving him, ordered the ser-
vants to set the litter down where they were. Then
he himself, clasping his chin with his left hand, as
was his wont, looked steadfastly at his slayers, his
head all squalid and unkempt, and his face wasted
with anxiety, so that most of those that stood by
covered their faces while Herennius was slaying
him. For he stretched his neck forth from the litter
and was slain, being then in his sixty-fourth year.!
Herennius cut off his head, by Antony’s command,
and his hands—the hands with which he wrote the
Philippics. For Cicero himself entitled his speeches
against Antony “ Philippics,’ and to this day the
documents are called Philippics.

XLIX. When Cicero’s extremities were brought
to Rome, it chanced that Antony was conducting
an election, but when he heard of their arrival and
saw them, he cried out, “ Now let our proscriptions
have an end.” Then he ordered the head and
hands to be placed over the ships’ beaks on the

1 Cicero was murdered on the seventh of December, 43 B.c.

207

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

6 a θέ Ῥ , , ? \
βήματος θεῖναι, θέαμα “Ρωμαίοις φρικτόν, ov τὸ
« a / , -
Κικέρωνος ὁρᾶν πρόσωπον οἰομένοις, ἀλλὰ τῆς
> , a > , \ 4 , 7,
Αντωνίου ψυχῆς εἰκόνα. πλὴν ἕν γέ τι φρονή-
/ "4 , a ok
σας μέτριον ἐν τούτοις Ιἰομπωνίᾳ τῇ ΙΚοΐντον
A ἣν / / 6 Ν /
γυναικὶ τὸν Φιλόλογον παρέδωκεν. ἡ δὲ κυρία
, “ / an
γενομένη τοῦ σώματος ἄλλαις τε δειναῖς ἐχρήσατο
\ 4 » / A
τιμωρίαις, Kal τὰς σάρκας ἀποτέμνοντα τὰς αὑτοῦ
’ al 279 ’ φ
κατὰ μικρὸν ὀπτᾶν, εἶτ᾽ ἐσθίειν ἠνάγκασεν. οὕτω
a 7 e / €
yap ἔνιοι. τῶν συγγραφέων ἱστορήκασιν: ὁ δ᾽
> A ω ’ὔ > 4 , A
αὐτοῦ tov Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύθερος Tipwy τὸ
/ an “
παράπαν οὐδὲ μέμνηται τῆς τοῦ Φιλολόγου
/
προδοσίας.
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Πυνθάνομαι δὲ Katcapa χρόνοις πολλοῖς ὕστε-
la) “ lal nr
pov εἰσελθεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν θυγατριδῶν'" τὸν δὲ
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βιβλίον ἔχοντα Κικέρωνος ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἐκ-
A € 7 he
TAAYEVTA TO ἱματίῳ περικαλύπτειν: ἰδόντα δὲ
Καίσαρα λαβεῖν καὶ διελθεῖν ἑστῶτα μέρος πολὺ
fal 4 ΄ ᾽ , al
τοῦ βιβλίου, πάλιν δ᾽ ἀποδιδόντα τῷ μειρακίῳ
’ ’ / 9s a /
φάναι" “Λόγιος ἀνὴρ, ὦ Tai, λόγιος Kal φιλό-
3») > \ ῇ ΄
πατρις." ἐπεὶ μέντοι τάχιστα κατεπολέμησεν
ς ΄ Ν ΡΛ
᾿Αντώνιον ὑπατεύων αὐτὸς εἵλετο συνάρχοντα
σι , \ Car 5] 3 g , ᾽ bY , e
τοῦ Κικέρωνος τὸν υἱὸν, ἐφ᾽ ov τάς T εἰκόνας ἡ
- >’ /
βουλὴ καθεῖλεν ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ Tas ἄλλας ἠκύρωσε
if, “-
τιμὰς καὶ προσεψηφίσατο μηδενὶ τῶν ᾿Αντωνίων
3 ¢ Ν
ὄνομα Μάρκον εἶναι. οὕτω τὸ δαιμόνιον εἰς τὸν
= ΄ Ν a
Κικέρωνος οἶκον ἐπανήνεγκε τὸ τέλος τῆς ᾿Αντω-
νίου κολάσεως.

208

886

CICERO, xuix. 1-4

rostra, a sight that made the Romans shudder; for
they thought they saw there, not the face of Cicero,
but an image of the soul of Antony. However, he
showed at least one sentiment of fair dealing in the
case when he handed over Philologus to Pomponia,
the wife of Quintus. And she, having got the
man into her power, besides other dreadful punish-
ments which she inflicted upon him, forced him
to cut off his own flesh bit by bit and roast it,
and then to eat it. This, indeed, is what some
of the historians say; but Cicero’s own freedman,
Tiro, makes no mention at all of the treachery of
Philologus.

I learn that Caesar, a long time after this, paid a
visit to one of his daughter’s sons; and the boy,
since he had in his hands a book of Cicero’s, was
terrified and sought to hide it in his gown; but
Caesar saw it, and took the book, and read a great
part of it as he stood, and then gave it back to the
youth, saying: “ A learned man, my child, a learned
man and a lover of his country.”” Moreover, as soon
as he had finally defeated Antony,! and when he
was himself consul, he chose Cicero’s son as _ his
colleague in the office, and it was in his consulship
that the senate took down the statues of Antony,
- made void the other honours that had been paid
him, and decreed besides that no Antony should
have the name of Marcus. Thus the heavenly
powers devolved upon the family of Cicero the final
steps in the punishment of Antony,

1 At Alexandria, in 30 B.c. (see the Antony, Ixxxi. 1 f.).

209

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

AHMOS@®ENOYS KAI KIKEPOQNOS
SYPKPISIS

ΤΙ. Ἃ μὲν οὖν ἄξια μνήμης τῶν περὶ Anpo-
/
σθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος ἱστορουμένων εἰς τὴν ἡμε-
a “ a 9 7
τέραν ἀφῖκται γνῶσιν, ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν. ἀφεικὼς δὲ
a , lal
TO συγκρίνειν τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ἕξιν αὐτῶν,
ἐκεῖνό μοι δοκῶ μὴ παρήσειν ἄρρητον, ὅτι Δη-
\ \ / a ¢
μοσθένης μὲν εἰς TO ῥητορικὸν ἐνέτεινε πᾶν ὅσον
3 2 id wn ΝΨἤ / / e ,
εἶχεν ἐκ φύσεως ἢ ἀσκήσεως λόγιον, ὑπερβαλλο-
μενος ἐναργείᾳ μὲν καὶ δεινότητι τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν
ἀγώνων καὶ τῶν δικῶν συνεξεταζομένους, ὄγκῳ
δὲ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπείᾳ τοὺς ἐπιδεικτικούς, ἀκρι-
, \ \ / \ 4 / \
Beta δὲ Kal τέχνῃ τοὺς σοφιστάς" Κικέρων δὲ
καὶ πολυμαθὴς καὶ ποικίλος τῇ περὶ τοὺς λόγους
A ,
σπουδῇ γενόμενος συντάξεις μὲν ἰδίας φιλοσό-
> / > 2 / > \ 2
φους ἀπολέλοιπεν οὐκ ὀλίγας εἰς τὸν ᾿Ακαδη-
“. \ \ a
μαϊκὸν τρόπον, ov μὴν ἀλλὰ Kal διὰ τῶν πρὸς
, a /
tas δίκας καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας γραφομένων λόγων
a , \
δῆλός ἐστιν ἐμπειρίαν τινὰ γραμμάτων παρεπι-
,
δείκνυσθαι βουλόμενος.
"RB δέ \ A, bd a » ς
στι δέ τις καὶ τοῦ ἤθους ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ἑκα-
, fe e
tépov δίοψις. ὁ μὲν yap Δημοσθενικὸς ἔξω
παντὸς ὡραϊσμοῦ καὶ παιδιᾶς εἰς δεινότητα καὶ
\ / > bs / ” Ὁ“
σπουδὴν συνηγμένος οὐκ ἐλλυχνίων ὄδωδεν, ὥσ-
id / »Μ > 3 ς / \
περ ὁ Πυθέας ἔσκωπτεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑδροποσίας καὶ
/ n la)
φροντίδων καὶ τῆς λεγομένης πικρίας TOD τρόπου
Ul ee “ fal
καὶ στυγνότητος, Κικέρων δὲ πολλαχοῦ τῷ

210

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, 1. 1-4

COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND
CICERO

I. THese, then, are the memorable incidents in
the recorded careers of Demosthenes and Cicero
which have come to our knowledge. And though
I have renounced the comparison of their oratorical
styles,! yet this, I think, ought not to be left unsaid,
namely, that Demosthenes devoted to the rhetorical
art all the powers of speech which he possessed by
nature or acquired by practice, surpassing in force
and effectiveness his rivals in forensic and judicial
pleading, in pomp and majesty of utterance the
professional declaimers, and in precision and _ skill
the sophists; Cicero, on the other hand, became
widely learned and had a variety of interest in the
pursuit of letters, and left behind him not a few
philosophical treatises of his own conforming to
the fashion of the Academy; indeed, even in the
speeches which he wrote for the forum and the
courts he clearly desires to display by the way a
considerable acquaintance with letters.

It is possible, too, to get a glimpse of the
character of each in his style of speaking. For
that of Demosthenes, which had no prettiness or
pleasantry, and was condensed with a view to power
and earnestness, did not smell of lamp-wicks, as
Pytheas scoffingly said,? but of water-drinking and
anxious thought, and of what men called the bit-
terness and sullenness of his disposition; whereas
Cicero was often carried away by his love of jesting

1 See the Demosthenes, iii. 1.
2 Cf. the Demosthenes, viii. 3.

211

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σκωπτικῷ πρὸς τὸ βωμολόχον ἐκφερόμενος καὶ
πράγματα σπουδῆς ἄξια γέλωτι καὶ παιδιᾷ
κατειρωνευόμενος ἐν ταῖς δίκαις εἰς τὸ χρειῶδες
ἠφείδει τοῦ πρέποντος, ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ Καιλίου *
συνηγορίᾳ μηδὲν ἄτοπον ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν τοσαύτῃ
τρυφῇ καὶ πολυτελείᾳ ταῖς ἡδοναῖς χρώμενον' τὸ
γὰρ ὧν ἔξεστι μὴ μετέχειν, μανικὸν εἶναι, καὶ
ταῦτα ἐν ἡδονῇ τὸ εὔδαιμον τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων
φιλοσόφων τιθεμένων. λέγεται δὲ Κάτωνος
Μουρήναν διώκοντος ὑπατεύων ἀπολογεῖσθαι καὶ
πολλὰ διὰ τὸν Κάτωνα κωμῳδεῖν τὴν Στωϊκὴν
αἵρεσιν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀτοπίαις τῶν παραδόξων λεγο-
μένων δογμάτων" γέλωτος δὲ λαμπροῦ κατιόντος
ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων πρὸς τοὺς δικαστάς, ἡσυχῆ
διαμειδιάσας ὁ Κάτων πρὸς τοὺς καθημένους
εἰπεῖν: “Ὥς γελοῖον, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἔχομεν ὕπατον."
δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ γέλωτος οἰκεῖος ὁ Κικέρων γεγονέναι
καὶ φιλοσκώπτης, τό τε πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ μει-
δίαμα καὶ γαλήνην παρεῖχε. τῷ δὲ Δημοσθένους
ἀεί TUS ἐπῆν σπουδή, καὶ τὸ πεφροντικὸς τοῦτο
καὶ σύννουν οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἀπέλειπεν" " ὅθεν καὶ
δύσκολον αὐτὸν οἱ ἐχθροὶ καὶ δύστροπον, ὡς
αὐτός φησιν, ἀπεκάλουν.

II. "ἔτι τοίνυν ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασι κατιδεῖν
ἔστι τὸν μὲν ἐμμελῶς καὶ ἀνεπαχθῶς τῶν εἰς
αὑτὸν ἁπτόμενον ἐγκωμίων, ὅτε τούτου δεήσαι
πρὸς ἕτερόν τι μεῖζον, τἄλλα δ᾽ εὐλαβῆ καὶ μέ-
Tplov ἡ δὲ Κικέρωνος ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ἀμετρία τῆς

1 Καιλίου Coraés, Bekker, and Graux, after Wyttenbach :

KexiAlov.
3 ἀπέλειπεν With Graux and Bekker, after Coraés: ἀπέλιπεν.

212

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, 1. 4-1. 1

into scurrility, and when, to gain his ends in his
cases, he treated matters worthy of serious attention
with ironical mirth and pleasantry, he was careless
of propriety. Thus, in his defence of Caelius, he
said that his client, surrounded as he was by great
luxury and extravagance, did nothing out of the
way when indulging in pleasures; for not to enjoy
what is in one’s possession was madness, he said,
particularly when the most eminent philosophers
assert that true happiness consists in pleasure.}
And we are told that when Cato prosecuted Murena,
Cicero, who was then consul, defended him, and
because of Cato’s beliefs made much fun of the
Stoic sect, in view of the absurdities of their so-
called paradoxes ;? and when loud laughter spread
from the audience to the jurors, Cato, with a quiet
smile, said to those who sat by: “ What a funny man
we have, my friends, for consul!” And it would
seem that Cicero was naturally prone to laughter
and fond of jesting; his face, too, was smiling and
peaceful. But in that of Demosthenes there was
always a certain intense seriousness, and this look
of thoughtfulness and anxiety he did not easily lay
aside. For this reason his enemies, as he himself
says,°® cailed him morose and ill-mannered.

II. Still further, then, in their writings it is pos-
sible to see that the one touches upon his own
praises cautiously and so as not to give offence,
when there was need of this for some weightier
end, while on other occasions he is careful and
moderate ; whereas Cicero’s immoderate boasting of

1 Cf. Cicero, pro Caelio, 12, 28; but Plutarch’s interpreta-
tion does Cicero great injustice. Cf. 17, 39 f.
2 Cf. pro Murena, 29-31. 8 In Phil. τὶ. 30:

VOL. VII. HH 212

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ , \
περιαυτολογίας ἀκρασίαν τινὰ κατηγόρει πρὸς
δόξαν, βοῶντος ὡς τὰ ὅπλα ἔδει τῇ τηβέννῳ καὶ
τῇ γλώ ὴν θριαμβικὴν ὑπείκειν δάφνην. τε-
ἢ γλώττῃ τὴν θριαμβικὴ ην.
lal > > \ 4 \ Ἂ / /
λευτῶν δ᾽ οὐ τὰ ἔργα Kal Tas πράξεις μόνον,
᾽ ν \ \ , 2 a \ > / ς ’
ἀλλα καὶ TOUS λόγους ἐπαινεῖ TOUS εἰρημένους UP
αὑτοῦ ' καὶ γεγραμμένους, ὥσπερ ᾿Ισοκράτει καὶ
᾿Αναξιμένει τοῖς σοφισταῖς διαμειρακιευόμενος,
’ x ¢€ , na A ’ lal MK ’ “
οὐ τὸν Ρωμαίων δῆμον ἄγειν ἀξιῶν καὶ ὀρθοῦν,

ς 7. > ,
βριθύν, ὁπλιτοπάλαν, δάϊον ἀντιπάλοις.

ἰσχύειν μὲν γὰρ διὰ λόγου τὸν πολιτευόμενον
ἀναγκαῖον, ἀγαπᾶν δ᾽ ἀγεννὲς καὶ λιχνεύειν τὴν
ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου δόξαν. ὅθεν ἐμβριθέστερος ταύ-
™ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστερος ὁ Δημοσθένης, τὴν
μὲν αὑτοῦ δύναμιν ἐμπειρίαν τινὰ πολλῆς δεομέ-
νην τῆς παρὰ τῶν ἀκροωμένων εὐνοίας ἀποφαινό-
μενος, ἀνελευθέρους δὲ καὶ βαναύσους, ὥσπερ
εἰσί, τοὺς ἐπὶ τούτῳ φυσωμένους ἡγούμενος.

IIT. Ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ δημηγορεῖν καὶ πολιτεύ-
εσθαι δύναμις ὁμαλῶς ἀμφοτέροις ὑπῆρξεν, ὥστε
καὶ τοὺς τῶν ὅπλων καὶ στρατοπέδων κυρίους
δεῖσθαι, Δημοσθένους μὲν Χάρητα καὶ Διοπείθην
καὶ Λεωσθένην, Κικέρωνος δὲ Πομπήϊον καὶ Καί-
capa τὸν νέον, ὡς αὐτὸς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς
᾿Αγρίππαν καὶ Μαικήναν ὑπομνήμασιν εἴρηκεν.

1 ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ Graux with Μᾶ ; ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ.
2 μεγαλοπρεπέστερος With Bekker, after Stephanus; μεγα-
λοπρεπέστατος.

214

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, n. 1-1. 1

himself in his speeches proves that he had an intem-
perate desire for fame, his cry being that arms must
give place to the toga and the laurel of triumph to
the tongue.!. And at last he praises not only his
deeds and actions, but also his speeches, both those
which he delivered himself and those which he com-
mitted to writing, as if he were impetuously vying
with Isocrates and Anaximenes the sophists, instead
of claiming the right to lead and instruct the
Roman people,

“ Steadfast, in heavy armour clad, destructive to

7,72

foes.” 2

It is necessary, indeed, that a political leader should
prevail by reason of his eloquence, but ignoble for
him to admire and crave the fame that springs from
his eloquence. Wherefore in this regard Demos-
thenes is more stately and magnificent, since he
declares that his ability in speaking was a mere
matter of experience, depending greatly upon the
goodwill of his hearers,* and considers illiberal and
vulgar, as they are, those who are puffed up at such
success.

III. It is true that in haranguing and guiding the
people both had equal power, so that even those
who controlled armies and camps had need of
their services; Chares, Diopeithes, and Leosthenes
needed Demosthenes, and Pompey and the young
Caesar needed Cicero, as Caesar himself says in
his Memoirs addressed to Agrippa and Maecenas.

1 Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi (ἦν Pisonem,
Bo, (2 the).

2 The second verse of an elegiac distich attributed to

Aeschylus in Morals, p. 334d. Cf. Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graect,
ii.4 p. 242. 8 Cf. On the Crown, 277.

215

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A \ , ,

26 δὲ δοκεῖ μάλιστα καὶ λέγεται τρόπον ἀνδρὸς
’ / \ / > / > \
ἐπιδεικνύναι καὶ βασανίζειν, ἐξουσία καὶ ἀρχὴ
πᾶν πάθος κινοῦσα καὶ πᾶσαν ἀποκαλύπτουσα

/ / \ > ς A ΟΣ Ψ
κακίαν, Δημοσθένει μὲν οὐχ ὑπῆρξεν, οὐδ᾽ ἔδωκε
τοιαύτην διάπειραν ἑαυτοῦ, μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν τῶν
3 “ 7 ὰ 7 \ an e > e n
ἐπιφανῶν ἄρξας, ὃς οὐδὲ τῆς Up αὑτοῦ συντε-
ταγμένης ἐπὶ Φίλιππον ἐστρατήγησε δυνάμεως:
r , \ / ’ , \ ’ ᾿

3 Κικέρων δὲ ταμίας εἰς Σικελίαν καὶ ἀνθύπατος

7
εἰς Κιλικίαν καὶ Καππαδοκίαν ἀποσταλείς, ἐν
- a Aa / A
ᾧ καιρῷ τῆς φιλοπλουτίας ἀκμαζούσης, καὶ TOV
πεμπομένων στρατηγῶν καὶ ἡγεμόνων, ὡς τοῦ
ἴω > \
κλέπτειν ἀγεννοῦς ὄντος, ἐπὶ TO ἁρπάζειν τρεπο-
μένων, οὐ τὸ λαμβάνειν ἐδόκει δεινόν, ἀλλ’ ὁ
A A a \
μετρίως τοῦτο ποιῶν ἠγαπᾶτο, πολλὴν μὲν ἐπί-
id / / ’ / \
δειξιν ὑπεροψίας χρημάτων ἐποιήσατο, πολλὴν
\ , \ 4 > Sika \
4 δὲ φιλανθρωπίας καὶ χρηστότητος. ἐν αὐτῇ δὲ
are , , Ν 2 \ “ > /,
τῇ Ῥώμῃ λόγῳ μὲν ἀποδειχθεὶς ὕπατος, ἐξουσίαν
δὲ λαβὼν αὐτοκράτορος καὶ δικτάτορος ἐπὶ τοὺς

\ ’ > / “ A 4
περὶ Κατιλίναν, ἐμαρτύρησεν ἅμα τῷ Πλάτωνι
μαντευομένῳ παῦλαν ἕξειν κακῶν τὰς πόλεις,
ἘΞ ᾽ fies , ΄ \ , »
ὅταν εἰς ταὐτὸ δύναμίς τε μεγάλη καὶ φρόνησις ἔκ
τινος τύχης χρηστῆς ἀπαντήσῃ μετὰ δικαιοσύνης.

δ ΜΔρηματίσασθαι τοίνυν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου Δημο-

/ a
σθένης μὲν ἐπιψόγως λέγεται, Noyoypapav κρύφα
τοῖς περὶ Φορμίωνα καὶ ᾿Απολλόδωρον ἀντιδίκοις,
καὶ διαβληθεὶς μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς χρήμασιν,
ὀφλὼν δὲ τῶν “Αρπαλείων. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς
γράφοντας (οὐκ ὀλίγοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν οὗτοι) ψεύδεσθαι
216

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, 111. 2-5

But what is thought and said most of all to reveal
and test the character of a man, namely power
and authority, which rouses every passion and un-
covers every haseness, this Demosthenes did not
have, nor did he give any such proof of himself,
since he held no conspicuous office, nor did he even
command the force which was raised by him against
Philip ; whereas Cicero was sent out as quaestor to
Sicily, and as pro-consul to Cilicia and Cappadocia,
at a time when the love of wealth was at its
greatest height, and when those who were sent
out as praetors and governors, feeling that theft
was an ignoble thing, resorted to open plundering,
so that the taking of property was not thought
heinous, but he who did this in moderation was
held in high esteem; and yet Cicero gave many
proofs of his contempt for wealth, and many of
his humanity and goodness. And when in Rome
itself he was appointed consul in name, but really
received the power of a dictator and sole ruler
against Catiline and his conspirators, he bore witness
to the truth of Plato’s prophecy! that states would
then have respite from evil, when in one and the
same person, by some happy fortune, great power
and wisdom should be conjoined with justice.
Moreover, it is said to the reproach of Demosthenes
that he made money by his eloquence, since he
secretly wrote speeches for Phormio and Apollo-
dorus, who were adversaries in the same case, and
since he was accused in the matter of the Great
King’s money, and condemned for taking that of
Harpalus. And if we should say that those who
write these things (and these writers are not few)

1 Republic, p. 473 ἃ.
217

6

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φαίημεν, GAN ὅτι ye πρὸς δωρεὰς βασιλέων σὺν
χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ διδομένας ἀντιβλέψαι Δημοσθέ-
νης οὐκ ἂν ἐτόλμησεν, οὐδ᾽ ἣν τοῦτο ἔργον ἀν-
θρώπου δανείζοντος ἐπὶ ναυτικοῖς, ἀμήχανον
a / ο ἴω
ἀντειπεῖν" περὶ δὲ Κικέρωνος, ὅτε καὶ Σικελιωτῶν
ἀγορανομοῦντι καὶ βασιλέως τοῦ Καππαδοκῶν
> , \ nr > ¢ [4 / e¢ 9 ’ /
ἀνθυπατεύοντι καὶ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλων, ὅτ᾽ ἐξέ-
a / U4 \ \ /
πίπτε τῆς πόλεως, δωρουμένων πολλὰ Kal δεομέ-
νων λαβεῖν ἀντέσχεν, εἴρηται.
\ \ τ \ a Ἂν ᾽ \ a
IV. Καὶ μὴν ἥ ye φυγὴ τῷ μὲν αἰσχρὰ κλοπῆς
id / / n \ / τ 2 ,
ἁλόντι συνέπεσε, TH δὲ κάλλιστον ἔργον ἀνθρώ-
πους ἀλιτηρίους ἐκκόψαντι τῆς πατρίδος. διὸ
ἴω Ν >? \ , b] 7 >3? @ J e
τοῦ μὲν οὐδεὶς λόγος ἐκπίπτοντος, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ δ᾽ ἡ
σύγκλητος ἐσθῆτά τε διήλλαξε καὶ πένθος ἔσχε
καὶ γνώμην ὑπὲρ οὐδενὸς εἰπεῖν ἐπείσθη πρό-
/
τερον ἢ Κικέρωνι κάθοδον ψηφίσασθαι. τὴν
rn Ὁ
μέντοι φυγὴν ἀργῶς ὁ Κικέρων διήνεγκεν ἐν
Μακεδονίᾳ καθήμενος, τῷ δὲ Δημοσθένει καὶ ἡ
, / a /
φυγὴ μέγα μέρος τῆς πολιτείας γέγονε. συνα-
ῇ ΄ “ " ad \
γωνιζόμενος yap, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, τοῖς “Ελλησι καὶ
\ / , 3 (2 > /
τοὺς Μακεδόνων πρέσβεις ἐξελαύνων ἐπήρχετο
τὰς πόλεις, πολὺ βελτίων Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ
᾿Αλκιβιάδου παρὰ τὰς αὐτὰς τύχας φανεὶς πολί-
της" καὶ μέντοι κατελθὼν αὖθις ἑαυτὸν ἐπέδωκεν
\
εἰς THY αὐτὴν ταύτην πολιτείαν, καὶ διετέλει πο-
nr > /
λεμῶν πρὸς Avtitatpov καὶ Μακεδόνας. Κικέ-
ρωνα δ᾽ ὠνείδισεν ἐν τῇ BovdAn Λαίλιος αἰτουμένου

1 τρῦτο ἔργον Bekker and Graux, after Reiske: τοῦτο τὸ
ἔργον.

218

888

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, πι. 5-1v. 3

tell what is untrue, still, at least, that Demosthenes
could not bring himself to look with indifference
upon gifts which kings offered as marks of honour
and favour, and that this was not to be expected
of a man who lent money on bottomry, it is im-
possible to deny; whereas, in the case of Cicero,
that the Sicilians when he was quaestor, and the
king of Cappadocia when he was pro-consul, and
his friends in Rome when he was going into exile,
offered him large sums and begged him to take
them, only to meet with his refusal, has been said.
IV. And surely in the matter of banishment, at
least, for the one it was disgraceful, since he had
been convicted of theft; but for the other it was
a most honourable result, since he had rid _ his
country of baleful men. Therefore no account
was made of the one when he went into exile;
but for the other the senate changed its garb and
put on mourning and could not be induced to
discuss any business until Cicero’s return had been
decreed. However, Cicero spent his exile idly,
remaining quietly in Macedonia; but the exile of
Demosthenes proved to be a great part of his service
to the state. Tor he took part in the struggles of
the Greeks, as has been said, and drove out the
Macedonian envoys in the various cities which he
visited, and so showed himself to be a far better
citizen than Themistocles or Alcibiades when they
were having the same fortune; and furthermore,
when he returned from exile, he again devoted
himself to this same public service, and steadfastly
continued waging war upon Antipater and the
Macedonians. Cicero, on the contrary, was re-
proached in the senate by Laelius for sitting silent

219

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 / Ἂν
Καίσαρος ὑπατείαν μετιέναι παρὰ νόμον, οὔπω
- a \
γενειῶντος, σιωπῇ καθήμενον. ἔγραφε δὲ καὶ
ἴω “ Ρ, \
Βροῦτος ἐγκαλῶν ws μείζονα καὶ βαρυτέραν
, , a fr
πεπαιδοτριβηκότι τυραννίδα τῆς ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῦ
/
καταλυθείσης.
aA \ a A
V. ᾿Επὶ πᾶσι δὲ τῆς τελευτῆς τὸν μὲν οἰκτείραι
Mv ΕΒ 7 ᾽ > , ς Ν ’
τις ἄν, ἄνδρα πρεσβύτην δι’ ἀγέννειαν ὑπὸ οἱ-
an / , /
κετῶν ἄνω καὶ κάτω περιφερόμενον Kal περιφεύ-
\ /
yovta τὸν θάνατον καὶ ἀποκρυπτόμενον τοὺς οὐ
\ δι a jd “ 3 Ψ > , = ?
πολὺ πρὸ τῆς φύσεως ἥκοντας ἐπ αὕτον, ELT
, an b] b) \ \ \ \
ἀποσφαγέντα' τοῦ δ᾽, εἰ καὶ μικρὰ πρὸς τὴν
/ / \ \ aA
ἱκετείαν ἐνέδωκεν, ἀγαστὴ μὲν ἡ παρασκευὴ TOD
it TA > SA an [τὰ
φαρμάκου καὶ τήρησις, ἀγαστὴ δ᾽ ἡ χρῆσις, ὅτι
a A \ / > a \ ,
τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ παρασχόντος αὐτῷ τὴν ἀσυλίαν,
’ὔ ἂν , n
ὥσπερ ἐπὶ μείζονα βωμὸν καταφυγών, ἐκ τῶν
ef \ an , Ν ξ ἊΝ »
ὅπλων καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων λαβὼν ἑαυτὸν ὠχετο,
an ? /
τῆς ᾿Αντιπάτρου καταγελάσας ὠμότητος.

220

DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO, tv. 3-v.

when Caesar asked leave to stand for the consul-
ship, which was contrary to law, since he was still
a beardless youth. And Brutus also, in one of his
letters, accused him of having reared up a tyranny
greater and more severe than that which the writer
himself had overthrown.}

V. And after all, the one is to be pitied for the
manner of his death—an old man ignobly carried
up and down by servants, trying to escape death,
hiding himself from those who were coming after
him not much in advance of nature’s final summons,
and then beheaded; whereas in that of the other,
even though it had a slight touch of supplication,
we must admire the preparation of the poison and
its place of custody, must admire, too, the use he
made of it, because, since the god would not afford
him asylum, he took refuge at a greater altar, as
it were, made his escape from arms and mercenaries,
and laughed to scorn the cruelty of Antipater.

1 Cicero, ad Brutum, i. 17, 2 (Brutus to Atticus),

221

; Tbe 13889 :
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ἣν

ALEXANDER

AAEZANAPO®

A ,

I. Tov ᾿Αλεξάνδρου tod βασιλέως βίον καὶ
a / δ ᾽ Ξ / fiw 2
τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὑφ᾽ οὗ κατελύθη ἸΙομπήϊος, ἐν
,ὔ al , / \ \ an ἴω
τούτῳ τῷ βιβλίῳ γράφοντες, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν
ὑποκειμένων πράξεων οὐδὲν ἄλλο προεροῦμεν
ἢ παραιτησόμεθα τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας, ἐὰν μὴ
πάντα μηδὲ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐξειργασμένως τι τῶν
περιβοήτων ἀπαγγέλλωμεν, ἀλλὰ ἐπιτέμνοντες
τὰ πλεῖστα, μὴ συκοφαντεῖν. οὔτε γὰρ ἱστορίας

΄΄ ,
γράφομεν, ἀλλὰ βίους, οὔτε Tals ἐπιφανεστάταις
πράξεσι πάντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας,
᾽ \ a \ , Ni Gin \
ἀλλὰ πρᾶγμα βραχὺ πολλάκις Kal ῥῆμα καὶ
παιδιά τις ἔμφασιν ἤθους ἐποίησε μᾶλλον ἢ
μάχαι μυριόνεκροι καὶ παρατάξεις αἱ μέγισται
καὶ πολιορκίαι πόλεων. ὥσπερ οὖν οἱ ᾿ξωγράφοι
τὰς ὁμοιότητας ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου καὶ τῶν περὶ
\ ” 20 αὶ : > » N 5 ?
τὴν ὄψιν εἰδῶν, οἷς ἐμφαίνεται τὸ ἦθος, ἀνα-
λαμβάνουσ ἐν, ἐλάχιστα τῶν λοιπῶν μερῶν φρον-
τίξοντες, οὕτως ἡμῖν δοτέον εἰς τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς
σημεῖα μᾶλλον ἐνδύεσθαι καὶ διὰ τούτων εἰδο-
ποιεῖν τὸν ἑκάστου βίον, ἐάσαντας ἑτέροις τὰ
μεγέθη καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας.

11. ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὅτι τῷ γένει πρὸς πατρὸς μὲν
ς € 1 ᾽ \ 7 \
ἦν Ἡρακλείδης ἀπὸ Kapavov, πρὸς δὲ μητρὸς
Αἰακίδης ἀπὸ Νεοπτολέμου, τῶν πάνυ πεπι-
στευμένων ἐστί. λέγεται δὲ Φίλιππος ἐν Σαμο-

224

665

ALEXANDER

I. Ir is the life of Alexander the king, and of
Caesar, who overthrew Pompey, that I am writing
in this book, and the multitude of the deeds to be
treated is so great that I shall make no other preface
than to entreat my readers, in case I do not tell of
all the famous actions of these men, nor even speak
exhaustively at all in each particular case, but in
epitome for the most part, not to complain. For it
is not Histories that I am writing, but Lives; and in
the most illustrious deeds there is not always a mani-
festation of virtue or vice, nay, a slight thing like a
phrase or a jest often makes a greater revelation of
character than battles where thousands fall, or the
greatest armaments, or sieges of cities. Accordingly,
just as painters get the likenesses in their portraits
from the face and the expression of the eyes, wherein
the character shows itself, but make very little ac-
count of the other parts of the body, so I must be
permitted to devote myself rather to the signs of
the soul in men, and by means of these to portray
the life of each, leaving to others the description of
their great contests.

II. As for the lineage of Alexander, on his father’s
side he was a descendant of Heracles through Ca-
ranus, and on his mother’s side a descendant of
Aeacus through Neoptolemus; this is accepted with-
out any question. And we are told that Philip, after

225

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θ la a? (ὃ θ \ >, , ,
ράκῃ TH ᾿Ολυμπιάδι συμμυηθεὶς αὐτός τε μειρά-
Ἂ a
κιον ὧν ἔτι κἀκείνης παιδὸς ὀρφανῆς γονέων
ἐρασθῆναι καὶ τὸν γάμον οὕτως ἁρμόσαι, πείσας
a /
τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ᾿Αρύμβαν. ἡ μὲν οὖν νύμφη,
πρὸ τῆς νυκτὸς ἧ συνείρχθησαν εἰς τὸν θάλαμον,
ἔδοξε βροντῆς γενομένης ἐμπεσεῖν αὐτῆς τῇ γαστρὶ
a an \ an
κεραυνόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς πληγῆς πολὺ πῦρ ἀναφθέν,
> ,
εἶτα ῥηγνύμενον εἰς φλόγας πάντη φερομένας
rn ¢ \ / ς / / \
διαλυθῆναι. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ μετὰ
\ , 5 " CME NGS kg ΄ an
τὸν γάμον. εἶδεν ὄναρ αὑτὸν ἐπιβάλλοντα σφραγῖδα
τῇ γαστρὶ τῆς γυναικός" ἡ δὲ γλυφὴ τῆς oppa-
yidos, ὡς BETO, λέοντος εἶχεν. εἰκόνα. τῶν δὲ
ἄλλων μάντεων ὑφορωμένων τὴν ὄψιν, ὡς ἀκρι-
a an / al
Beotépas φυλακῆς δεομένων τῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν
Ν \ / ᾽ / ὃ ς \
περὶ τὸν γάμον, ᾿Αρίστανδρος ὁ Ἰελμησσεὺς
Ἢ » \ BA 5 | \ \ > /
κύειν ἔφη τὴν ἄνθρωπον, οὐθὲν yap ἀποσφραγί-
ζεσθαι τῶν κενῶν, καὶ κύειν παῖδα θυμοειδῆ καὶ
/
λεοντώδη THY φύσιν. ὥφθη δέ ποτε Kal δράκων
a 2 a
κοιμωμένης τῆς ᾿Ολυμπιάδος παρεκτεταμένος τῷ
σώματι: καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα τοῦ Φιλίππου τὸν
My GC
ἔρωτα καὶ Tas φιλοφροσύνας ἀμαυρῶσαι λέγουσιν,
¢ a ’
ὡς μηδὲ φοιτᾶν ἔτι πολλάκις Tap αὐτὴν ava-
/
παυσόμενον, εἴτε δείσαντά τινας μαγείας ἐπ᾽
lal \ / a / v δ ,
αὐτῷ Kal φάρμακα τῆς γυναικός, εἴτε τὴν ὁμιλίαν
/ td ’ me
ὡς κρείττονι συνούσης ἀφοσιούμενον.
{2 δὲ \ / Σ A. / e “
Ἑτερος δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐστὶ λόγος, ὡς πᾶσαι
a o f lal 3 an
μὲν αἱ τῇδε γυναῖκες ἔνοχοι τοῖς ᾿Ορφικοῖς οὖσαι
καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον ὀργιασμοῖς ἐκ τοῦ
rn / ,
πάνυ παλαιοῦ, Κλώδωνές τε καὶ Μιμαλλόνες

226

ALEXANDER, t. 1-5

being initiated into the mysteries of Samothrace at
the same time with Olympias, he himself being still
a youth and she an orphan child, fell in love with her
and betrothed himself to her at once with the con-
sent of her brother, Arymbas. Well, then, the night
before that on which the marriage was consummated,
the bride dreamed that there was a peal of thunder
and that a thunder-bolt fell upon her womb, and
that thereby much fire was kindled, which broke into
flames that travelled all about, and then was ex-
tinguished. At a later time, too, after the marriage,
Philip dreamed that he was putting a seal upon his
wife’s womb; and the device of the seal, as he
thought, was the figure of a lion. ‘The other seers,
now, were led by the vision to suspect that Philip
needed to put a closer watch upon his marriage rela-
tions; but Aristander of Telmessus said that the
woman was pregnant, since no seal was put upon
what was empty, and pregnant of a son whose nature
would be bold and lion-like. Moreover, a serpent
was once seen lying stretched out by the side of
Olympias as she slept, and we are told that this,
more than anything else, dulled the ardour of Philip’s
attentions to his wife, so that he no longer came
often to sleep by her side, either because he feared
that some spells and enchantments might be practised
upon him by her, or because he shrank from her
embraces in the conviction that she was the partner
of a superior being.

But concerning these matters there is another
story to this effect: all the women of these parts
were addicted to the Orphic rites and the orgies of
Dionysus from very ancient times (being called
Klodones and Mimallones!), and imitated in many

1 Macedonian names for Bacchantes. τ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπωνυμίαν ἔχουσαι, πολλὰ ταῖς ᾿Ηδωνίσι καὶ
ταῖς περὶ τὸν Αἷμον Θρήσσαις ὅμοια δρῶσιν, ἀφ᾽
ὧν δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ θρησκεύειν 6 ὄνομα ταῖς κατακόροις
γενέσθαι καὶ περιέργοις ἱερουργίαις, ἡ δὲ Ὄλυμ-
πιὰς μᾶλλον ἑτέρων ζηλώσασα τὰς κατοχὰς
καὶ τοὺς ἐνθουσιασμοὺς ἐξάγουσα βαρβαρικώ-
τερον ὄφεις μεγάλους χειροήθεις ἐφείλκετο τοῖς
θιάσοις, οἱ πολλάκις ἐκ τοῦ κιττοῦ καὶ τῶν
μυστικῶν λίκνων παραναδυόμενοι καὶ περιελιττό-
μενοι τοῖς θύρσοις τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τοῖς στεφά-
νοις ἐξέπληττον τοὺς ἄνδρας.
11. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Φιλίππῳ μέν, μετὰ τὸ
/ f? , \ ’
φάσμα πέμψαντι Χαίρωνα τὸν Μεγαλοπολίτην
εἰς Δελφούς, χρησμὸν κομισθῆναι λέγουσι παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντος Ἄμμωνι θύειν καὶ σέβεσθαι
μάλιστα τοῦτον τὸν θεόν: ἀποβαλεῖν δὲ τῶν
ὄψεων αὐτὸν τὴν ἑτέραν, ἣν τῷ τῆς θύρας ἁρμῷ
προσβαλὼν κατώπτευσεν ἐν μορφῇ δράκοντος
συνευναζόμενον τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν θεόν. ἡ dé” Ολυμ-
πιάς, ὡς ᾿Βρατοσθένης φησί, “προπέμπουσα τὸν
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν, καὶ φράσασα
μόνῳ τὸ περὶ τὴν τέκνωσιν ἀπόρρητον, ἐκέλευεν
ane φρονεῖν τῆς γενέσεως. ἕτεροι δέ φασιν
ὑτὴν ἀφοσιοῦσθαι καὶ λέγειν: “Οὐ παύσεταί
ἐν διαβάλλων ᾿Αλέξανδρος πρὸς τὴν Hpav;”
᾿Εγεννήθη δ᾽ οὖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἱσταμένου μηνὸς
“Ἑκατομβαιῶνος, ὃν Μακεδόνες Λῶον καλοῦσιν,

1 Plutarch apparently derives this verb from Θρῇσσαι
(Thracian women).

2 Sacred to Dionysus, and carried on the headg of the
celebrants.

228

ALEXANDER, τι. 5-111. 3

ways the practices of the Edonian women and the
Thracian women about Mount Haemus, from whom,
as it would seem, the word “ threskeuein’’! came to
be applied to the celebration of extravagant and
superstitious ceremonies. Now Olympias, who δὲ.
fected these divine possessions more zealously than
other women, and carried out these divine inspira-
tions in wilder fashion, used to provide the revel-
ling companies with great tame serpents, which
would often lift their heads from out the ivy and
the mystic winnowing-baskets,? or coil themselves
about the wands and garlands of the women, thus
terrifying the men.

III However, after his vision, as we are told,
Philip sent Chaeron of Megalopolis to Delphi, by
whom an oracle was brought him from Apollo, who
bade him sacrifice to Ammon and hold that god in
greatest reverence, but told him he was to lose that
one of his eyes which he had applied to the chink
in the door when he espied the god, in the form of a
serpent, sharing the couch of his wife. Moreover,
Olympias, as Eratosthenes says, when she sent Alex-
ander forth upon his great expedition, told him, and
him alone, the secret of his begetting, and bade him
have purposes worthy of his birth. Others, on the
contrary, say that she repudiated the idea, and
said: ‘Alexander must cease slandering me_ to
Εν δι"

Be that as it may, Alexander was born early in the
month Hecatombaeon,* the Macedonian name _ for

3 The lawful spouse of Zeus Ammon.

4 356 B.c. The day of birth has probably been moved
back two or three months for the sake of the coincidence
mentioned below (§5). Hecatombaeon corresponds nearly to
July.

229

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

e an 3 ,
ἕκτῃ, καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέραν ὁ τῆς ᾿φεσίας ᾿Αρτέμιδος
ὑψηκμετ ep? , δὶ sea , eonge )
ἐνεπρήσθη νεώς: ᾧ y Ἡγησίας ὁ Μάγνης ἐπι-
/ \
πεφώνηκεν ἐπιφώνημα κατασβέσαι THY πυρκαϊὰν
΄ {} ΄, ’ /
ἐκείνην ὑπὸ ψυχρίας δυνάμενον" εἰκότως γὰρ
a \ \ na 7
ἔφη καταφλεχθῆναι τὸν νεὼν τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος
:) Z \ \ , ΄ ,
ἀσχολουμένης περὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου μαίωσιν.
fod \ lal / Ψ γνυ / /
ὅσοι δὲ τῶν μάγων ἐν ’Edéow διατρίβοντες
/
ἔτυχον, TO περὶ TOV νεὼν πάθος ἡγούμενοι πάθους
ad 7 \ /
ἑτέρου σημεῖον εἶναι, διέθεον τὰ πρόσωπα TUTTTO-
a 7 ,
μενοι καὶ βοῶντες ἄτην ἅμα καὶ συμφορὰν
μεγάλην τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην τετοκέναι.
\ , ς τ we
Φιλίππῳ δὲ ἄρτι Ἰ]οτίδαιαν ἡρηκότι τρεῖς ἧκον
5 , Nake ae , e ν \
ἀγγελίαι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον" ἡ μὲν Ιλλυριοὺς
- mn , ΄ 5 \ , e \
ἡττᾶσθαι μάχη μεγάλῃ διὰ Ἰ]αρμενίωνος, ἡ δὲ
/ /
᾿Ολυμπίασιν ἵππῳ κέλητι νενικηκέναι, τρίτη δὲ
ον 5 ΄ > 2 ,
περὶ τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γενέσεως. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἡδόμενον,
/ “ an
ὡς εἰκός, ETL μᾶλλον οἱ μάντεις ἐπῆραν ἀποφαινό-
Ν lal /
μενοι τὸν παῖδα τρισὶ νίκαις συγγεγεννημένον
ἀνίκητον ἔσεσθαι.
IV. Τὴν μὲν οὖν ἰδέαν τοῦ σώματος οἱ Λυσίπ-
4 a ’ / ’ , Ὁ ᾽
πείοι μάλιστα τῶν ἀνδριάντων ἐμφαίνουσιν, ὑφ
x ΄ \ /
οὗ μόνου καὶ αὐτὸς ἠξίου πλάττεσθαι. Kal yap
/ > A \ la) / ee \ a
μάλισθ᾽ ἃ πολλοὶ τῶν διαδόχων ὕστερον Kal τῶν
φίλων ἀπεμιμοῦντο, τήν τε ἀνάτασιν τοῦ αὐχένος
a / \
εἰς εὐώνυμον ἡσυχῆ κεκλιμένου Kal τὴν ὑγρότητα
lal “ e
TOV ὀμμάτων, διατετήρηκεν ἀκριβῶς ὁ τεχνίτης.
a Ν
᾿Απελλῆς δὲ γράφων τὸν κεραυνοφόρον οὐκ
/ \ ,
ἐμιμήσατο τὴν χρόαν, ἀλλὰ φαιότερον Kal πεπι-
of ’ , Ss \ f Ὁ Ὁ \
νωβμένον ἐποίησεν. Hv δὲ λευκός, ὥς φασιν" ἡ δὲ

230

666

ALEXANDER, πὶ. 3-1v. 2

which is Loiis, on the sixth day of the month, and
on this day the temple of Ephesian Artemis was
burnt. It was apropos of this that Hegesias the
Magnesian made an utterance frigid enough to have
extinguished that great conflagration. He said,
namely, it was no wonder that the temple of Ar-
temis was burned down, since the goddess was busy
bringing Alexander into the world. But all the
Magi who were then at Ephesus, looking upon the
temple’s disaster as a sign of further disaster, ran
about beating their faces and crying aloud that woe
and great calamity for Asia had that day been born.
To Philip, however, who had just taken Potidaea,
there came three messages at the same time: the
first that Parmenio had conquered the Illyrians in a
great battle, the second that his race-horse had won
a victory at the Olympic games, while a third an-
nounced the birth of Alexander. These things de-
lighted him, of course, and the seers raised his
spirits still higher by declaring that the son whose
birth coincided with three victories would be always
victorious.

IV. The outward appearance of Alexander is best
represented by the statues of him which Lysippus
made, and it was by this artist alone that Alexander
himself thought it fit that he should be modelled.
For those peculiarities which many of his successors
and friends afterwards tried to imitate, namely, the
poise of the neck, which was bent slightly to the
left, and the melting glance of his eyes, this artist
has accurately observed. Apelles, however, in painting
him as wielder of the thunder-bolt, did not reproduce
his complexion, but made it too dark and swarthy.
Whereas he was of a fair colour, as they say, and his

231

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λευκότης ἐπεφοίνισσεν αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ στῆθος
μάλιστα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον. ὅτι δὲ τοῦ χρωτὸς
ἥδιστον ἀπέπνει καὶ τὸ στόμα Hi of! εὐωδία
καὶ τὴν σάρκα “πᾶσαν, ὥστε πληροῦσθαι τοὺς
χιτωνίσκους, ἀνέγνωμεν ἐν ὑπομνήμασιν ᾿Αριστο-
ξενείοις.

Aitia δὲ ἴσως ἡ τοῦ σώματος κρᾶσις πολύ-
θερμος οὖσα καὶ πυρώδης" ἡ γὰρ εὐωδία γίνεται
πέψει τῶν ὑγρῶν ὑπὸ θερμότητος, ὡς οἴεται
Θεόφραστος. ὅθεν ot ξηροὶ καὶ διάπυροι τόποι
τῆς οἰκουμένης τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ κάλλιστα τῶν
ἀρωμάτων φέρουσιν: ἐξαιρεῖ γὰρ ὁ ἥλιος τὸ ὑγρὸν
ὥσπερ ὕλην σηπεδόνος ἐπιπολάζον τοῖς σώμασιν.
᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ ἡ θερμότης τοῦ σώματος, ὡς
ἔοικε, καὶ ποτικὸν καὶ θυμοειδῆ παρεῖχεν.

"Ete δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ παιδὸς ἥ τε σωφροσύνη
διεφαίνετο τῷ πρὸς τἄλλα ῥαγδαῖον ὄντα καὶ
φερόμενον σφοδρῶς ἐν ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ταῖς περὶ τὸ
σῶμα δυσκίνητον εἶναι καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς πρᾳότη-
τος ἅπτεσθαι τῶν τοιούτων, ἥ τε φιλοτιμία παρ᾽
ἡλικίαν ἐμβριθὲς εἶχε τὸ φρόνημα καὶ μεγαλόψυ-
χον. οὔτε γὰρ ἀπὸ παντὸς οὔτε πᾶσαν ἠγάπα
δόξαν, ὡς Φίώλιππος λόγου τε δεινότητι σοφι-
στικῶς ᾿καλλωπιζόμενος καὶ τὰς ἐν ᾿Ολυμπίᾳ
νίκας τῶν ἁρμάτων ἐγχαράττων τοῖς νομίσμασιν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποπειρωμένων εἰ
βούλοιτ᾽ ἂν ᾿Ολυμπίασιν ἀγωνίσασθαι στάδιον,
ἣν γὰρ ποδώκης, ἀ yA γε," ἔφη, “βασιλεῖς
ἔμελλον ἕξειν ἀνταγωνιστάς. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ
καθόλου πρὸς τὸ τῶν ἀθλητῶν γένος ἀλλοτρίως
ἔχων: πλείστους γέ τοι θεὶς ἀγῶνας οὐ μόνον

232

ALEXANDER, 1v. 2-6

fairness passed into ruddiness on his breast particu-
larly, and in his face. Moreover, that a very pleasant
odour exhaled from his skin and that there was a
fragrance about his mouth and all his flesh, so that
his garments were filled with it, this we have read
in the Memoirs of Aristoxenus.

Now, the cause of this, perhaps, was the tempera-
ment of his body, which was a very warm and fiery
one; for fragrance is generated, as Theophrastus
thinks, where moist humours are acted upon by heat.
Wherefore the dry and parched regions of the world
produce the most and best spices; for the sun draws
away the moisture which, like material of corruption,
abounds in vegetable bodies. And in Alexander's
case, it was the heat of his body, as it would seem,
which made him prone to drink, and choleric.

But while he was still a boy his self-restraint
showed itself in the fact that, although he was im-
petuous and violent in other matters, the pleasures
of the body had little hold upon him, and he in-
dulged in them with great moderation, while his
ambition kept his spirit serious and lofty in advance
of his years. For it was neither every kind of fame
nor fame from every source that he courted, as Philip
did, who plumed himself like a sophist on the power
of his oratory, and took care to have the victories of
his chariots at Olympia engraved upon his coins ;
nay, when those about him inquired whether he
would be willing to contend in the foot-race at the
Olympic games, since he was swift of foot, “ Yes,”
said he, “if I could have kings as my contestants.”
And in general, too, Alexander appears to have been
averse to the whole race of athletes; at any rate,
though he instituted very many contests, not only

233

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

τραγῳδῶν Kal αὐλητῶν Kal κιθαρῳδῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
« a / a \ ςε
ῥαψῳδῶν, θήρας τε παντοδαπῆς καὶ ῥαβδο-
» a by /
μαχίας, οὔτε πυγμῆς οὔτε παγκρατίου μετά τινος
σπουδῆς ἔθηκεν ἄθλον.
V. Τοὺς δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως πρέ-
« 2 A / /
σβεις ἥκοντας ἀποδημοῦντος Φιλίππου ἕξενίζων
καὶ γενόμενος συνήθης οὕτως ἐχειρώσατο τῇ φιλο-
φροσύνῃ καὶ τῷ μηδὲν ἐρώτημα παιδικὸν ἐρωτῆ-
’ ς lal
σαι μηδὲ μικρόν, GAN ὁδῶν TE μήκη Kal πορείας
τῆς ἄνω τρόπον ἐκπυνθάνεσθαι, καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ
τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁποῖος εἴη πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους,
\ / e A }] \ \ Se “ /
καὶ τίς ἡ Llepoav ἀλκὴ καὶ δύναμις, ὥστε θαυμά-
/ \
fev ἐκείνους καὶ τὴν λεγομένην Φιλίππου δεινό-
τητα μηδὲν ἡγεῖσθαι πρὸς τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς ὁρμὴν
καὶ μεγαλοπραγμοσύνην. ὁσάκις γοῦν ἀπαγγελ-
, jp Ἂ ͵ » ς \ A ,
θείη Φίλιππος ἢ πόλιν ἔνδοξον ἡρηκὼς ἢ μάχην
τινὰ περιβόητον νενικηκώς, οὐ πάνυ φαιδρὸς ἣν
b) ΄ 2 x \ \ ς ,ὔ ” 6c?
ἀκούων, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἡλικιώτας ἔλεγεν" “ὦ)
a / / e / 3 \ \ b) x
παῖδες, πάντα προλήψεται ὁ πατήρ' ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐδὲν
» / ? Ὁ “ Μ ’ / /
ἀπολείψει μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν ἔργον ἀποδείξασθαι μέγα
\ , ” 2 \ ς \ aA 3 \ ἴω
καὶ λαμπρόν. οὐ γὰρ ἡδονὴν ζηλῶν οὐδὲ πλοῦ-
» ἌΝ Ν \ / Che ald [2 ,
TOV, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρετὴν καὶ δόξαν, ἐνόμιζεν, ὅσῳ πλείονα
Ν n
λήψεται Tapa τοῦ πατρός, ἐλάττονα κατορθώσειν
“ Ν Ta]
δι ἑαυτοῦ. διὸ τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐξομένοις κατ-
N a
αναλίσκεσθαι Tas πράξεις εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἡγούμενος,
5 / \ Λ \ \ \ ᾽ ΄
ἐβούλετο μὴ χρήματα μηδὲ τρυφὰς καὶ ἀπολαύ-
> ’ ’ la] Ν , \ /
σεις, ἀλλ ἀγῶνας καὶ πολέμους καὶ φιλοτιμίας
ἔχουσαν ἀρχὴν παραλαβεῖν.
\ e
Πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, ws εἰκός,

234

667

ALEXANDER, ιν. 6-v. 4

for tragic poets and players on the flute and players
on the lyre, but also for rhapsodists, as well as for
hunting of every sort and for fighting with staves,
he took no interest in offering prizes either for
boxing or for the pancratium.

V. He once entertained the envoys from the
Persian king who came during Philip’s absence, and
associated with them freely. He won upon them
by his friendliness, and by asking no childish or
trivial questions, but by enquiring about the length
of the roads and the character of the journey into
the interior, about the king himself, what sort of
a warrior he was, and what the prowess and might
of the Persians. The envoys were therefore astonished
and regarded the much-talked-of ability of Philip as
nothing compared with his son’s eager disposition to
do great things. Ai all events, as often as tidings
were brought that Philip had either taken a famous
city or been victorious in some celebrated battle,
Alexander was not very glad to hear them, but would
say to his comrades: “ Boys, my father will anticipate
everything; and for me he will leave no great or
brilliant achievement to be displayed to the world
with your aid.” For since he did not covet pleasure,
nor even wealth, but excellence and fame, he con-
sidered that the more he should receive from his
father the fewer would be the successes won by
himself. Therefore, considering that increase in
prosperity meant the squandering upon his father
of opportunities for achievement, he preferred to
receive from him a realm which afforded, not wealth
nor luxury and enjoyment, but struggles and wars
and ambitions.

In the work of caring for him, then, many persons,

235

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 > an a \ \ δ ,
ἦσαν αὐτοῦ τροφεῖς καὶ παιδαγωγοὶ καὶ διδάσκα-
a 3 7
λοι λεγόμειοι, πᾶσι δ᾽ ἐφειστήκει Λεωνίδας, ἀνὴρ
, Ν \ >
To τε ἦθος αὐστηρὸς Kal συγγενὴς Ολυμπιάδος,
ms a , 5)
αὐτὸς μὲν ov φεύγων TO THs παιδαγωγίας ὄνομα
Ν , \ al
καλὸν ἔργον ἐχούσης Kal λαμπρόν, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν
Μ᾽ Ν \ feu Ν \ ? / \
ἄλλων διὰ TO ἀξίωμα καὶ THY οἰκειότητα τροφεὺς
3 e
Αλεξάνδρου καὶ καθηγητὴς καλούμενος. ὁ δὲ
\ n A al \ \ /
TO σχῆμα τοῦ παιδαγωγοῦ καὶ τὴν προδηγορίαν
9 7, “ 7 ᾽
ὑποποιούμενος ἣν Λυσίμαχος, τῷ γένει ᾿Ακαρνάν,
” \ "} \ 7 » n “ ᾽ id \ \
ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἔχων ἀστεῖον, OTL δ᾽ ἑαυτὸν μὲν
> /
ὠνόμαζε Φοίνικα, τὸν δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρον ᾿Αχιλλέα,
Πηλέα δὲ τὸν Φίλιππον, ἠγαπᾶτο καὶ δευτέραν
εἶχε χώραν.
, a a
VI. Eset δὲ Φιλονείκου τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ τὸν
ξ , , n
Βουκεφάλαν ἀγαγόντος wviov τῷ Φιλίππῳ τρισ-
7 2 \ /
καίδεκα ταλάντων κατέβησαν εἰς TO πεδίον δοκι-
Χ U \
μάσοντες Tov ἵππον, ἐδόκει TE χαλεπὸς εἶναι Kal
a tA if , if /
κομιδῆ δύσχρηστος, οὔτε ἀναβάτην προσιέμενος
» Ἂ La) \
οὔτε φωνὴν ὑπομένων τινὸς τῶν περὶ τὸν Φίλιπ-
/
Tov, ἀλλ᾽ ἁπάντων κατεξανιστάμενος, δυσχεραί-
a / \ /
vovtos δὲ τοῦ Φιλίππου καὶ κελεύοντος ἀπάγειν
7 \ > i
ὡς παντάπασιν ἄγριον καὶ ἀκόλαστον, παρὼν
3 in
᾿Αλέξανδρος εἶπεν “Οἷον ἵππον ἀπολλύουσι δι’
, / Ν
ἀπειρίαν καὶ μαλακίαν χρήσασθαι μὴ δυνάμενοι,"
Ν \ 5 an eG Ie > 4 /
TO μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ὁ Φίλιππος ἐσιώπησε: πολλά-
n f \ a
Kis δὲ αὐτοῦ παραφθεγγομένου καὶ περιπαθοῦν-
‘ce > nl a hoe | ” a4 / {2
τος, “᾿Επιτιμᾷς ov, ἔφη, “ πρεσβυτέροις ὥς τι
/ > \ > \ x a (7.4 /
πλέον αὐτὸς εἰδὼς ἢ μᾶλλον ἵππῳ χρήσασθαι

236

ALEXANDER, v. 4—-v1. 2

as was natural, were appointed to be his nurturers,
- tutors, and teachers, but over them all stood Le-
onidas, a man of stern temperament and a kinsman
of Olympias. Although he did not himself shun the
title of tutor, since the office afforded an honourable
and brilliant occupation, yet by other people, owing
to his dignity and his relationship, he was called
Alexander’s foster-father and preceptor. The man,
however, who assumed the character and the title
of tutor was Lysimachus, a native of Acarnania, who
had no general refinement, but because he called
himself Phoenix,! Alexander Achilles, and Philip
Peleus, was highly regarded and held a second
place.

VI. Once upon a time Philoneicus the Thessalian
brought Bucephalas, offering to sell him to Philip for
thirteen talents,? and they went down into the plain
to try the horse, who appeared to be savage and
altogether intractable, neither allowing any one to
mount him, nor heeding the voice of any of Philip's
attendants, but rearing up against all of them. Then
Philip was vexed and ordered the horse to be led
away, believing him to be altogether wild and un-
broken; but Alexander, who was near by, said:
«“ What a horse they are losing, because, for lack of
skill and courage, they cannot manage him!” At
first, then, Philip held his peace; but as Alexander
many times let fall such words and showed great
distress, he said: “ Dost thou find fault with thine
elders in the belief that thou knowest more than
they do or art better able to manage a horse?”

1 The preceptor of Achilles.
2 The talent was worth about £235, or $1,200, with four
or five times the purchasing power of modern money.

237

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ lal ,

3 δυνάμενος; “Τούτῳ γοῦν, ἔφη, “ χρησαίμην ἂν
ἕξ ἢ , 3) «ΝΑ δὲ \ ἢ , Si
ἑτέρου βέλτιον. ν δὲ μὴ χρήσῃ, τίνα δίκην

a , εν 551} 5 , nN 999 4
τῆς προπετείας ὑφέξεις; Eyo, νὴ Av,” εἶπεν,
“amotiaw τοῦ ἵππου τὴν τιμήν." γενομένου δὲ

/ 3 € la) Ν ϑ γ᾽ \
γέλωτος, ELTA ορίσμοῦ πρὸς ἀλλήλους εἰς TO

\ an
ἀργύριον, εὐθὺς προσδραμὼν τῷ ἵππῳ Kal Tapa-
\ ‘\ Ca, 2 / \ \ e e
λαβὼν τὴν ἡνίαν ἐπέστρεψε πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον, ὡς
ἔοικεν, ἐννοήσας ὅτι τὴν σκιὰν προπίπτουσαν
/ ig A \ A
Kal σαλευομένην ὁρῶν πρὸ αὑτοῦ διαταράττοιτο.
\ o
4 μικρὰ δὲ οὕτω παρακαλπάσας Kai καταψήσας,
4 an ’
ὡς ἑώρα πληρούμενον θυμοῦ καὶ πνεύματος, ἀπορ-
τ “ \ ,
ρίψας ἡσυχῆ τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ μετεωρίσας αὑτὸν

2 a / \ \ \ \ a

ἀσφαλῶς περιέβη. καὶ μικρὰ μὲν περιλαβὼν ταῖς

\ a A
ἡνίαις τὸν χαλινὸν ἄνευ πληγῆς Kal σπαραγμοῦ
προσανέστειλεν"" ws δὲ ἑώρα τὸν ἵππον ἀφεικότα

\ ’ iy 2 a \ Ν \ , 9 \
τὴν ἀπειλήν, ὀργῶντα δὲ πρὸς Tov δρόμον, ἐφεὶς
ἐδίωκεν ἤδη φωνῇ θρασυτέρᾳ καὶ ποδὸς κρούσει

eo) { τ : Ie res ΛΗΒΘΝ
, a ἃ 5 >
5 χρώμενος. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἣν ἀγωνία
‘ XN lal \
Kal σιγὴ TO TP@Tov ws δὲ κάμψας ἐπέστρεψεν

’ a \ \ ΄ e \ x /
ὀρθῶς σοβαρὸς καὶ yeynOws, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες
b) / ξ δὲ \ \ ὃ a / /
ἠλάλαξαν, ὁ δὲ πατὴρ καὶ δακρῦσαι TL λέγεται

/ a
πρὸς THY χαράν, Kal καταβάντος αὐτοῦ τὴν κε-
53 an 7 An
φαλὴν φιλήσας, “ἾὮ rai,” φάναι, “ ἕήτει σεαυτῷ
/ ” / / > a 99
βασιλείαν ἴσην: Μακεδονία yap σε οὐ χωρεῖ.
a \ a

VII. Καθορῶν δὲ τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ δυσκίνητον

\ $ ey \ θῇ e δί \
μὲν οὖσαν ἐρίσαντος μὴ βιασθῆναι, ῥᾳδίως δὲ

f δὴ ’ ,
ἀγομένην ὑπὸ λόγου πρὸς τὸ δέον, αὐτός τε πεί-

1 προσανέστειλεν Bekker has προσέστειλεν, with inferior
MSS.

238

ALEXANDER, vi. 2-vu. 1

“This horse, at any rate,’ said Alexander, “I could
manage better than others have.” “ And if thou
shouldst not, what penalty wilt thou undergo for
thy rashness?”’ “Indeed,” said Alexander, “I will
forfeit the price of the horse.” ‘There was laughter
at this, and then an agreement between father and
son as to the forfeiture, and at once Alexander
ran to the horse, took hold of his bridle-rein, and
turned him towards the sun; for he had noticed, as
it would seem, that the horse was greatly disturbed
by the sight of his own shadow falling in front of
him and dancing about. And after he had calmed
the horse a little in this way, and had stroked him
with his hand, when he saw that he was full of spirit
and courage, he quietly cast aside his mantle and
with a light spring safely bestrode him. Then, with
a little pressure of the reins on the bit, and without
striking him or tearing his mouth, he held him in
hand ;1 but when he saw that the horse was rid of
the fear that had beset him, and was impatient for
the course, he gave him his head, and at last urged
him on with sterner tone and thrust of foot. Philip
and his company were speechless with anxiety at
first ; but when Alexander made the turn in proper
fashion and came back towards them proud and
exultant, all the rest broke into loud cries, but his
father, as we are told, actually shed tears of joy,
and when Alexander had dismounted, kissed him,
saying: “My son, seek thee out a kingdom equal
to thyself; Macedonia has not room for thee.”

VII. And since Philip saw that his son’s nature
was unyielding and that he resisted compulsion,
but was easily led by reasoning into the path of duty,

δ Amyot, “16 remeit gentiment.”

239

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θειν ἐπειρᾶτο μᾶλλον ἢ προστάττειν, καὶ τοῖς
\ Ν \ / “-
περὶ μουσικὴν καὶ τὰ ἐγκύκλια παιδευταῖς οὐ
72 \ ἴω nr
πάνυ TL πιστεύων THY ἐπιστασίαν αὐτοῦ Kal
/ 5 ,
κατάρτισιν, ὡς μείζονος οὖσαν πραγματείας καὶ
aN ον πὶ ,
κατὰ τὸν Σοφοκλέα

a A >]
πολλῶν χαλινῶν ἔργον οἰάκων θ᾽ ἅμα,

μετεπέμψατο τῶν φιλοσόφων τὸν ἐνδοξότατον
, ? / \
καὶ λογιώτατον ᾿Αριστοτέλην, καλὰ Kal πρέποντα
/ f a \ \ lal
διδασκάλια τελέσας αὐτῷ. τὴν yap Σταγειριτῶν
, > - > ’ , Ny ceeds eo?»
πόλιν, ἐξ ἧς ἣν ᾿Αριστοτέλης, ἀνάστατον ὑπ
5 A UA , / \ \
αὐτοῦ γεγενημένην συνῴκισε πάλιν, Kal τοὺς δια-
, , a “ 7
φυγόντας ἢ δουλεύοντας τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποκατέ-
στησε.
ποι \ \ 5 > n \ ὃ \ \ \
Σχολὴν μὲν οὖν αὐτοῖς καὶ διατριβὴν τὸ περὶ
an la a
Miefav νυμφαῖον ἀπέδειξεν, ὅπου μέχρι νῦν
2 / [χὰ , \ e ,
Αριστοτέλους ἕδρας τε λιθίνας Kal ὑποσκίους
/ 4 Μ Ν ᾽ /
περιπάτους δεικνύουσιν. ἔοικε δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος
3 ‘ \ ’ Ν Ν \ A
ov μόνον τὸν ἠθικὸν Kal πολιτικὸν παραλαβεῖν
. a ἣν ,
λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἀπορρήτων καὶ βαθυτέρων
“ e , , 3
διδασκαλιῶν, ἃς οἱ ἄνδρες ἰδίως ἀκροαματικὰς
’ , /
καὶ ἐποπτικὰς προσαγορεύοντες οὐκ ἐξέφερον εἰς
΄ a "ὃ \ > ΑΙ ΄ δ
πολλούς, μετασχεῖν. ἤδη γὰρ εἰς Ασίαν διαβε-
A \ / / Ν 3 ,
βηκώς, καὶ πυθόμενος λόγους τινὰς ἐν βιβλίοις
\ , (; ee , > , ,
περὶ τούτων ὑπὸ ᾿Αριστοτέλους ἐκδεδόσθαι, ypa-
/ /
φει πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ φιλοσοφίας παρρησιαζόμενος
- 4
ἐπιστολήν, ἧς ἀντίγραφόν ἐστιν: “᾿Αλέξανδρος
5 9 n ,
᾿Αριστοτέλει εὖ πράττειν. οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἐποίησας
a / /
ἐκδοὺς TOUS ἀκροαματικοὺς τῶν λόγων" τίνι yap

240

668

ALEXANDER, vu. 1-4

he himself tried to persuade rather than to command
him; and because he would not wholly entrust the
direction and training of the boy to the ordinary
teachers of poetry and the formal studies, feeling
that it was a matter of too great importance, and,
in the words of Sophocles,!

“ A task for many bits and rudder-sweeps as well,”

he sent for the most famous and learned of philoso-
phers, Aristotle, and paid him a noble and appropriate
tuition-fee. The city of Stageira, that is, of which
Aristotle was a native, and which he had himself
destroyed, he peopled again, and restored to it those
of its citizens who were in exile or slavery.

Well, then, as a place where master and _ pupil
could labour and study, he assigned them the pre-
cinct of the nymphs near Mieza, where to this day
the visitor is shown the stone seats and shady walks
of Aristotle. It would appear, moreover, that Alex-
ander not only received from his master his ethical
and political doctrines, but also participated in those
secret and more profound teachings which philoso-
phers designate by the special terms “acroamatic”’
and “epoptic,’? and do not impart to many. For
after he had already crossed into Asia, and when he
learned that certain treatises on these recondite
matters had been published in books by Aristotle,
he wrote him a letter on behalf of philosophy, and
put it in plain language. And this is a copy of
the letter. “‘ Alexander, to Aristotle, greeting. Thou
hast not done well to publish thy acroamatic

1 Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag.? p. 315.
? 2,6., fit for oral teaching only, and for the initiated ;
“esoteric,” as opposed to ‘‘ exoteric” doctrines.

241

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὴ διοίσομεν ἡμεῖς τῶν ἄλλων, εἰ καθ᾽ odds ἐπαι-
δεύθημεν λόγους, οὗτοι πάντων “ἔσονται κοινοί;
ἐγὼ δὲ βουλοίμην ἂν ταῖς περὶ τὰ ἄριστα ἐμπει-
ρίαις ἢ ταῖς δυνάμεσι διαφέρειν. ἔρρωσο." ταύ-
την μὲν οὖν τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ παραμυθού-
μενος ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἀπολογεῖται περὶ τῶν λόγων
ἐκείνων, ὡς καὶ ἐκδεδομένων καὶ μὴ ἐκδεδομένων"
ἀληθῶς γὰρ ἡ μετὰ τὰ φυσικὰ πραγματεία πρὸς
διδασκαλίαν καὶ μάθησιν οὐδὲν ἔχουσα χρήσιμον
ὑπόδειγμα τοῖς πεπαιδευμένοις am ἀρχῆς γέ-
γραπται.

VIII. Δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ τὸ φιλιατρεῖν ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρῳ προστρίψασθαι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων ᾿Αριστοτέλης:
οὐ γὰρ μόνον τὴν θεωρίαν ἠγάπησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
νοσοῦσιν ἐβοήθει τοῖς φίλοις καὶ συνέταττε θερα-
πείας τινὰς καὶ διαίτας, ὡς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν
λαβεῖν ἔστιν. ἣν δὲ καὶ φύσει φιλολόγος καὶ
φιλαναγνώστης. καὶ τὴν μὲν Ἰλιάδα τῆς πολε-
μικῆς ἀρετῆς ἐφόδιον καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὀνομάζων,
ἔλαβε μὲν ᾿Αριστοτέλους διορθώσαντος ἣ ἣν ἐκ τοῦ
νάρθηκος καλοῦσιν, εἶχε δὲ ἀεὶ μετὰ τοῦ ἐγχειρι-
δίου κειμένην ὑπὸ τὸ προσκεφάλαιον, ὡς ‘Ovnat-
κριτος ἱστόρηκε, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων βιβλίων οὐκ εὐ-
πορῶν ἐν τοῖς ἄνω τόποις “Ἄρπαλον ἐκέλευσε
πέμψαι. κἀκεῖνος ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ τάς τε Φιλί-
στου βίβλους καὶ τῶν Evperidou καὶ Σοφοκλέους
καὶ Αἰσχύλου τραγῳδιῶν συχνάς, καὶ Τελέστου
καὶ Φιλοξένου διθυράμβους. ᾿Αριστοτέλην δὲ
θαυμάξων ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ ἀγαπῶν. οὐχ ἧττον, ὡς
αὐτὸς ἔλεγε, τοῦ πατρός, ὡς δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον μὲν ζῶν,
διὰ τοῦτον δὲ καλῶς ζῶν, ὕστερον ὑποπτότερον

242

ALEXANDER, vu. 4-νπι. 3

doctrines ; for in what shall I surpass other men if
those doctrines wherein I have been trained are to be
all men’s common property? But I had rather excel
in my acquaintance with the best things than in my
power. Farewell.” Accordingly, in defending him-
self, Aristotle encourages this ambition of Alexander
by saying that the doctrines of which he spoke were
both published and not published ; for in truth his
treatise on metaphysics is of no use for those who
would either teach or learn the science, but is written
as a memorandum for those already trained therein.
VIII. Moreover, in my opinion Alexander’s love of
the art of healing was inculcated in him by Aristotle
preeminently. For he was not only fond of the
theory of medicine, but actually came to the aid of
his friends when they were sick, and prescribed for
them certain treatments and regimens, as one can
gather from his letters. He was also by nature a
lover of learning and a lover of reading. And since
he thought and called the Iliad a viaticum of the
military art, he took with him Aristotle’s recension
of the poem, called the Iliad of the Casket,! and
always kept it lying with his dagger under his
pillow, as Onesicritus informs us; and when he could
find no other books in the interior of Asia, he
ordered Harpalus to send him some. So Harpalus
sent him the books of Philistus, a great many of the
tragedies of Euripides, Sophocles, and Aeschylus,
and the dithyrambic poems of ‘Telestws and Phil-
oxenus. Aristotle he admired at the first, and loved
him, as he himself used to say, more than he did
his father, for that the one had given him life, but
the other had taught him a noble life ; later, however,

1 Cf. chapter xxvi. 1.
243

bo

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

» bd ef a , / b ᾽ e
ἔσχεν, οὐχ ὥστε ποιῆσαι TL κακὸν, ἄλλ, αἱ φιλο-
\ a \
φροσύναι TO σφοδρὸν ἐκεῖνο Kal στερκτικὸν οὐκ
\ ,
ἔχουσαι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀλλοτριότητος ἐγένοντο τεκ-
€ \
μήριον. ὁ μέντοι πρὸς φιλοσοφίαν ἐμπεφυκὼς
ὡς te > a a a
καὶ συντεθραμμένος am’ ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ ζῆλος καὶ
ἰβ 3 Ψ te a na e e \ 8 ,
πόθος οὐκ ἐξερρύη τῆς ψυχῆς, ws ἡ περὶ Avak-
αρχόν τε τιμὴ καὶ τὰ πεμφθέντα ἘΞενοκράτει
πεντήκοντα τάλαντα καὶ Δάνδαμις καὶ Καλανὸς
οὕτω σπουδασθέντες μαρτυροῦσι.
\ ΄ ,
IX. Φιλίππου δὲ στρατεύοντος ἐπὶ Βυζαντίους,
ἣν μὲν ἑκκαιδεκέτης ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ἀπολειφθεὶς δὲ
κύριος ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τῆς
a / (ὃ \ > a
σφραγῖδος, Μαίδων te τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας κατε-
7 \ € \ 5 la) \ \
στρέψατο, καὶ πόλιν ἑλὼν αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν βαρ-
/ » / / \ / 9
βάρους ἐξήλασε, συμμίκτους δὲ κατοικίσας ᾿Αλεξ-
, l ’ \ /
ανδρόπολιν προσηγόρευσεν. ἐν δὲ Χαιρωνείᾳ
τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ᾿ ὕλληνας μάχης παρὼν μετέσχε,
\ / “ 5 lal rn e lal / lal
Kal λέγεται πρῶτος ἐνσεῖσαι τῷ ἱερῷ λόχῳ τῶν
5) ς La ? \
Θηβαίων. ἔτι δὲ καὶ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐδείκνυτο παλαιὰ
\ ‘ r
mapa τὸν Κηφισὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καλουμένη δρῦς,
πρὸς ἣν τότε κατεσκήνωσε, καὶ τὸ πολυάνδριον
lal ,
ov πόρρω τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐστίν.
) οἷ a ΄ e > , / .
Ex μὲν οὖν τούτων, ὡς εἰκός, Φίλιππος ὑπερη-
/ ef A
γάπα τὸν υἱόν, ὥστε Kal χαίρειν τῶν Μακεδόνων
? \ / /
Αλέξανδρον μὲν βασιλέα, Φίλιππον δὲ στρατη-
e \ \ \
yov καλούντων. αἱ δὲ περὶ THY οἰκίαν Tapayal,
\ \ , a
διὰ τοὺς γάμους καὶ TOUS ἔρωτας αὐτοῦ τρόπον
tal / a /
τινὰ τῆς βασιλείας TH γυναικωνίτιδι συννοσούσης,

244

θ6θ'

ALEXANDER, vin. 3-1x. 3

he held him in more or less of suspicion, not to
the extent of doing him any harm, but his kindly
attentions lacked their former ardour and affection
towards him, and this was proof of estrangement.
However, that eager yearning for philosophy which
was imbedded in his nature and which ever grew
with his growth, did not subside from his soul, as is
testified by the honour in which he held Anaxarchus,
py his gift of fifty talents to Xenocrates, and by the
attentions which he so lavishly bestowed upon Dan-
damis and Calanus.!

IX. While Philip was making an expedition against
Byzantium,” Alexander, though only sixteen years of
age, was left behind as regent in Macedonia and
keeper of the royal seal, and during this time he
subdued the rebellious Maedi, and after taking their
city, drove out the Barbarians, settled there a mixed
population, and named the city Alexandropolis. He
was also present at Chaeroneia and took part in the
battle against the Greeks,? and he is said to have
been the first to break the ranks of the Sacred Band
of the Thebans. And even down to our day there
was shown an ancient oak by the Cephisus, called
Alexander’s oak, near which at that time he pitched
his tent; and the general sepulchre of the Mace-
donians is not far away.

In consequence of these exploits, then, as was
natural, Philip was excessively fond of his son, so
that he even rejoiced to hear the Macedonians call
Alexander their king, but Philip their general. How-
ever, the disorders in his household, due to the fact
that his marriages and amours carried into the king-
dom the infection, as it were, which reigned in the

1 See chapter Ixv. 2 In 340 B.c. 5. Τὴ 338 Β.6.Ψ

VOL, VII. 1 245

PLUTARCH'S! (LIVES

πολλὰς αἰτίας Kal μεγάλας διαφορὰς παρεῖχον,
ἃ a ᾽
ἃς ἡ τῆς Ολυμπιάδος χαλεπότης, δυσζήλου καὶ
βαρυθύμου γυναικός, ἔτι μείζονας ἐποίει, παροξυ-
νούσης τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ἐκῴφανεστάτην δὲ
” f ? a / ΄
Ατταλος παρέσχεν ἐν τοῖς Κλεοπάτρας γάμοις,
ἃ € / b ΄ / > \ ’
ἣν ὁ Φίλιππος ἠγάγετο παρθένον, ἐρασθεὶς παρ
an an A ς
ἡλικίαν τῆς κύρης. θεῖος γὰρ ὧν αὐτῆς ὁ “Atta-
os ἐν τῷ πότῳ μεθύων παρεκάλει τοὺς Μακε-
al a LA
Sovas αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ θεῶν γνήσιον ἐκ Φιλίππου
a ,
καὶ Κλεοπάτρας γενέσθαι διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας.
ἣν αὐ ἃ Uh \ (ORES) , \ > ,
ἐπὶ τούτῳ παροξυνθεὶς ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ εἰπών,
a , Qn >
«(Ἡμεῖς δέ σοι, κακὴ κεφαλή, νόθοι δοκοῦμεν;
ἔβαλε σκύφον ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐπ᾽
κ᾿ /
ἐκεῖνον ἐξανέστη σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος, εὐτυχίᾳ
δὲ ἑκατέρου διὰ τὸν θυμὸν καὶ τὸν οἶνον ἔπεσε
Ψ e ,
σφαλείς. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐφυβρίζων, “ Οὗτος
, ᾽᾽ = co “5 ὃ 2 ’ if ’ 2 ΄
μέντοι, εἶπεν, “ ἄνδρες, εἰς ᾿Ασίαν ἐξ Εὐρώπης
/ / ἃ BJ Ἂς / > Ν
παρεσκευάζετο διαβαίνειν, ὃς ἐπὶ κλίνην ἀπὸ
κλίνης διαβαίνων ἀνατέτραπται.᾽ μετὰ ταύτην
Ν ,ὔ 2 \ \ > Ly \
τὴν παροινίαν ἀναλαβὼν τὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα καὶ
/ > wv > \ ᾿] 3 a
καταστήσας εἰς "Ἢπειρον αὐτὸς ἐν ᾿Ιλλυριοῖς
διέτριβεν.
e
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ Δημάρατος ὁ Κορίνθιος, ξένος ὧν
τῆς οἰκίας καὶ παρρησίας μετέχων, ἀφίκετο πρὸς
\ ΄
Φίλιππον. μετὰ δὲ τὰς πρώτας δεξιώσεις καὶ
φιλοφροσύνας ἐπερωτῶντος τοῦ Φιλίππου πῶς
ἔχουσιν ὁμονοίας πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ Ἕλληνες,
“Tlavu γοῦν, ἔφη, “σοι προσήκει, Φίλιππε,
, a ¢€ / ἃ Ν 9 \ A
κήδεσθαι τῆς “Ελλάδος, ὃς τὸν οἶκον τὸν σεαυτοῦ

246

ALEXANDER, 1x. 3-6

women’s apartments, produced many grounds of of-
fence and great quarrels between father and son,
and these the bad temper of Olympias, who was a
jealous and sullen woman, made still greater, since
she spurred Alexander on. The most open quarrel
was brought on by Attalus at the marriage ot Cleo-
patra, a maiden whom Philip was taking to wife,
having fallen in love with the girl when he was
past the age for 1.1 Attalus, now, was the girl’s
uncle, and being in his cups, he called upon the
Macedonians to ask of the gods that from Philip
and Cleopatra there might be born a legitimate
successor to the kingdom. At this Alexander was
exasperated, and with the words, “ But what of me,
base wretch? Dost thou take me for a bastard?”
threw a cup at him. Then Philip rose up against
him with drawn sword, but, fortunately for both,
his anger and his wine made him trip and fall. Then
Alexander, mocking over him, said: ‘ Look now,
men! here is one who was preparing to cross from
Europe into Asia; and he is upset in trying to cross
from couch to couch.” After this drunken broil
Alexander took Olympias and established her in
Epirus, while he himself tarried in Illyria.
Meanwhile Demaratus the Corinthian, who was a
guest-friend of the house and a man of frank speech,
came to see Philip. After the first greetings and
welcomes were over, Philip asked him how the
Greeks were agreeing with one another, and De-
maratus replied: “It is surely very fitting, Philip,
that thou shouldst be concerned about Greece, when
thou hast filled thine own house with such great

1 Amyot, ‘‘hors d’age et de saison.” In consequence of
this passion Philip had divorced Olympias.

247

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

στάσεως τοσαύτης Kal κακῶν ἐμπέπληκας." οὕ-
\ /
τω δὴ συμφρονήσας ὁ Φίλιππος ἔπεμψε καὶ
/ Vd lal
κατήγαγε πείσας διὰ τοῦ Δημαράτου τὸν ᾿Αλέξ-
ανδρον.
7
Χ. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ Πιξώδαρος, ὁ Καρίας σατράπης,
5 \
ὑποδυόμενος δι’ οἰκειότητος εἰς τὴν Φιλίππου
a “
συμμαχίαν, ἐβόύλετο τὴν πρεσβυτάτην τῶν θυ-
γατέρων ᾿Αρριδαίῳ τῷ Φιλίππου γυναῖκα δοῦναι
καὶ περὶ τούτων ᾿Αριστόκριτον εἰς Μακεδονίαν
5 \ ‘ \
ἀπέστειλεν, αὖθις ἐγίνοντο λόγοι Kat διαβογαὶ
\ ~ / \ aA \ \ AN Ξε ΜΆ
παρὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ τῆς μητρὸς προς ἔξαν
¢ ) A b aes \ A r / @ AL
dpov ws ᾿Αρριδαῖον ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ Φιλίππου
- \ / / >
γάμοις λαμπροῖς Kal πράγμασι peyayols εἰσοι-
κειοῦντος. bh ὧν διαταραχθεὶς πέμπει Θεσσα-
r “ lal ὔ
λὸν εἰς Καρίαν, τὸν τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτήν,
, /, ε \ \ , Se.
Πιξωδάρῳ διαλεξόμενον ὡς χρὴ τὸν νόθον ἐάσαν-
\ «-ς >
τα, Kal οὐ φρενήρη, μεθαρμόσασθαι τὸ κῆδος εἰς
; ’ a \ Il δά \ +) \ \
Ἀλέξανδρον. καὶ Πιξωδάρῳ μὲν ov mapa μικρὸν
3 ~ ~ “ «ς \
ἤρεσκε ταῦτα τῶν προτέρων μᾶλλον ὁ δὲ Φίλιπ-
> Ul 7.’ ? \ ’ f 4
mos αἰσθόμενος, ἰὼν eis TO ᾿Αλεξάνδρου δωμά-
τιον, παραλαβὼν τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ καὶ συνήθων
ἕνα, Φιλώταν τὸν Ἰ]αρμενίωνος, ἐπετίμησεν ἰσχυ-
na a / rn a
ρῶς, καὶ πικρῶς ἐλοιδόρησεν ὡς ἀγεννῆ Kal τῶν
ὑπαρχόντων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀγαθῶν ἀνάξιον, εἰ Kapos
) ᾿ \ / - ΄
ἀνθρώπου καὶ βαρβάρῳ βασιλεῖ δουλεύοντος
> a \ / \ \ \
ἀγαπᾷ γαμβρὸς γενέσθαι. τὸν δὲ Θεσσαλὸν
” 7 .“ ᾽ ͵ὔ 5 Ἂ
ἔγραψε Κορινθίοις ὅπως ἀναπέμψωσιν ἐν πέδαις
΄' n Wg ε / “ \
δεδεμένον. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἑταίρων Αρπαλον καὶ

1 lov... δωμάτιον an anonymous correction of the MSS.

ὄντα τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον eis τὸ δωμάτιον, after Amyot; Sintenis
and Bekker adopt ἰόντα, the correction of Stephanus (earning
that Alexander was coming).

248

ALEXANDER, 1x. 6-x. 3

dissension and calamities.’ Thus brought to his
senses, Philip sent and fetched Alexander home,
having persuaded him to come through the agency
of Demaratus.

X. But when Pixodarus, the satrap of Caria, trying
by means of a tie of relationship to steal into a
military alliance with Philip, wished to give his
eldest daughter in marriage to Arrhidaeus the son
of Philip, and sent Aristocritus to Macedonia on this
errand, once more slanderous stories kept coming
to Alexander from his friends and his mother, who
said that Philip, by means of a brilliant marriage
and a great connexion, was trying to settle the king-
dom upon Arrhidaeus. Greatly disturbed by whee
stories, Alexander sent Thessalus, the tragic actor,
to Caria, to argue with Pixodarus that he ought to
ignore the bastard brother, who was also a fool, and
make Alexander his connexion by marriage. And
this plan was vastly more pleasing to Pixodarus than
the former. But Philip, becoming aware of this,
went to Alexander’s chamber, taking with him one
of Alexander’s friends and companions, Philotas the
son of Parmenio, and upbraided his son severely,
and bitterly reviled him as ignoble and unworthy
of his high estate, in that he desired to become the
_ son-in-law of a man who was a Carian and a slave to
a barbarian king. And as for Thessalus, Philip wrote
to the Corinthians that they should send him back
to Macedonia in chains. Moreover, of the other
companions of Alexander, he banished from Mace-

249

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Νέαρχον, ἔτι δ᾽ “Epiytiov καὶ Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ
Μακεδονίας μετέστησεν, οὺς ὕστερον ᾿Αλέξανδρος
καταγαγὼν ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις ἔσχε τιμαῖς.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ Παυσανίας ᾿Αττάλου γνώμῃ καὶ Κλεο-
πάτρας ὑβρισθεὶς καὶ μὴ τυχὼν δίκης ἀνεῖλε
Φίλιππον, τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον εἰς ᾿Ολυμπιάδα τῆς
αἰτίας περιῆλθεν, ὡς θυμουμένῳ τῷ νεανίσκῳ
προσεγκελευσαμένην καὶ παροξύνασαν, ἔθιγε δέ
τις καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου διαβολή. λέγεται γὰρ ἐντυ-
χόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ [Ι]αυσανίου μετὰ τὴν ὕβριν
ἐκείνην καὶ ἀποδυρομένου προενέγκασθαι τὸ τῆς
Μηδείας ἰαμβεῖον"

/ \ /
τὸν δόντα Kal γήμαντα καὶ γαμουμένην.

/ na A
ov μὴν ἀλλὰ Kal τοὺς συναιτίους τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς
3 / δὲ 70} \ \ / >
ἀναζητήσας ἐκόλασε, καὶ THY Κλεοπάτραν ἀποδη-

an “ na > a
μοῦντος αὐτοῦ τῆς ᾿Ολυμπιάδος ὠμῶς μεταχειρι-
σαμένης ἠγανάκτησε.
ΧΙ. Παρέλαβε μὲν οὖν ἔτη γεγονὼς εἴκοσι τὴν
, r U \ \ , \
βασιλείαν, φθόνους μεγάλους καὶ δεινὰ pion καὶ
/
κινδύνους πανταχόθεν -Eyovcayv. οὔτε yap τὰ
΄ Ν ΄ / \ / 4
βάρβαρα καὶ πρόσοικα γένη THY δούχωσιν ἔφερε,
a \ , , ” \ ¢
ποθοῦντα tas πατρίους βασιλείας, οὔτε τὴν ‘EX-
a“ Ci «
λάδα κρατήσας τοῖς ὅπλοις ὁ Φίλιππος οἷον κατα-
a \ rn 4 » > \ ,
ζεῦξαι καὶ τιθασεῦσαι χρόνον ἔσχεν, ἀλλὰ μόνον

1 The Medeia of Euripides, v. 289 (Kirchhoff). The con-
text makes the verse suggest the murder of Attalus, Philip,
and Cleopatra.

250

67

ALEXANDER, x. 3-x1. 1

donia Harpalus and Nearchus, as well as Erigyius
and Ptolemy, men whom Alexander afterwards re-
called and had in the highest honours.

And so when Pausanias, who had been outrageously
dealt with at the instance of Attalus and Cleopatra
and could get no justice at Philip’s hands, slew Philip,
most of the blame devolved upon Olympias, on the
ground that she had added her exhortations to the
young man’s anger and incited him to the deed; but
a certain amount of accusation attached itself to
Alexander also. For it is said that when Pausanias,
after the outrage that he had suffered, met Alexander,
and bewailed his fate, Alexander recited to him the
iambic verse of the “ Medeia”’ ! :—

“The giver of the bride, the bridegroom, and the
bride.”

However, he did seek out the participants in the plot
and punished them, and was angry with Olympias
for her savage treatment of Cleopatra during his
absence.?

XI. Thus it was that at the age of twenty years
Alexander received the kingdom, which was exposed
to great jealousies, dire hatreds, and dangers on every
hand. For the neighbouring tribes of Barbarians
would not tolerate their servitude, and longed for
their hereditary kingdoms; and as for Greece, al-
though Philip had conquered her in the field, he had
not had time enough to make her tame under his
yoke, but had merely disturbed and changed the

2 «* After his death Olympias killed Philip’s infant son,
together with his mother Cleopatra, niece of Attalus, by
dragging them over a bronze vessel filled with fire” (Pausa-
nias, vill. 7, 5).

251

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μεταβαλὼν καὶ ταράξας Ta πράγματα πολὺν
/ ” \ , e \ 3 / > /
σάλον ἔχοντα Kal κίνησιν ὑπὸ ἀηθείας ἀπέλιπε.
/ \ an / \ / \
φοβουμένων δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων τὸν Kalpov, καὶ
\ ΧΡ ἘΠῚ rae ΄ ΣΝ τα \ \

Ta μὲν ᾿ἰὑλληνικὰ πάντως ἀφεῖναι καὶ μὴ προσ-
/ N ᾽ / >’ / a \
βιάζεσθαι tov ᾿Αλέξανδρον οἰομένων δεῖν, τοὺς

Ν 2 / lal i? 2 a
δὲ ἀφισταμένους τῶν βαρβάρων ἀνακαλεῖσθαι
f \ / \ 2 Ν a
πρᾷως καὶ θεραπεύειν τὰς ἀρχὰς τῶν νεωτερι-
Ὁ ἴω. [
σμῶν, αὐτὸς aT ἐναντίων λογισμῶν ὥρμησε τὸλ-
γ4 -
μῃ καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνῃ κτᾶσθαι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
“ e ἴω
καὶ σωτηρίαν τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς, κἂν ὁτιοῦν
e , , a lal 4 ’ .
ὑφιέμενος ὀφθῇ τοῦ φρονήματος, ἐπιβησομένων
e \ 5 \
ἁπάντων. τὰ μὲν οὖν βαρβαρικὰ κινήματα καὶ
a / / o/s
τοὺς ἐκεῖ πολέμους κατέπαυσεν ὀξέως ἐπιδραμὼν
cal \ \ ®@ f
στρατῷ μέχρι πρὸς τὸν “latpov, 7 καὶ Σύρμον
5 / rf / \ ie n r
ἐνίκησε μάχη μεγάλῃ, τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Τριβαλ-
λῶν: Θηβαίους δὲ ἀφεστάναι πυθόμενος καὶ συμ-
a la / 5 r
φρονεῖν αὐτοῖς ᾿Αθηναίους, εὐθὺς ἦγε διὰ Uvr@v
x cy a
τὴν δύναμιν, εἰπὼν Ore Δημοσθένει παῖδα μὲν
‘ > ’ a na
αὐτὸν, ἕως ἦν ἐν ᾿[λλυριοῖς καὶ Τριβαλλοῖς, ἀπο-
lal \ /
καλοῦντι, μειράκιον δὲ περὶ Θετταλίαν γενόμενον,
\ a ’ 7 Pe
βούλεται πρὸς τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίων τείχεσιν ἀνὴρ
φανῆναι.
\ a / “-
Προσμίξας δὲ ταῖς Θήβαις καὶ διδοὺς ἔτι τῶν
/ ,
πεπραγμένων μετάνοιαν ἐξήτει Φοίνικα καὶ IIpo-
A /
θύτην, Kal τοῖς μεταβαλλομένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν
” " Τὰ a δὲ Θ / ᾽ S.
ἄδειαν ἐκήρυττε. τῶν δὲ Θηβαίων ἀντεξαιτούν-

1 In September, 335 B.c. Plutarch makes no mention of a
previous expedition of Alexander into Southern Greece, im-
mediately after Philip’s death, when he received the submis-

252

ALEXANDER, x1. 1-4

condition of affairs there, and then left them in a
great surge and commotion, owing to the strangeness
of the situation. The Macedonian counsellors of
Alexander had fears of the crisis, and thought he
should give up the Greek states altogether and use
no more compulsion there, and that he should call
the revolting Barbarians back to their allegiance by
mild measures and try to arrest the first symptoms
of their revolutions; but he himself set out from
opposite principles to win security and safety for his
realm by boldness and a lofty spirit, assured that,
were he seen to abate his dignity even but a little,
all his enemies would set upon him. Accordingly,
he put a speedy stop to the disturbances and wars
among the Barbarians by overrunning their territories
with an army as far as to the river Danube, where
he fought a great battle with Syrmus, the king of
the Triballi, and defeated him; and on learning that
the Thebans had revolted and that the Athenians
were in sympathy with them, he immediately led
his forces through the pass of Thermopylae, de-
claring that since Demosthenes had called him a
boy while he was among the [llyrians and Tribal-
lians, and a stripling when he had reached Thessaly,
he wished to show him that before the walls of
Athens he was a man.

Arrived before Thebes,! and wishing to give her
still a chance to repent of what she had done, he
merely demanded the surrender of Phoenix and
Prothytes, and proclaimed an amnesty for those
who came over to his side. But the Thebans made

sion of all the Greek states except Sparta, and was made
commander-in-chief of the expedition against Persia, in
Philip’s place. See Arrian, Anab. i. 1.

253

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

των μὲν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ Φιλώταν καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρον,
κηρυττόντων δὲ͵ τοὺς τὴν Ἑλλάδα “βουλομένους
συνελευθεροῦν ΄τάττεσθαι μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, οὕτως
ἔτρεψε τοὺς Μακεδόνας πρὸς πόλεμον. ἠγω-
νίσθη μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ καὶ προθυμίᾳ
παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων!" πολλαπλασίοις οὖσι τοῖς
πολεμίοις ἀντιταχθέντων" ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν Καδ-
μείαν ἀφέντες οἱ φρουροὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐπέ-
πιπτον αὐτοῖς ἐξόπισθεν, κυκλωθέντες οἱ πλεῖστοι
κατὰ τὴν μάχην αὐτὴν ἔπεσον, ἢ δὲ πόλις ἥλω
καὶ διαρπασθεῖσα. κατεσκάφη, τὸ μὲν ὅλον προσ-
δοκήσαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς “Ἑλληνας ἐκπλαγέντας
πάθει τηλικούτῳ καὶ πτήξαντας ἀτρεμήσειν,
ἄλλως δὲ καὶ καλλωπισαμένου χαρίξεσθαι τοῖς
τῶν συμμάχων ἐγκλήμασι" καὶ γὰρ Φωκεῖς καὶ
Πλαταιεῖς τῶν Θηβαίων κατηγόρησαν. ὑπεξε-
λόμενος δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς ξένους τῶν Μακε-
δόνων ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Πινδάρου γεγονότας
καὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντιωθέντας τοῖς ψηφισαμένοις τὴν
ἀπόστασιν, ἀπέδοτο τοὺς ἄλλους περὶ τρισμυρίους
γενομένους: οἱ δὲ ἀποθανόντες ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχι-
λίους ἦσαν.

XI. Ἔν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς πάθεσι καὶ χαλεποῖς
ἐκείνοις ἃ τὴν πόλιν κατεῖχε, Θρᾷκές τινες ἐκκό-
ψαντες οἰκίαν Τιμοκλείας, γυναικὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ
σώφρονος, αὐτοὶ μὲν τὰ χρήματα διήρπαζον, ὁ ὁ δὲ
ἡγεμὼν τῇ γυναικὶ πρὸς βίαν συγγενόμενος καὶ
καταισχύνας, ἀνέκρινεν εἴ που χρυσίον ἔχοι κε-
κρυμμένον ἢ ἀργύριον. ἡ δὲ ἔχειν ὡμολόγησε,

1 παρὰ τῶν Θηβαίων Coraés and Bekker, following Reiske:
τὰ Tapa τῶν Θηβαίων. /

254

ALEXANDER, x1. 4-xu. 2

a counter-demand that he should surrender to them
Philotas and Antipater, and made ἃ counter-pro-
clamation that all who wished to help in setting
Greece free should range themselves with them ; and
so Alexander set his Macedonians to the work of
war. On the part of the Thebans, then, the struggle
was carried on with a spirit and valour beyond their
powers, since they were arrayed against an enemy
who was many times more numerous than they; but
when the Macedonian garrison also, leaving the
citadel of the Cadmeia, fell upon them in the rear,
most of them were surrounded, and fell in the battie
itself, and their city was taken, plundered, and razed
to the ground. This was done, in the main, because
Alexander expected that the Greeks would be terri-
fied by so great a disaster and cower down in quiet,
but apart from this, he also plumed himself on grati-
fying the complaints of his allies; for the Phocians
and Plataeans had denounced the Thebans. So after
separating out the priests, all who were guest-friends
of the Macedonians, the descendants of Pindar,! and
those who had voted against the revolt, he sold the
rest into slavery, and they proved to be more than
thirty thousand; those who had been slain were
more than six thousand.

XII. Among the many and grievous calamities
which thus possessed the city, some Thracians broke
into the house of Timocleia, a woman of high repute
and chastity, and while the rest were plundering her
property, their leader shamefully violated her, and
then asked her if she had gold or silver concealed
anywhere. She admitted that she had, and after

1 ἐς And we are told that Alexander preserved the house

of Pindar the poet, and the descendants of Pindar, out of
regard for Pindar” (Arrian, Anab. i. 9, 10).
255

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kal μόνον εἰς τὸν κῆπον. ἀγαγοῦσα καὶ δείξασα
φρέαρ, ἐνταῦθα ἔφη τῆς πόλεως ἁλισκομένης
καταβαλεῖν αὐτὴ τὰ τιμιώτατα τῶν χρημάτων.
ἐγκύπτ οντος δὲ τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς καὶ κατασκεπτομένου
τὸν τόπον, ἔωσεν αὐτὸν ἐξόπισθεν γενομένη, καὶ
τῶν λίθων ἐπεμβαλοῦσα πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν.
ὡς δὲ ἀνήχθη πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὑπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν
δεδεμένη, πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως καὶ τῆς
βαδίσεως ἐφάνη τις ἀξιωματικὴ καὶ μεγαλόφρων,
ἀνεκπλήκτως καὶ ἀδεῶς ἑπομένη τοῖς ἄγουσιν'
ἔπειτω τοῦ βασιλέως ἐρωτήσαντος ἥτις εἴη γυναι-
κῶν, ἀπεκρίνατο Θεαγένους ἀδελφὴ γεγονέναι,
τοῦ παραταξαμένου πρὸς Φίλιππον ὑ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν
Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας καὶ πεσόντος ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ
στρατηγοῦντος. θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος
αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν καὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἐκέλευ-
σεν ἐλευθέραν ἀπιέναι μετὰ τῶν τέκνων.

XIII. ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ διηλλάγη, καίπερ οὐ μετ-
ρίως ἐνεγκοῦσι τὸ περὶ Θήβας δυστύχημα" καὶ
\ cal , Ὁ \ ἣν \ »
γὰρ τὴν τῶν μυστηρίων ἑορτὴν ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες
ὑπὸ πένθους ἀφῆκαν , καὶ τοῖς καταφυγοῦσιν ἐπὶ"
τὴν πόλιν ἁπώντων μετεδίδοσαν τῶν φιλανθρώ-
πων. ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε μεστὸς ὧν ἤδη τὸν θυμόν, ὥσπερ
οἱ λέοντες, εἴτε ἐπιεικὲς ἔργον ὠμοτάτῳ καὶ σκυ-
θρωποτάτῳ παραβαλεῖν βουλόμενος, οὐ μόνον
ἀφῆκεν αἰτίας “πάσης, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσέχειν. ἐκέ-
λευσε τοῖς πράγμασι, τὸν νοῦν τὴν πόλιν, ὡς, εἴ
τι συμβαίη περὶ αὐτόν, ἄρξουσαν τῆς “Ελλάδος.
ὕστερον μέντοι πολλάκις αὐτὸν ἡ Θηβαίων ἀνι-
ἄσαι συμφορὰ λέγεται καὶ πρᾳότερον οὐκ ὀλίγοις
παρασχεῖν. ὅλως δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ Κλεῖτον ἔργον
1 καταφυγοῦσιν ἐπὶ Bekker corrects to φυγοῦσιν εἰς.

256

611

ALEXANDER, xu. 2-x11. 3

leading him by himself into the garden and showing
him a well, told him that when the city was taken
she had with her own hands cast in there her most
valuable possessions. Then, as the Thracian was
bending over and inspecting the place, she came
behind him and pushed him in, cast many stones
upon him, and killed him. And when the Thracians
led her, with hands bound, to Alexander, she showed
by her mien and gait that she was a person of great
dignity and lofty spirit, so calmly and fearlessly did
she follow her conductors ; and when the king asked
her who she was, she replied that she was a sister of
Theagenes, who drew up the forces which fought
Philip in behalf of the liberty of the Greeks, and
fell in command at Chaeroneia. Amazed, therefore,
at her reply and at what she had done, Alexander
bade her depart in freedom with her children.

XIII. Furthermore, he was reconciled with the
Athenians, although they showed exceeding sorrow
at the misfortunes of Thebes; for although they had
begun the festival of the mysteries, they gave it up
in consequence of their grief,! and upon the Thebans
who sought refuge in their city they bestowed every
kindness. But notwithstanding this, whether his rage
was now sated, as a licn’s might be, or whether he
wished to offset a deed of the most sullen savagery
with one that was merciful, he not only remitted all
his charges against the city, but even bade it give
good heed to its affairs, since, if anything should
happen to him, it would have the rule over Greece.
In later times, moreover, as we are told, the calamity
of the Thebans often gave him remorse, and made
him milder towards many people. And certainly the

1 According to Arrian (i. 10, 2), it was from panic fright.

2517

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐν οἴνῳ γενόμενον καὶ Thy πρὸς ᾿Ινδοὺς τῶν Μακε-
δόνων ᾿ἀποδειλίασιν, ὥσπερ ἀτελῆ τὴν στρατείαν
καὶ τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ προεμένων, εἰς μῆνιν ἀνῆγε
Διονύσου καὶ νέμεσιν. ἣν δὲ Θηβαίων οὐδεὶς τῶν
περιγενομένων ὃς ἐντυχών τι καὶ δεηθεὶς ὕστερον
οὐ διεπράξατο παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ περὶ
Θήβας.

XIV. Εἰς δὲ τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων συλλε-
γέντων καὶ ψηφισαμένων ἐπὶ ἸΠέρσας μετ᾽ ᾿Αλεξ-
ἄνδρου στρατεύειν ἡγεμὼν ἀνηγορεύθη. πολλῶν
δὲ καὶ πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ φιλοσόφων ἀπηντη-
κότων αὐτῷ καὶ συνηδομένων, ἤλπιζε καὶ Διογέ-
νὴν τὸν Σινωπέα ταὐτὸ ποιήσειν, διατρίβοντα
περὶ Κόρινθον. ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἐλάχιστον. ᾿Αλεξ-
ἀνδρου “λόγον ἔχων ἐν τῷ Κρανείῳ σχολὴν ἦγεν,
αὐτὸς ἐπορεύετο πρὸς αὐτόν: ἔτυχε δὲ κατακεί-
μενος ἐν ἡλίῳ. καὶ μικρὸν “μὲν ἀνεκάθισεν, ἀν-
θρώπων τοσούτων ἐπερχομένων, καὶ διέβλεψεν
εἰς, τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ὡς δὲ ἐ ἐκεῖνος ἀσπασάμενος
καὶ προσειπὼν αὐτὸν ἠρώτησεν εἴ τινος τυγχάνει
δεόμενος, Se Mexpov,” εἶπεν, “ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου μετά-
στηθι." πρὸς τοῦτο λέγεται τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
οὕτω διατεθῆναι καὶ θαυμάσαι καταφρονηθέντα
τὴν ὑπεροψίαν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὥστε
τῶν περὶ αὐτόν, ὡς ἀπήεσαν, διαγελώντων καὶ
σκωπτόντων, “᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ἐγώ," εἶπεν, “εἰ μὴ
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἤμην, Διογένης ἂν ἤμην."

1 See chapter li. 2 See chapter Ixii.
3. This god was said to have been born of Semele, daughter
of Cadmus the founder of Thebes,

258

ALEXANDER, x1. 3-xI1Vv. 3

murder of Cleitus,! which he committed in his cups,
and the cowardly refusal of his Macedonians to follow
him against tne Indians,? whereby they as it were
robbed his expedition and his glory of their consum-
mation, he was wont to attribute to the vengeful
wrath of Dionysus. And there was not a Theban of
those that survived who afterwards came to him with
any request and did not get what he wanted from
him. Thus much concerning Thebes.*

XIV. And now a general assembly of the Greeks
was held at the Isthmus,’ where a vote was passed
to make an expedition against Persia with Alexander,
and he was proclaimed their leader. Thereupon many
statesmen and philosophers came to him with their
congratulations, and he expected that Diogenes of
Sinope also, who was tarrying in Corinth, would do
likewise. But since that philosopher took not the
slightest notice of Alexander, and continued to enjoy
his leisure in the suburb Craneion, Alexander went
in person to see him; and he found him lying in the
sun. Diogenes raised himself up a little when he
saw 50 many persons coming towards him, and fixed:
his eyes upon Alexander. And when that monarch
addressed him with greetings, and asked if he wanted
anything, “ Yes,’ said Diogenes, “stand a little out
of my sun.” It is said that Alexander was so struck
by this, and admired so much the haughtiness and
grandeur of the man who had nothing but scorn for
him, that he said to his followers, who were laughing
and jesting about the philosopher as they went away,
“ But verily, if 1 were not Alexander, | would be
Diogenes.”

* For a full account of Alexander’s capture and destruction

of Thebes, see Arrian, Anab. i. 8 f.
5 See the note on xi. 5.

259

4

2

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Βουλόμενος δὲ τῷ θεῷ χρήσασθαι τ ερὶ τῆς
στρατείας ἦλθεν εἰς “Δελφούς: καὶ κατὰ τύχην
ἡμερῶν ἀποφράδων οὐσῶν, ἐν αἷς οὐ νενόμισται
θεμιστεύειν, πρῶτον μὲν ἔπεμπε παρακαλῶν τὴν
πρόμαντιν. ὡς δὲ ἀρνουμένης καὶ προϊσχομένης
τὸν νόμον αὐτὸς ἀναβὰς βίᾳ πρὸς τὸν ναὸν εἷλκεν
αὐτήν, ἡ δὲ ὥσπερ ἐξηττημένη τῆς σπουδῆς εἶπεν"
aE ᾿Ανίκητος εἶ, ὦ παῖ," τοῦτο ἀκούσας ᾿Αλέξαν-
δρος οὐκέτι ἔφη xp Sev ἑτέρου μαντεύματος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἔχειν ὃν ἐβούλετο. παρ᾽ αὐτῆς χρησμόν.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ ὥρμησε πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν, ἄλλα τε
δοκεῖ σημεῖα παρὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου γενέσθαι, καὶ
τὸ περὶ Λείβηθρα τοῦ ᾿Ορφέως ξόανον (ἦν δὲ
κυπαρίττινον) ἱδρῶτα πολὺν ὑπὸ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκεί-
νας ἀφῆκε. φοβουμένων δὲ πάντων τὸ σημεῖον,
᾿Αρίστανδρος ἐκέλευε θαρρεῖν, ὡς ἀοιδίμους καὶ
περιβοήτους κατεργασόμενον πράξεις, αἱ πολὺν
ἱδρῶτα καὶ πόνον ὑμνοῦσι ποιηταῖς καὶ μουσικοῖς
παρέξουσι.

ΧΥ. Ῥῆς δὲ στρατιῶς τὸ πλῆθος οἱ μὲν ἐλά-
χίστον λέγοντες “τρισμυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ τετρα-
κισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστον πεζοὺς μὲν
τετρακισμυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεν-
τακισχιλίους ἀναγράφουσιν. ἐφόδιον δὲ τούτοις
οὐ πλέον ἑβδομήκοντα ταλάντων ἔχειν αὐτὸν
᾿Αριστόβουλος ἱστορεῖ, Δοῦρις δὲ τριάκοντα μό-
νον ἡμερῶν διατροφήν, ᾿Ονησίκριτος δὲ καὶ διακό-
σια τάλαντα προσοφείλειν. ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἀπὸ
μικρῶν καὶ στενῶν οὕτως ὁρμώμενος, οὐ πρότερον

1 In the early spring of 334 8.0,
*Cf. Arrian, Anad. 1.11, 2.

260

675

ALEXANDER, xiv. 4-xv. 2

And now, wishing to consult the god concerning
the expedition against Asia, he went to Delphi; and
since he chanced to come on one of the inauspicious
days, when it is not lawful to deliver oracles, in the
first place he sent a summons to the _ prophetess.
And when she refused to perform her office and
cited the law in her excuse, he went up himself and
tried to drag her to the temple, whereupon, as if
overcome by his ardour, she said: ‘Thou art in-
vincible, my son!”’ On hearing this, Alexander said
he desired no further prophecy, but had from her
the oracle which he wanted.

Moreover, when he set out upon his expedition,’
it appears that there were many signs from heaven,
and, among them, the image of Orpheus at Leibethra
(it was made of cypress-wood) sweated profusely at
about that time. Most people feared the sign, but
Aristander bade Alexander be of good cheer, assured
that he was to perform deeds worthy of song and
story, which would cost poets and musicians much
toil and sweat to celebrate.?

XV. As to the number of his forces, those who
put it at the smallest figure mention thirty thousand
foot and four thousand horse; those who put it at
the highest, forty-three thousand foot and five thou-
sand horse.*? To provision these forces, Aristobulus
says he had not more than seventy talents; Duris
speaks of maintenance for only thirty days; and One-
sicritus says he owed two hundred talents besides.
But although he set out with such meagre and narrow
resources, he would not set foot upon his ship until

3. **Not much more than thirty thousand foot, including
light-armed troops and archers, and over five thousand
horse” (Arrian, Anab. i. 11, 3).

261

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπέβη τῆς νεὼς ἢ“ τὰ TOV ἑταίρων πράγματα
σκεψάμενος ἀπονεῖμαι τῷ μὲν ἀγρόν, τῷ δὲ κώ-
μην, τῷ δὲ συνοικίας πρόσοδον ἢ λιμένος. ἤδη
δὲ κατανηλωμένων καὶ διαγεγραμμένων σχεδὸν
ἁπάντων τῶν βασιλικῶν ὁ Περδίκκας “ Σεαυτῷ
dé,” εἶπεν, ““ὦ βασιλεῦ, τί καταλείπεις; τοῦ δὲ
φήσαντος ὅτι τὰς ἐλπίδας, “ Οὐκοῦν," ἔφη, “ καὶ
ἡμεῖς τούτων κοινωνήσομεν οἱ μετὰ σοῦ στρα-
τευόμενοι. παραιτησαμένου δὲ τοῦ Περδίκκου
τὴν διαγεγραμμένην κτῆσιν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
φίλων ἔνιοι τὸ αὐτὸ ἐποίησαν. τοῖς δὲ λαμβά-
νουσι καὶ δεομένοις προθύμως ἐχαρίζετο, καὶ
τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ διανέμων οὕτως
κατηνάλωσε. τοιαύτῃ μὲν ὁρμῇ καὶ παρασκευῇ
διανοίας τὸν “Ελλήσποντον διεπέρασεν.

᾿Αναβὰς δὲ εἰς Ἴλιον ἔθυσε τῇ ᾿Αθηνᾷ καὶ
τοῖς ἥρωσιν ἔσπεισε. τὴν δὲ ᾿Αχιλλέως στήλην
ἀλειψάμενος λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συνανα-
δραμὼν γυμνός, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐστεφάνωσε,
μακαρίσας αὐτὸν ὅτι καὶ ζῶν φίλου πιστοῦ καὶ
τελευτήσας μεγάλου κήρυκος ἔτυχεν. ἐν δὲ τῷ
περιϊέναι καὶ θεᾶσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐρομέ-
νου τινὸς αὐτὸν εἰ βούλεται τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
λύραν ἰδεῖν, ἐχάχιστα φροντίζειν ἐκείνης ἔφη, τὴν
δ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλέως Entetv, ἣ τὰ κλέα καὶ τὰς πράξεις
ὕμνει τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκεῖνος.

XVI. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Δαρείου στρατηγῶν
μεγάλην δύναμιν ἠθροικότων καὶ παρατεταγμέ-
νων ἐπὶ τῇ διαβάσει τοῦ Vpavixod, μάχεσθαι μὲν

262

ALEXANDER, xv. 2—xv1. 1

he had enquired into the circumstances of his com-
panions and allotted to one a farm, to another a
village, and to another the revenue from some hamlet
or harbour. And when at last nearly all of the crown
property had been expended or allotted, Perdiccas
said to him: “ But for thyself, O king, what art thou
leaving?” And when the king answered, “My
hopes,” “In these, then,” said Perdiceas; “we also
will share who make the expedition with thee.” Then
he declined the possessions which had been allotted
to him, and some of the other friends of Alexander
did likewise. But upon those who wanted and would
accept his favours Alexander bestowed them readily,
and most of what he possessed in Macedonia was
used up in these distributions. Such was the ardour
and such the equipment with which he crossed the
Hellespont.

Then, going up to Ilium, he sacrificed to Athena
and poured libations to the heroes. Furthermore,
the gravestone of Achilles he anointed with oil, ran
a race by it with his companions, naked, as is the
custom, and then crowned it with garlands, pro-
nouncing the hero happy in having, while he lived,
a faithful friend, and after death, a great herald of
his fame. As he was going about and viewing the
sights of the city, someone asked him if he wished
to see the lyre of Paris. “For that lyre,” said Alex-
ander, “1 care very little; but I would gladly see
that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the glorious
deeds of brave men.’’!

XVI. Meanwhile the generals of Dareius had as-
sembled a large force and set it in array at the
crossing of the river Granicus, so that it was prac-

1 See the Iliad, ix. 185-191.
263

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ὗ bd a 9 “ bd / a ’ /
lows ἀναγκαῖον ἦν, ὥσπερ ἐν πύλαις τῆς ᾿Ασίας,
- / \ a a a
περὶ τῆς εἰσόδου καὶ ἀρχῆς" τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ TO
\ / an
βάθος καὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν Kal τραχύτητα τῶν
" \ ὰ , \
πέραν ὄχθων, πρὸς ods ἔδει γίνεσθαι THY ἀπό-
Ν a /
βασιν μετὰ μάχης, τῶν πλείστων δεδιότων, ἐνίων
\ \ a /
δὲ καὶ TO περὶ τὸν μῆνα νενομισμένον οἰομένων
δεῖν φυλάξασθαι (Δαισίου γὰρ οὐκ εἰώθεισαν οἱ
a a f \
βασιλεῖς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐξάγειν τὴν στρατιάν),
a \
τοῦτο μὲν ἐπηνωρθώσατο κελεύσας δεύτερον
2% , ” a Q\ ΄ ς leet ples
Αρτεμίσιον ἄγειν, Tod δὲ Παρμενίωνος, ws ὀψὲ
an e Yd an υ 2
τῆς ὥρας οὔσης, οὐκ ἐῶντος ἀποκινδυνεύειν, εἰπὼν
ἣν c /
αἰσχύνεσθαι τὸν ᾿ῶωλλήσποντον εἰ φοβήσεται τὸν
~ \ a A ,
Τρανικὸν διαβεβηκὼς ἐκεῖνον, ἐμβάλλει τῷ pev-
\ e / ,
ματι σὺν ἴλαις ἱππέων τρισκαίδεκα. Kal πρὸς
/ , rn
ἐναντία βέλη Kal τόπους ἀπορρῶγας ὅπλοις
x
καταπεφραγμένους Kal ἵπποις ἐλαύνων, καὶ διὰ
ῥεύματος παραφέροντος καὶ περικλύξοντος, ἔδοξε
al Ni ᾽ / rn
μανικῶς καὶ πρὸς ἀπόνοιαν μᾶλλον ἢ γνώμῃ
Lal > \ 2 ined \ lal ΄ Ν
στρατηγεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐμφὺς τῇ διαβάσει καὶ
lal , na / a
κρατήσας τῶν τόπων χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις, ὑγρῶν
\ in , \ \ s ’ \
Kal περισφαλῶν γενομένων διὰ τὸν πηλόν, εὐθὺς
ΟῚ / / / \ >] x
ἠναγκάζετο φύρδην μάχεσθαι καὶ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα
n , ’
συμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις, πρὶν εἰς τάξιν
τινὰ καταστῆναι τοὺς διαβαίνοντας. ἐνέκειντο
a \ “
γὰρ κραυγῇ, καὶ τοὺς ἵππους παραβάλλοντες
a nr (A , n
τοῖς ἵπποις ἐχρῶντο δόρασι, καὶ ξίφεσι τῶν Sopa-
/ a
των συντριβέντων. ὠσαμένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπ᾽
> a \ a a ,
αὐτὸν (ἣν δὲ τῇ πέλτῃ καὶ TOD κράνους TH χαίτῃ
¢€ (δ € if if
διαπρεπής, ἧς ἑκατέρωθεν εἱστήκει πτερὸν λευκό-

264

ALEXANDER, xvi. 1-4

tically necessary to fight, as it were at the gates of
Asia, for entrance and dominion there. But most of
the Macedonian officers were afraid of the depth of
the river, and of the roughness and unevenness of
the farther banks, up which they would have to
climb while fighting. Some, too, thought they ought
to observe carefully the customary practice in regard
to the month (for in the month of Daesius the kings
of Macedonia were not wont to take the field with
an army). This objection Alexander removed by
bidding them call the month a second Artemisius ;
and when Parmenio, on the ground that it was too
late in the day, objected to their risking the passage,
he declared that the Hellespont would blush for
shame, if, after having crossed that strait, he should
be afraid of the Granicus, and plunged into the
stream with thirteen troops of horsemen. And since
he was charging against hostile missiles and precipi-
tous positions covered with infantry and cavalry, and
through a stream that swept men off their feet and
surged about them, he seemed to be acting like a
frenzied and foolish commander rather than a wise
one. However, he persisted in his attempt to cross,
gained the opposite banks with difficulty and much
ado, though they were moist and slippery with mud,
and was at once compelled to fight pell-mell and
engage his assailants man by man, before his troops
who were crossing could form into any order. For
the enemy pressed upon them with loud shouts, and
matching horse with horse, plied their lances, and
their swords when their lances were shattered. Many
rushed upon Alexander, for he was conspicuous by
his buckler and by his helmet’s crest, on either side
of which was fixed a plume of wonderful size and

265

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ “ 4 2 \ \
TnTL καὶ μεγέθει θαυμαστόν), ἀκοντισθεὶς μὲν
, a ,
ὑπὸ THY ὑποπτυχίδα τοῦ θώρακος οὐκ ἐτρώθη,
¢ ΄ὔ \ \ / “- a
Ροισάκου δὲ καὶ Σπιθριδάτου τῶν στρατηγῶν
\
προσφερομένων ἅμα, Tov μὲν ἐκκλίνας, 'Ῥοισάκῃ
΄
δὲ προεμβαλὼν τεθωρακισμένῳ καὶ τὸ δόρυ κατα-
\ , “
κλάσας ἐπὶ τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ὥρμησε. συμπεπτω-
a € ΄
κότων δὲ αὐτῶν ὁ Σπιθριδάτης ὑποστήσας ἐκ
/ Ν Ν \ “
πλαγίων τὸν ἵππον καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς συνεξανα-
/ a / \
στὰς κοπίδι βαρβαρικῇ κατήνεγκε; καὶ TOV μὲν
/ > Pe NN , a Ν \ ΄
λόφον ἀπέρραξε μετὰ θατέρου πτεροῦ, τὸ δὲ κρά-
\ \ a ‘ , ,ὕ
νος πρὸς τὴν πληγὴν ἀκριβῶς καὶ μόλις ἀντέ-
na “ lal \
σχεν, ὥστε TOV πρώτων Ψαῦσαι τριχῶν THY TTE-
a , es .Λ \ \ /
puya τῆς κοπίδος. ἑτέραν δὲ τὸν Σπιθριδάτην
Ψ yh a ξ / n
πάλιν ἐπαιρόμενον ἔφθασε Κλεῖτος ὁ μέλας TO
A , ¢ a \ KEE
ξυστῷ διελάσας μέσον. ὁμοῦ δὲ καὶ Ῥοισάκης
/ Ζ
ἔπεσεν ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ξίφει πληγείς.
Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ κινδύνου καὶ ἀγῶνος οὔσης τῆς
/ a
ἱππομαχίας ἥ τε φάλαγξ διέβαινε τῶν Μακεδό-
a © \ ,
νων καὶ συνῆγον αἱ πεζαὶ δυνάμεις. οὐ μὴν ὑπέ-
> ἐξ 5 \ \ / > 3. oF
στησαν εὐρώστως οὐδὲ πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγον
, \ a / ¢€ ie
τραπόμενοι, πλὴν τῶν μισθοφόρων ᾿λλήνων.
ῇ / A
οὗτοι δὲ πρός τινι λόφῳ συστάντες ἤτουν τὰ
Ν ᾽ / e \ “- a a
πιστὰ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ
a n 5 λὰ , ivf 2 tr
λογισμῷ πρῶτος ἐμβαλὼν τόν τε ἵππον ἀποβάλ-
f \ a a
λει ξίφει πληγέντα διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν (ἣν δὲ ἕτε-
> ς / \ \ / a
pos, οὐχ ὁ Βουκεφάλας), καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν
, a /
ἀποθανόντων Kal τραυματισθέντων ἐκεῖ συνέβη
a “ \
κινδυνεῦσαι Kal πεσεῖν, πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀπεγνω-
, /
κότας Kal μαχίμους συμπλεκομένους.

266

ALEXANDER, xvi. 4-7

whiteness. But although a javelin pierced the joint
of his breastplate, he was not wounded; and when
Rhoesaces and Spithridates, two Persian commanders,
made at him together, he avoided the one, and smote
Rhoesaces, who wore a breastplate, with his spear ;
and when this weapon snapped in two with the blow,
he took to his sword. Then, while he was thus
engaged with Rhoesaces, Spithridates rode up from
one side, raised himself up on his horse, and with
all his might came down with a barbarian battle-axe
upon Alexander’s head. Alexander’s crest was broken
off, together with one of its plumes, and his helmet
could barely and with difficulty resist the blow, so
that the edge of the battle-axe touched the topmost
hair of his head. But while Spithridates was raising
his arm again for another stroke, Cleitus, ‘« Black
Cleitus,” got the start of him and ran him through
the body with his spear. At the same time Rhoesaces
also fell, smitten by Alexander’s sword.

While Alexander's cavalry were making such a
dangerous and furious fight, the Macedonian phalanx
crossed the river and the infantry forces on both
sides engaged. The enemy, however, did not resist
vigorously, nor for a long time, but fled in a rout, all
except the Greek mercenaries. These made a stand
at a certain eminence, and asked that Alexander
should promise them quarter. But he, influenced by
anger more than by reason, charged foremost upon
them and lost his horse, which was smitten through
the ribs with a sword (it was not Bucephalas, but
another); and most of the Macedonians who were
slain or wounded fought or fell there, since they
came to close quarters with men who knew how
to fight and were desperate.

267

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Λέγονται δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι τῶν βαρβάρων,
ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχίλιοι πεντακόσιοι πεσεῖν. τῶν δὲ
περὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ᾿Αριστόβουλός φησι τέσ-
capas καὶ τριάκοντα νεκροὺς γενέσθαι τοὺς
πάντας, ὧν ἐννέα πεζοὺς εἶναι. τούτων μὲν οὖν
ἐκέλευσεν εἰκόνας ἀνασταθῆναι χαλκᾶς, ἃς Δύ-
συππος εἰργάσατο. “κοινούμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην
τοῖς “Ἑλλησιν ἰδίᾳ μὲν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἔπεμψε
τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τριακοσίας ἀσπίδας, κοινῇ δὲ
τοῖς ἄλλοις λαφύροις ἐκέλευσεν ἐπυγράψαι φιλο-

€
τιμοτάτην ἐπιγραφήν" “᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Φιλίππου

\ er ¢/ \ Ue τ \ lal
καὶ ob EAAjves πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων amo τῶν
βαρβάρων τῶν τὴν ᾿Ασίαν κατοικούντων." ἐκ-
πώματα δὲ καὶ πορφύρας, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα τῶν
Περσικῶν ἔλαβε, πάντα τῇ μητρὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων
ἔπεμψεν.

XVII. Οὗτος ὁ ἀγὼν μεγάλην εὐθὺς ἐποίησε
τῶν mpayy ιάτων μεταβολὴν πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον,
ὥστε καὶ Σάρδεις, τὸ “πρόσχημα τῆς ἐπὶ θαλάοσ-
σῃ τῶν βαρβάρων ἡγεμονίας, παραλαβεῖν καὶ

5 , ͵, ΝΗ ΛΕΎ \
τάᾶλλα προστίθεσθαι. μόνη δὲ ᾿Αλικαρνασσὸς
3 7 \ i a « Ν Ν / A
ἀντέστη καὶ Μίλητος, ἃς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος καὶ
τὰ περὶ αὐτὰς πάντα χειρωσάμενος ἀμφίβολος
ἣν πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ τῇ γνώμῃ. καὶ πολλάκις μὲν
ἔσπευδε Δαρείῳ συμπεσὼν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι περὶ

lal “ if \ “Ὁ > \ / /
TOV ὅλων, πολλάκις δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πρά-
γμασι καὶ χρήμασι διενοεῖτο πρῶτον οἷον ἐνα-
σκῆσας καὶ ῥώσας αὑτὸν οὕτως ἀναβαίνειν ἐπ᾽

1 Diodorus (xvii. 21, 6) says that more than ten thousand
Persian footmen fell, and not less than two thousand horse-
men; while over twenty thousand were taken prisoners.

268

ALEXANDER, xvi. 7—xvu. 2

Of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand
footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen.!
But on Alexander’s side, Aristobulus says there were
thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen.
Of these, then, Alexander ordered statues to be set
up in bronze, and Lysippus wrought them.? More-
over, desiring to make the Greeks partners in his
victory, he sent to the Athenians in particular three
hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest
of the spoils in general he ordered a most ambitious
inscription to be wrought: “ Alexander the son of
Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians
from the Barbarians who dwell in Asia.” But the
drinking vessels and the purple robes and whatever
things of this nature he took from the Persians, all
these, except a few, he sent to his mother.

XVII. This contest at once made a great change
in the situation to Alexander’s advantage, so that he
received the submission even of Sardis, the bulwark
of the barbarian dominion on the sea-coast, and added
the rest of the country to his conquests. Halicar-
nassus alone withstood him, and Miletus, which cities
he took by storm? and subdued all the territories
about them. ‘hen he was in doubt as to his future
_ course. Many times he was eager to encounter
Dareius and put the whole issue to hazard, and many
times he would make up his mind to practice himself
first, as it were, and strengthen himself by acquiring
the regions along the sea with their resources, and

2 According to Arrian (Anab. i. 16, 4), about twenty-five
of Alexander’s companions, a select corps, fell at the first
onset, and it was of these that Alexander ordered statues to
be made by Lysippus.

3 The siege and capture of these cities occupied Alexander
till the late autumn of 334 B.o,

269

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 a 4 \ a / / \ \
ἐκεῖνον. ἔστι δὲ τῆς Λυκίας κρήνη περὶ τὴν
— 4 / - / / > ΄
Ξανθίων πόλιν, ἧς τότε λέγουσιν αὐτομάτως
’ \ e / > al 4
περιτραπείσης καὶ ὑπερβαλούσης ἐκ βυθοῦ δέλ-
τον ἐκπεσεῖν χαλκῆν τύπους ἔχουσαν ἀρχαίων
γραμμάτων, ἐν οἷς ἐδηλοῦτο παύσεσθαιϊ τὴν
Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ “Ἑλλήνων καταλυθεῖσαν.
8 τούτοις ἐπαρθεὶς ἠπείγετο τὴν παραλίαν ἀνα-
/ / ra , \ , ς
καθήρασθαι μέχρι τῆς Φοινίκης καὶ Κιλικίας. ἡ
δὲ τῆς Παμφυλίας παραδρομὴ πολλοῖς γέγονε
τῶν ἱστορικῶν ὑπόθεσις γραφικὴ πρὸς ἔκπληξιν
καὶ ὄγκον, ὡς θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ παραχωρήσασαν
᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τὴν θάλασσαν, ἄλλως ἀεὶ τραχεῖαν
ἐκ πελάγους προσφερομένην, σπανίως δέ ποτε
λεπτοὺς καὶ προσεχεῖς ὑπὸ τὰ κρημνώδη καὶ
παρερρωγότα τῆς ὀρεινῆς πάγους διακαλύπτου-
4 σαν. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ Μένανδρος ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ
παίζων πρὸς τὸ παράδοξον"

ὡς ᾿Αλεξανδρῶδες ἤδη τοῦτο' κἂν ζητῶ τινα,

αὐτόματος οὗτος παρέσται" κἂν διελθεῖν δηλαδὴ 674

διὰ θαλάσσης δέῃ τόπον τιν᾽, οὗτος ἔσται μοι
βατός.

’ / a A
αὐτὸς δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς οὐδὲν
τοιοῦτον τερατευσάμενος ὁδοποιῆσαί φησι τὴν

1 παύσεσθαι Sintenis?, with C and Stephanus; παύσασθαι
Sintenis! and Bekker.

1 According to Arrian (Anab. i. 26, 1 f.), there is no route
along this beach except when the north wind blows. ‘‘ But
at that time, after strong south winds, the north winds

270

ALEXANDER, xvi. 2-4

then to go up against that monarch. Now, there is
in Lycia, near the city of Xanthus, a spring, which
at this time, as we are told, was of its own motion
upheaved from its depths, and overflowed, and cast
forth a bronze tablet bearing the prints of ancient
letters, in which it was made known that the empire
of the Persians would one day be destroyed by the
Greeks and come to an end. Encouraged by this
prophecy, Alexander hastened to clear up the sea-
coast as far as Cilicia and Phoenicia. His rapid
passage along the coasts of Pamphylia has afforded
many historians material for bombastic and terrify-
ing description. They imply that by some great and
heaven-sent good fortune the sea retired to make
way for Alexander, although at other times it always
came rolling in with violence from the main, and
scarcely ever revealed to. sight the small rocks
which lie close up under the precipitous and riven
sides of the mountain.! And Menander, in one
of his comedies,? evidently refers jestingly to this
marvel :—

“ How Alexander-like, indeed, this is; and if I seek

some one,
Spontaneous he'll present himself; and if I clearly
must
Pass through some place by sea, this will lie open
to my steps.”

Alexander himself, however, made no such prodigy
out of it in his letters, but says that he marched by

blew, and rendered his passage easy and quick, not without
the divine intervention, as both he and his followers inter-
preted.”

2 Kock, Com. Att. Frag. 111. p. 240.

271

to

PLUTARCH’'S LIVES

/ a «
λεγομένην Κλίμακα καὶ διελθεῖν ὁρμησας ἐκ
\ » a
Φασηλίδος. διὸ καὶ πλείονας ἡμέρας ἐν TH πό-
λει διέτριψεν" ἐν αἷς καὶ Θεοδέκτου τεθνηκότος
3 \ , IDA δὲ εχ ᾽ ,ὕ 9
(ἦν δὲ Φασηλίτης) ἰδὼν εἰκόνα ἀνακειμένην ἐν
A Ν an , al
ἀγορᾷ, μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐπεκώμασε μεθύων Kal τῶν
/ 9 La / > ” >
στεφάνων ἐπέρρίψε πολλούς, οὐκ ἄχαριν ἐν
παιδιᾷ ἀποδιδοὺς τιμὴν τῇ γενομένη δι’ ᾽Αρι-
i Tt ELM sVEROHS? Bo Ap
/ \ / ς / \ \ ”
στοτέλην καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ομιλίᾳ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα.
\ fal lal \ ᾽
XVIIL. Μετὰ ταῦτα Πισιδῶν τε τοὺς ἀντι-
’ὔ’ “ \ , > ἴω Ν ΄
στάντας nper καὶ Φρυγίαν ἐχειροῦτο" καὶ Γόρδιον
πόλιν, ἑστίαν Μίδου τοῦ παλαιοῦ γενέσθαι λεγο-
/ ἡ Ζ \ / ee 3
μένην, παραλαβών, τὴν θρυλουμένην ἅμαξαν εἶδε
A / Υ / by a
prod Kpavias ἐνδεδεμένην, καὶ λόγον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ
\ n a
πιστευόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἤκουσεν, ὡς TO
΄ ἈΝ Ν “ a ty
λύσαντι τὸν δεσμὸν εἵμαρται βασιλεῖ γενέσθαι
τῆς οἰκουμένης. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοί φασι, τῶν
a \ > , Ν > \ \ 3 #9 7
δεσμῶν τυφλὰς ἐχόντων τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ δι’ ἀλλή-
λων πολλάκις σκολιοῖς ἑλυγμοῖς ὑποφερομένων,
Ν 3». / 2 “ a -
τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀμηχανοῦντα λῦσαι διατεμεῖν
a \ 4 a
τῇ μαχαίρᾳ τὸ σύναμμα, καὶ πολλὰς ἐξ αὐτοῦ
/ > \ A ᾽ \ X
κοπέντος apyas φανῆναι. ‘“AptatoBovros δὲ καὶ
΄ / € >/ > a \ » ’
πάνυ λέγει ῥᾳὸιαν αὐτῷ τὴν λύσιν γενέσθαι,
a € la) \ “ /
ἐξελόντι TOU ῥυμοῦ TOV ἕστορα καλούμενον, ᾧ
/ \ / Sf)? ef ¢ ?
συνείχετο τὸ ζυγόδεσμον, εἶθ᾽ οὕτως ὑφελκύσαντι
τὸν ζυγόν.
Ἐντεῦθεν Παφλαγόνας τε καὶ Καππαδόκας
προσαγαγόμενος, καὶ τὴν Μέμνονος ἀκούσας
΄ A fal bf \ / ,
τελευτήν, ὃς τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ Δαρείου στρατη-
272

ALEXANDER, xvi. 4-xvin. 3

way of the so-called Ladder, and passed through it,
setting out from Phaselis. ‘This was the reason for
his spending several days in that city, during which
he noticed that a statue of Theodectas, a deceased
citizen of Phaselis, had been erected in the market-
place. Once, therefore, after supper and in his cups,
he led a band of revellers to the statue and crowned
it with many of their garlands, thus in pleasantry
returning no ungraceful honour for the past asso-
ciation with the man which he owed to Aristotle
and philosophy.

XVIII. After this, he overpowered such of the
Pisidians as had offered him resistance, and subdued
Phrygia ; and after he had taken the city of Gordium,!
reputed to have been the home of the ancient Midas,
he saw the much-talked-of waggon bound fast to its
yoke with bark of the cornel-tree, and heard a story
confidently told about it by the Barbarians, to the
effect that whosoever loosed the fastening was des-
tined to become king of the whole world. Well,
then, most writers say that since the fastenings had
their ends concealed, and were intertwined many
times in crooked coils, Alexander was at a loss how
to proceed, and finally loosened the knot by cutting
it through with his sword, and that when it was thus
smitten many ends were to be seen. But Aristobulus
says that he undid it very easily, by simply taking
out the so-called “hestor,’ or pin, of the waggon-
pole, by which the yoke-fastening was held together,
and then drawing away the yoke.’

Setting out from there, he subdued Paphlagonia
and Cappadocia, and on hearing of the death of
Memnon, one of the commanders of Dareius on the

1 Early in 333 B.o. 2 Cf. Arrian, Anab. ii, 3.

273

PLUTARCH'’S LIVES

A 3 \
γῶν ἐπίδοξος ἦν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ πολλὰ πράγματα
καὶ μυρίας ἀντιλήψεις καὶ ἀσχολίας παρέξειν,

, ν , lal »
ἐπερρώσθη πρὸς τὴν ἄνω στρατείαν μᾶλλον. ἤδη
δὲ καὶ Δαρεῖος ἐκ Σούσων κατέβαινεν, ἐπαιρό-

, a a \
μενός TE τῷ πλήθει τῆς δυνάμεως (ἑξήκοντα yap
a ,
ἦγε μυριάδας στρατοῦ), καί τινος ὀνείρου θαρρύ-
νοντος αὐτόν, ὃν οἱ μάγοι πρὸς χάριν ἐξηγοῦντο

a x \ Ν ? / Μ \ \ ’
μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ τὸ εἰκός. ἔδοξε γὰρ πυρὶ νέμε-
σθαι πολλῷ τὴν Μακεδόνων φάλαγγα, τὸν δὲ
᾽ iz ” A ἃ ὃ XN a, ,
AnréEavdpov ἔχοντα στολὴν ἣν αὐτὸς ἐφόρει πρό-

> , nx / ς - ᾽ a
τερον ἀστάνδης ὧν βασιλέως, ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῷ

{4 \ 5 Ἂν a / / > a
παρελθόντα δὲ εἰς TO τοῦ Βήλου τέμενος ἀφανῆ
γενέσθαι. διὰ τούτων, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὑπεδηλοῦτο
παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ λαμπρὰ μὲν γενήσεσθαι καὶ περι-
nr fal > n
φανῆ τὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων, ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ τῆς
μὲν ᾿Ασίας κρατήσειν, ὥσπερ ἐκράτησε Δαρεῖος
3 > , \ “4 \ \ \
ἐξ ἀστάνδου βασιλεὺς γενόμενος, ταχὺ δὲ σὺν
δόξῃ τὸν βίον ἀπολείψειν.

XIX. "Ere δὲ μᾶλλον ἐθάρρησε καταγνοὺς
δειλίαν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πολὺν χρόνον ἐν Κιλικίᾳ
ὃ Le 9s δὲ ς ὃ \ ὃ \ ΄ ἃ e
ιατρίψαντος. ἣν δὲ ἡ διατριβὴ διὰ νόσον, ἣν οἱ
\ ? / e δὲ / 2 lal a £
μὲν ἐκ κόπων, οἱ δὲ λουσαμένῳ ἐν τῷ τοῦ Κύδνου
ῥεύματι καταπαγέντι προσπεσεῖν λέγουσι. τῶν
μὲν οὖν ἄλλων ἰατρῶν οὐδεὶς ἐθάρρει βοηθήσειν,
ἀλλὰ τὸν κίνδυνον οἰόμενοι πάσης ἰσχυρότερον
εἶναι βοηθείας ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν ἐκ τοῦ σφαλῆναι
διαβολὴν πρὸς τοὺς Μακεδόνας: Φίλιππος δ᾽ ὁ

1 κατὰἀπαγέντι Bekker reads καὶ καταπαγέντι (and got chilled).

274

ALEXANDER, xvi. 3-x1x. 2

sea-board, who was thought likely to give Alexander
abundant trouble and infinite annoyance, he was all
the more encouraged for his expedition into the in-
terior. Moreover, Dareius was already coming down
to the coast from Susa, exalted in spirit by the magni-
tude of his forces (for he was leading an army of six
hundred thousand men), and also encouraged by a
certain dream, which the Magi interpreted in a way
to please him rather than as the probabilities de-
manded. For he dreamed that the Macedonian
phalanx was all on fire, and that Alexander, attired
in a robe which he himself formerly used to wear
when he was a royal courier, was waiting upon him,
after which service he passed into the temple of
Belus and disappeared. By this means, as it would
seem, it was suggested to Dareius from Heaven that
the exploits of the Macedonians would be conspicuous
and brilliant, that Alexander would be master of Asia,
just as Dareius became its master when he was made
king instead of royal courier, and would speedily end
his life with glory.

XIX. Dareius was still more encouraged by Alex-
ander’s long delay in Cilicia, which he attributed to
cowardice. The delay was due, however, to a sickness,
which assailed him in consequence of fatigues, ac-
cording to some,! but according to others, because
he took a bath in the river Cydnus, whose waters
were icy cold. Be that as it may, none of the other
physicians had the courage to administer remedies,
but thinking that the danger was too great to be
overcome by any remedy whatever, they were afraid
of the charges which would be made against them
by the Macedonians in consequence of their failure ;

1 So Aristobulus (Arrian, Anab. ii. 4, 7).
275

ao

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

eae τ μοχθηρὰ μὲν ἑώρα τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντα,

ἢ δὲ φιλίᾳ πιστεύων, καὶ δεινὸν ἡγούμενος εἰ
ΠΕ ΠΤ, μὴ συγκινδυνεύσει μέχρι τῆς ἐσχά-
της πείρας βοηθῶν καὶ παραβαλλόμενος, ἐπεχεί-
pure φαρμακείᾳ καὶ συνέπεισεν αὐτὸν ὑπομεῖναι
καὶ πιεῖν, σπεύδοντα ῥωσθῆναι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον.
ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Παρμενίων ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν ἀπὸ
στρατοπέδου, διακελευόμενος αὐτῷ φυλάξασθαι
τὸν Φίλιππον ὡς ὑπὸ Δαρείου πεπεισμένον ἐπὶ

δωρεαῖς μεγάλαις καὶ γάμῳ θυγατρὸς ἀνελεῖν 675

᾿Αλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀναγνοὺς καὶ
μηδενὶ δείξας τῶν φίλων ὑπὸ τὸ προσκεφάλαιον
ὑπέθηκεν. ὡς δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ παρόντος εἰσῆλθε
μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ὁ Φίλιππος τὸ φάρμακον ἐν
κύλικι κομίξων, ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐπέδωκε τὴν ἐπιστο-
λήν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ φάρμακον ἐδέξατο προθύμως καὶ
ἀνυπόπτως, ὥστε θαυμαστὴν καὶ θεατρικὴν τὴν
ὄψιν εἶναι, τοῦ μὲν ἀναγινώσκοντος, τοῦ δὲ πί-
νοντος, εἶτα ἅμα “πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀποβλεπόντων
οὐχ ὁμοίως, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου φαιδρῷ
τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ διακεχυμένῳ τὴν πρὸς τὸν
Φίλιππον εὐμένειαν καὶ πίστιν ἀποφαίνοντος,
ἐκείνου δὲ πρὸς τὴν διαβολὴν ἐξισταμένου καὶ
ποτὲ μὲν θεοκλυτοῦντος καὶ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν
ἀνατείνοντος τὰς χεῖρας, ποτὲ δὲ “τῇ κλίνῃ περι-
πίπτοντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
εὐθυμεῖν καὶ προσέχειν αὐτῷ. τὸ γὰρ φάρμακον
ἐν ἀρχῇ κρατῆσαν τοῦ σώματος οἷον ἀπέωσε καὶ
κατέδυσεν εἰς βάθος τὴν δύναμιν, ὥστε καὶ φωνὴν
ἐπιλιπεῖν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν αἴσθησιν ἀσαφῆ καὶ
μικρὰ κομιδῆ γενέσθαι, λιποθυμίας ἐπιπεσούσης.

276

ALEXANDER, xix. 2-5

but Philip the Acarnanian, who saw that the king
was in an evil plight, put confidence in his friend-
ship, and thinking it a shameful thing not to share
his peril by exhausting the resources of art in trying
to help him even at great risk, prepared a medicine
and persuaded him to drink it boldly, if he was
anxious to regain his strength for the war. Mean-
while, however, Parmenio sent a letter to Alexander
from the camp, urging him to be on his guard against
Philip, for the reason that he had been persuaded by
Dareius, with the promise of large gifts and a marriage
with his daughter, to kill Alexander. Alexander read
the letter and placed it under his pillow, without
showing it to any one of his friends. When the time
appointed was at hand, and Philip came in with the
king’s companions, carrying the medicine in a cup,
Alexander handed him the letter, while he himself
took the medicine from him with readiness and no
sign of suspicion. It was an amazing sight, then,
and one well worthy of the stage,—the one reading
the letter, the other drinking the medicine, and then
both together turning their eyes upon one another,
but not with the same expression; for Alexander,
by his glad and open countenance, showed his good
will towards Philip and his trust in him, while Philip
was beside himself at the calumny, now lifting up
his hands towards heaven and calling upon the gods
to witness his innocence, and now falling upon the
couch on which Alexander lay and beseeching him to
be of good courage and obey his physician. For at
first the medicine mastered the patient, and as it
were drove back and buried deep his bodily powers,
so that his voice failed, he fell into a swoon, and
became almost wholly unconscious. However, he

VOL. VII. K 277

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ > \ a
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταχέως ἀναληφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίπ-
που καὶ ῥαΐσας αὑτὸν ἐπέδειξε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν"
> \ > , \ > a \ Ε] ,ὕὔ tas
ov yap ἐπαύοντο πρὶν ἰδεῖν tov ᾿Αλέξανδρον
ἀθυμοῦντες.
XX. Ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Δαρείου στρατῷ πεφευ-
/
yas ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἀνὴρ Μακεδών, ᾿Αμύντας,
᾽ ” A 3 , , 2
οὐκ ἄπειρος τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου φύσεως. οὗτος
/ a a fal
ὡρμημένον ἰδὼν Δαρεῖον εἴσω τῶν στενῶν βαδί-
> Be MH 2 a Ἂς ΄ ©: /
Cew ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἐδεῖτο κατὰ χώραν ὑπομέ-
νειν, ἐν πλάτος ἔχουσι πεδίοις καὶ ἀναπεπταμέ-
νοις πρὸς ἐλάττονας πλήθει τοσούτῳ διαμαχού-
2 μενον. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ Δαρείου δεδιέναι μὴ
φθάσωσιν αὐτὸν ἀποδράντες οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ
?
διαφυγὼν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, “᾿Αλλὰ τούτου Ye,” εἶπεν,
“ὦ βασιλεῦ, χάριν θάρρει" βαδιεῖται γὰρ ἐκεῖνος
TaN fe \ \ 4 id ” a ,
ἐπὶ σέ, καὶ σχεδὸν ἤδη βαδίζει." ταῦτα λέγων
> Vs ’ » θ b] > > N 3 /
Αμύντας οὐκ ἔπειθεν, adr’ ἀναστὰς ἐπορεύετο
Δαρεῖος εἰς Κιλικίαν, ἅμα δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος εἰς
3 Συρίαν ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον. ἐν δὲ τῇ νυκτὶ διαμαρτόντες
ἀλλήλων αὖθις ἀνέστρεφον, ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν
ἡδόμενός τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ καὶ σπεύδων ἀπαντῆσαι
περὶ τὰ στενά, Δαρεῖος δὲ τὴν προτέραν ἀνα-
rf fe \ lal a ᾽ /
λαβεῖν στρατοπεδείαν καὶ τῶν στενῶν ἐξελίξαι
τὴν δύναμιν. ἤδη γὰρ ἐγνώκει παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον
᾽ \ [ \ 3 / 4 Va py/
ἐμβεβληκὼς ἑαυτὸν εἰς χωρία θαλάττῃ Kal ὄρεσι
καὶ ποταμῷ διὰ μέσου ῥέοντι τῷ Πινάρῳ δύσ-
νππα, καὶ διεσπασμένα πολλαχοῦ, καὶ πρὸς
n na \ /
τῆς ὀλιγότητος τῶν πολεμίων ἔχοντα τὴν θέσιν.
’ / \ ‘ \ , e ΄ ,
4 ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τὸν μὲν τόπον ἡ τύχη παρέσχεν,

278

ALEXANDER, xix. 5—-xx. 4

was speedily restored to his senses by Philip, and
when he had recovered strength he showed himself
to the Macedonians, who refused to be comforted
until they had seen Alexander.

XX. Now, there was in the army of Dareius a
certain Macedonian who had fled from his country,
Amyntas by name, and he was well acquainted with
the nature of Alexander. This man, when he saw
‘that Dareius was eager to attack Alexander within
the narrow passes of the mountains, begged him to
remain where he was, that he might fight a decisive
battle with his vast forces against inferior numbers
in plains that were broad and spacious. And when
Dareius replied that he was afraid the enemy would
run away before he could get at them, and Alexander
thus escape him, “ Indeed,” said Amyntas, “on this
point, O king, thou mayest be without fear; for he
will march against thee, nay, at this very moment,
probably, he is on the march.” Dareius would not
listen to these words of Amyntas, but broke camp
and marched into Cilicia, and at the same time Alex-
ander marched into Syria against him. But having
missed one another in the night, they both turned
back again, Alexander rejoicing in his good fortune,
and eager to meet his enemy in the passes, while
Dareius was as eager to extricate his forces from the
passes and regain his former camping-ground. For
he already saw that he had done wrong to throw
himself into places which were rendered unfit for
cavalry by sea and mountains and a river running
through the middie (the Pinarus), which were broken
up in many parts, and favoured the small num-
bers of his enemy. And not only was the place
for the battle a gift of Fortune to Alexander, but

279

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐστρατήγησε δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης ὑπαρχόντων
πρὸς τὸ νικῆσαι βέλτιον, ὅ ὅς γε τοσούτῳ πλήθει
τῶν βαρβάρων λειπόμενος ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐ παρ-
έσχε κύκλωσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ δεξιῷ τὸ εὐώνυμον
ὑπερβαλὼν καὶ γενόμενος κατὰ κέρας φυγὴν
ἐποίησε τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν βαρβάρων, ἐν πρώτοις
ἀγωνιζόμενος, ὥστε τρωθῆναι ξίφει τὸν μηρόν, ὡς
μὲν Χάρης φησίν, ὑπὸ Δαρείου (συμπεσεῖν γὰρ
αὐτοὺς εἰς χεῖρας), ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ περὶ τῆς
μάχης ἐπιστέλλων. τοῖς περὶ τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον
οὐκ εἴρηκεν ὅστις ἦν ὁ τρώσας, ὅτι δὲ τρωθείη
τὸν μηρὸν ἐγχειριδίῳ, δυσχερὲς δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ
τραύματος συμβαίη γέγραφε.

Νικήσας δὲ λαμπρῶς καὶ καταβαλὼν ὑπὲρ
ἕνδεκα μυριάδας τῶν πολεμίων, Δαρεῖον. μὲν οὐχ
εἷλε τέτταρας σταδίους ἢ πέντε προλαβόντα τῇ
φυγῇ, τὸ δὲ ἅρμα καὶ τὸ τόξον αὐτοῦ λαβὼν
ἐπανῆλθε καὶ κατέλαβε τοὺς Μακεδόνας τὸν μὲν
ἄλλον πλοῦτον ἐκ τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ στρατοπέδου
φέροντας καὶ ἄγοντας ὑπερβάλλοντα πλήθει,
καίπερ, εὐζώνων 7 pos τὴν μάχην παραγενομένων
καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ἀποσκευῆς ἐν Δαμασκῷ
καταλιπόντων, τὴν δὲ Δαρείου σκηνὴν ἐξῃρηκότας
ἐκείνῳ, θεραπείας τε λαμπρᾶς καὶ παρασκευῆς
καὶ χρημάτων πολλῶν γέμουσαν. εὐθὺς οὖν
ἀποδυσάμενος τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς τὸ λουτρὸν ἐβάξδιξεν,
εἰπών" ““" Ἴωμεν ἀπολουσόμενοι τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς μά-
χης, ἱδρῶτα τῷ Δαρείου λουτρῷ." καί τις τῶν
ἑταίρων “ ΝΑ Ὁ εἶπεν, “ἀλλὰ τῷ
᾿Αλεξάνδρου: τὰ γὰρ τῶν ἡττωμένων εἶναί τε δεῖ
καὶ προσαγορεύεσθαι τοῦ κρατοῦντος." ὡς δὲ

280

6

6

ALEXANDER, xx. 4-8

his generalship was better than the provisions of
Fortune for his victory. For since he was so vastly
inferior in numbers to the Barbarians, he gave them
no opportunity to encircle him, but, leading his
right wing in person, extended it past the enemy’s
left, got on their flank, and routed the Barbarians
who were opposed to him, fighting among the fore-
most, so that he got a sword-wound in the thigh.
Chares says this wound was given him by Dareius,
with whom he had a hand-to-hand combat, but Alex-
ander, in a letter to Antipater about the battle, did not
say who it was that gave him the wound; he wrote
that he had been wounded in the thigh with a dagger,
but that no serious harm resulted from the wound.
Although he won a brilliant victory and destroyed
more than a hundred and ten thousand of his enemies,
he did not capture Dareius, who got a start of four
or five furlongs in his flight; but he did take the
king’s chariot, and his bow, before he came back
from the pursuit. He found his Macedonians carry-
ing off the wealth from the camp of the Barbarians,
and the wealth was of surpassing abundance, al-
though its owners had come to the battle in light
marching order and had left most of their baggage
in Damascus; he found, too, that his men had picked
out for him the tent of Dareius, which was full to
overflowing with gorgeous servitors and furniture,
and many treasures. Straightway, then, Alexander
put off his armour and went to the bath, saying:
“ Let us go and wash off the sweat of the battle in
the bath of Dareius.”’ “ No, indeed,’ said one of
his companions, “but rather in that of Alexander;
for the property of the conquered must belong to
the conqueror, and be called 15. And when he

281

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

- \ ο΄ \ \ \ fe \
εἶδε μὲν ὅλκια καὶ κρωσσοὺς καὶ πυέλους καὶ
ἀλαβάστρους, πάντα 5 χρυσοῦ, ἡσκημένα περιτ-
τῶς, ὠδώδει δὲ θεσπέσιον οἷον ὑπὸ ἀρωμάτων καὶ
μύρων ὁ οἶκος, ἐκ δὲ τούτου παρῆλθεν εἰς σκηνὴν
δ “ \
ὕψει Te καὶ μεγέθει καὶ τῷ περὶ THY στρωμνὴν
καὶ τραπέζας καὶ τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτοῦ κόσμῳ θαύμα-
/ ξ / an
tos ἀξίαν, διαβλέψας πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους, “Τοῦτο
- € » zal sh 6c x , ”
ἣν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἔφη, “τὸ βασιλεύειν.
\ a a
XX. Τρεπομένῳ δὲ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτῷ
“ 5 ΄
φράζει τις ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἀγομένας μητέρα
καὶ γυναῖκα Δαρείου καὶ θυγατέρας δύο παρθέν-
Σ / /
ous ἰδούσας TO ἅρμα καὶ τὰ τόξα κόπτεσθαι Kal
al / \
θρηνεῖν, ws ἀπολωλότος ἐκείνου. συχνὸν οὖν
’ \ (2 ’ / Ν a >? ’ὔ
ἐπισχὼν χρόνον ᾿Αλέξανδρος, καὶ ταῖς ἐκείνων
nr 3 an “ \ ,
τύχαις μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ ἐμπαθὴς γενόμενος,
ἴω Ψ
πέμπει Λεοννάτον, ἀπαγγεῖλαι κελεύσας ὡς οὔτε
an ᾽ ῇ,
Δαρεῖος τέθνηκεν οὔτε ᾿Αλέξανδρον δεδιέναι χρή"
A / a ,
Δαρείῳ yap ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας πολεμεῖν, ἐκείναις δὲ
΄ € / κὰ ἮΝ , ’
πάντα ὑπάρξειν ὧν καὶ Δαρείου βασιλεύοντος
lal n οἷ ͵ lal
ἠξιοῦντο. τοῦ δὲ λόγου ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἡμέρου
lel ͵ , a \ a
Kal χρηστοῦ φανέντος ETL μᾶλλον τὰ τῶν ἔργων
ἀπήντα φιλάνθρωπα. θάψαι γὰρ ὅσους ἐβού-
a » 2 na \ If
Novto Iepcav ἔδωκεν, ἐσθῆτι καὶ κόσμῳ χρησα-
᾽ an s Pe an
μέναις ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων, θεραπείας τε Kal τιμῆς
A . 20 © κ᾿ ᾽ a ΄ \ \ ,
ἣν εἶχον οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀφεῖλε, συντάξεις δὲ καὶ μεί-
A la) /
Covas ἐκαρποῦντο τῶν προτέρων. ἡ δὲ καλλίστη
3 A
Kal βασιλικωτάτη χάρις ἣν Tap αὐτοῦ γυναιξὶ
γενναίαις γενομέναις αἰχμαλώτοις καὶ σώφροσι
΄ an ΄ e na lel
μήτε ἀκοῦσαί TL μήτε ὑπονοῆσαι μήτε προσδοκῆ-

282

ALEXANDER, xx. 8-xx1. 3

saw the basins and pitchers and tubs and caskets, all
of gold, and curiously wrought, while the apartment
was marvellously fragrant with spices and unguents,
and when he passed from this into a tent which was
worthy of admiration for its size and height, and for
the adornment of the couch and tables and banquet
prepared for him, he turned his eyes upon his com-
panions and said: “ This, as it would seem, is to be
a king.”

XXI. As he was betaking himself to supper, some-
one told him that among the prisoners were the
mother, wife, and two unmarried daughters of Da-
reius, and that at sight of his chariot and bow they
beat their breasts and lamented, believing that he
was dead. Accordingly, after a considerable pause,
more affected by their affliction than by his own
success, he sent Leonnatus, with orders to tell
them that Dareius was not dead, and that they need
have no fear of Alexander; for it was Dareius upon
whom he was waging war for supremacy, but they
should have everything which they used to think
their due when Dareius was undisputed king. If
this message was thought by the women to be mild
and kindly, still more did the actions of Alexander
prove to be humane. For he gave them permission
to bury whom they pleased of the Persians, and to
use for this purpose raiment and adornment from the
spoils, and he abated not one jot of their honour-
able maintenance, nay, they enjoyed even larger
allowances than before. But the most honourable
and most princely favour which these noble and
chaste women received from him in their captivity
was that they neither heard, nor suspected, nor

283

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σαι TOV αἰσχρῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐν στρατοπέδῳ
πολεμίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἱεροῖς καὶ ἁγίοις φυλαττομένας
παρθενῶσιν ἀπόρρητον ἔχειν καὶ ἀόρατον ἑτέροις
δίαιταν. καίτοι λέγεταί γε τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα
πολὺ πασῶν τῶν βασιλίδων εὐπρεπεστάτην γενέ-
σθαι, καθάπερ καὶ αὐτὸς Δαρεῖος ἀνδρῶν κἀλ-
λιστος καὶ μέγιστος, τὰς δὲ παῖδας ἐοικέναι τοῖς
γονεῦσιν.

᾿Αλλ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ νικᾶν τοὺς
πολεμίους τὸ κρατεῖν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλικώτερον
ἡγούμενος, οὔτε τούτων ἔθιγεν οὔτε ἄλλην ἔγνω
γυναῖκα πρὸ γάμου, πλὴν Βαρσίνης. αὕτη δέ,
μετὰ τὴν Μέμνονος τελευτὴν χήρα γενομένη, περὶ
Δαμασκὸν ἐλήφθη. πεπαιδευμένη δὲ παιδείαν
᾿Ιυϑλληνικὴν καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐπιεικὴς οὖσα καὶ
πατρὸς ᾿Αρταβάζου γεγονότος ἐκ βασιλέως θυ-
γατρύς, ἐγνώσθη, Tlappeviwvos προτρεψαμένου
τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ὥς φησιν ᾿Αριστόβουλος, κα-
λῆς καὶ γενναίας ἅψασθαι γυναικός. τὰς δὲ
ἄλλας αἰχμαλώτους ὁρῶν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος κάλλει
καὶ μεγέθει. διαφερούσας ἔλεγε παίζων ὡς εἰσὶν
ἀλγηδόνες ὀμμάτων αἱ Περσίδες. ἀντεπιδεικνύ-
μενος δὲ “πρὸς τὴν ἰδέαν τὴν ἐκείνων τὸ τῆς ἰδίας
ἐγκρατείας καὶ σωφροσύνης κάλλος, ὥσπερ ἀψύ-

ous εἰκόνας ἀγαλμάτων παρέπεμψεν.

XXII. *Exrei δὲ Φιλόξενος δ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ
στρατηγὸς ἔγραψεν εἶναι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ Θεόδωρόν
τινα Tapavtivoy ἔχοντα παῖδας ὠνίους δύο τὴν
ὄψιν ὑπερφυεῖς, καὶ πυνθανόμενος εἰ πρίηται,
χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκὼν ἐβόα πολλάκις πρὸς τοὺς φί-
λους, ἐρωτῶν τί πώποτε Φιλόξενος αἰσχρὸν αὐτῷ

284

ALEXANDER, xxi. 3-xxu. £

awaited anything that could disgrace them, but lived,
as though guarded in sacred and inviolable virgins’
chambers instead of in an enemy’s camp, apart from
the speech and sight of men. And yet it is said that
the wife of Dareius was far the most comely of all
royal women, just as Dareius himself also was hand-
somest and tallest of men, and the daughters re-
sembled their parents.

But Alexander, as it would seem, considering the
mastery of himself a more kingly thing than the
conquest of his enemies, neither laid hands upon
these women, nor did he know any other before
marriage, except Barsiné. This woman, Memnon’s
widow, was taken prisoner at Damascus. And since
she had received a Greek education, and was of an
agreeable disposition, and since her father, Arta-
bazus, was son of a king’s daughter, Alexander de-
termined (at Parmenio’s instigation, as Aristobulus
says) to attach himself to a woman of such high
birth and beauty. But as for the other captive
women, seeing that they were surpassingly stately
and beautiful, he merely said jestingly that Persian
women were torments to the eyes.! And displaying
in rivalry with their fair looks the beauty of his own
sobriety and self-control, he passed them by as though
they were lifeless images for display.

XXII. Moreover, when Philoxenus, the commander
of his forces on the sea-board, wrote that there was
with him a certain Theodorus, of Tarentum, who had
two boys of surpassing beauty to sell, and enquired
whether Alexander would buy them, Alexander was
incensed, and cried out many times to his friends,
asking them what shameful thing Philoxenus had ever

1 Cf. Herod. v. 18.
285

ΩΣ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συνεγνωκὼς τοιαῦτα ὀνείδη προξενῶν κάθηται.
τὸν δὲ Φιλόξενον αὐτὸν ἐν ἐπιστολῇ πολλὰ λοι-
/ > f > - jd \ ,
δορήσας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοῖς φορτίοις τὸν Θεόδωρον
εἰς τὸν ὄλεθρον ἀποστέλλειν. ἐπέπληξε δὲ καὶ
“Ayvave γράψαντι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτι Κρωβύλον
ὑδοκιμοῦ ἐν Κορίνθῳ βούλεται ιάμε
εὐδοκιμοῦντα ἐν ρίνθς ύ πριάμενος
’ a Ν , \
ἀγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν. πυνθανόμενος δὲ μισθοφο-
ρων τινῶν γύναια διεφθαρκέναι Δάμωνα καὶ Τιμό-
θεον Μακεδόνας τῶν ὑπὸ Παρμενίωνι στρατευο-
" [4 ΄ SN >
μένων, ἔγραψε Ἰ]αρμενίωνι κελεύων, ἐὰν ἔλεγ-
χθῶσιν, ὡς θηρία ἐπὶ καταφθορᾷ τῶν ἀνθρώπων
γεγονότα τιμωρησάμενον ἀποκτεῖναι. καὶ περὶ
ἑαυτοῦ κατὰ λέξιν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἐπιστολῇ γέ-
«ς᾽ \ \ > Ψ e τ N ς ,
γραφεν" “᾿Εγὼ γὰρ οὐχ ὅτι ἑωρακὼς ἂν εὑρεθείην
fal 3 a >
τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα ἢ βεβουλημένος ἰδεῖν, ἀλλ,
οὐδὲ τῶν λεγόντων περὶ τῆς εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς
Ψ \ , ” / \ /
προσδεδεγμένος τὸν λόγον." ἔλεγε δὲ μάλιστα
συνιέναι θνητὸς ὧν ἐκ τοῦ καθεύδειν καὶ συνου-
a / an
σιάζειν, ὡς ἀπὸ μιᾶς ἐγγινόμενον ἀσθενείας TH
φύσει καὶ τὸ πονοῦν καὶ τὸ ἡδόμενον.

Ἦν δὲ καὶ γαστρὸς ἐγκρατέστατος, καὶ τοῦτο
ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἐδήλωσε καὶ τοῖς πρὸς "Αδαν
λεχθεῖσιν, ἣν ἐποιήσατο μητέρα καὶ Καρίας
βασίλισσαν ἀπέδειξεν. ὡς γὰρ ἐκείνη φιλοφρο-
νουμένη πολλὰ μὲν ὄψα καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀπέστελλεν
αὐτῷ καὶ πέμματα, τέλος δὲ τοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι

7 \
δεινοτάτους ὀψοποιοὺς Kal ἀρτοποιούς, ἔφη τού-
Ν al
των μηδενὸς δεῖσθαι: βελτίονας yap ὀψοποιοὺς
ἔχειν ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδαγωγοῦ Λεωνίδου δεδομένους

286

677

ALEXANDER, xxi. τ--

seen in him that he should spend his time in making
such disgraceful proposals. And on Philoxenus him-
self he heaped much reproach in a letter, bidding
him send Theodorus to perdition, merchandize and all.
He severely rebuked Hagnon also for writing to him
that he wanted to buy Crobylus, whose beauty was
famous in Corinth, as a present for him. Further-
more, on learning that Damon and Timotheus, two
Macedonian soldiers under Parmenio’s command, had
ruined the wives of certain mercenaries, he wrote to
Parmenio ordering him, in case the men were con-
victed, to punish them and put them to death as
wild beasts born for the destruction of mankind. In
this letter he also wrote expressly concerning him-
self: “ As for me, indeed, it will be found not only
that I have not seen the wife of Dareius or desired
to see her, but that I have not even allowed people
to speak to me of her beauty.”’ And he used to say
that sleep and sexual intercourse, more than any
thing else, made him conscious that he was mortal,
implying that both weariness and pleasure arise from
one and the same natural weakness.

He had also the most complete mastery over his
appetite, and showed this both in many other ways,
and especially by what he said to Ada, whom he
honoured with the title of Mother and made queen
of Caria.1 When, namely, in the kindness of her
heart, she used to send him day by day many viands
and sweetmeats, and finally offered him bakers and
cooks reputed to be very skilful, he said he wanted
none of them, for he had better cooks which had
been given him by his tutor, Leonidas ; for his break-

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. 1. 23, 8.
287

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a , \
αὐτῷ, πρὸς μὲν TO ἄριστον, νυκτοπορίαν, πρὸς δὲ
\ nr >’ 4 “ ‘O δ᾽ 2 \ @
τὸ δεῖπνον, ὀλιγαριστίαν. αὐτὸς οὗτος
Sit Css} 9) Ge ΡΥ , 2 \ Ati 3
ἀνήρ," ἔφη, “καὶ τῶν στρωμάτων ἐπιὼν τὰ ay-
a la} / “ / ,
yela Kal τῶν ἱματίων ἔλυεν, ἐπισκοπῶν μὴ τί
3 N / / ”
μοι τρυφερὸν ἢ περισσὸν ἡ μήτηρ ἐντέθεικεν.
“ Ν 5 -
XXIII. Ἦν δὲ καὶ πρὸς οἶνον ἧττον ἢ ἐδόκει
, ” \ Ν \ A > Α
καταφερής. ἔδοξε δὲ διὰ τὸν χρόνον ὃν οὐ πίνων
a 3 a & pd 4
μᾶλλον ἢ λαλῶν εἷλκεν ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης κύλικος, GEL
μακρόν τινα λόγον διατιθέμενος, καὶ ταῦτα πολ-
a a » , \ ,
λῆς σχολῆς οὔσης. ἐπεὶ πρός γε τὰς πράξεις οὐκ
οἶνος ἐκεῖνον, OVX ὕπνος, οὐ παιδιά τις, οὐ γάμος,
> θέ θ / AAX ; ΄ 2 ,
οὐ θέα, καθάπερ ἄλλους στρατηγούς, ἐπέσχε.
a \ id , ἃ ΄ \ ΄ὔ
δηλοῖ δὲ ὁ βίος, ὃν βιώσας βραχὺν παντάπασι,
’ὔ
πλείστων καὶ μεγίστων πράξεων ἐνέπλησεν. ἐν
δὲ ταῖς σχολαῖς πρῶτον μὲν ἀναστὰς καὶ θύσας
an - \ / ͵
τοῖς θεοῖς εὐθὺς ἠρίστα καθήμενος" ἔπειτα διημέ-
an xX lal
peve κυνηγῶν ἢ δικάζων ἢ συντάττων τι τῶν
a XN 9 , ’ νον ,
πολεμικῶν ἢ ἀναγινώσκων. εἰ δὲ ὁδὸν βαδίζοι
/
μὴ λίαν ἐπείγουσαν, ἐμάνθανεν ἅμα πορευόμενος
΄ 3 /
ἢ τοξεύειν ἢ ἐπιβαίνειν ἅρματος ἐλαυνομένου καὶ
3 Vy SF ,ὔ \ , νον
ἀποβαίνειν. πολλάκις δὲ παίζων καὶ ἀλώπεκας
ἐθήρευε καὶ ὄρνιθας, ὡς ἔστι λαβεῖν ἐκ τῶν ἐφη-
/ /
μερίδων. καταλύσας δὲ Kal τρεπόμενος πρὸς
Ν A li \ an a
λουτρὸν ἢ ἄλειμμα, TOUS ἐπὶ TOV σιτοποιῶν Kal
/ > / > \ tal
μαγείρων ἀνέκρινεν εἰ τὰ πρὸς TO δεῖπνον εὐτρε-
a 7 \ n
τῶς ἔχουσι. καὶ δειπνεῖν μὲν ὀψὲ Kal σκότους
, , Ξ
ἤδη κατακλινόμενος ἤρχετο, θαυμαστὴ δὲ ἦν ἡ
2 / \ / an
ἐπιμέλειᾳ Kal περίβλεψις ἐπὶ τῆς τραπέζης, ὅπως
δὲ > 7 δὲ ’ / fd \ \
μηδὲν ἀνίσως μηδὲ ὀλιγώρως διανέμοιτο' τὸν δὲ
288

ALEXANDER, xxi. 5—xxu. 3

fast, namely, a night march, and for his supper, a
light breakfast. ‘And this same Leonidas,” he said,
“used to come and open my chests of bedding and
clothing, to see that my mother did not hide there
for me some luxury or superfluity.”

XXIII. To the use of wine also he was less ad-
dicted than was generally believed. The belief arose
from the time which he would spend over each cup,
more in talking than in drinking, always holding
some long discourse, and this too when he had abun-
dant leisure. For in the stress of affairs he was not
to be detained, as other commanders were, either by
wine, or sleep, or any sport, or amour, or spec-
tacle. This is proved by his life, which, though
altogether brief, he filled to overflowing with the
greatest exploits. In his times of leisure, however,
after rising and sacrificing to the gods, he immedi-
ately took breakfast sitting; then, he would spend
the day in hunting, or administering justice, or ar-
ranging his military affairs, or reading. If he were
making a march which was not very urgent, he
would practise, as he went along, either archery or
mounting and dismounting from a chariot that was
under way. Often, too, for diversion, he would hunt
foxes or birds, as may be gathered from his journals.
After he had taken quarters for the night, and while
he was enjoying bath or anointing, he would enquire
of his chief cooks and bakers whether the arrange-
ments for his supper were duly made. When it was
late and already dark, he would begin his supper,
reclining on a couch, and marvellous was his care
and circumspection at table, in order that everything
might be served impartially and without stint; but

289

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

¢ Ν
πότον, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, μακρὸν ὑπὸ ἀδολεσχίας
es \ δ ΄ 4 nN
ἐξέτεινε. Kal τἄλλα πάντων ἥδιστος ὧν Ba-
rn ih a “
σιλέων συνεῖναι καὶ χάριτος οὐδεμιᾶς ἀμοιρῶν,
a A \ / ’ὔ
τότε ταῖς μεγαλαυχίαις ἀηδὴς ἐγίνετο καὶ λίαν
/ \ \ A
στρατιωτικός, αὐτός TE πρὸς TO κομπῶδες ὑπο-
a / \
φερόμενος Kal τοῖς κόλαξιν ἑαυτὸν ἀνεικὼς ἱππά-
>} e € / n
σιμον, Up ὧν ol χαριέστεροι τῶν παρόντων
5 4 ΄ id n rn ΄ ,
ἐπετρίβοντο, μήτε ἁμιλλᾶσθαι τοῖς κόλαξι μήτε
, an a
λείπεσθαι βουλόμενοι τῶν αὐτῶν ἐπαίνων. τὸ
\ \ ᾽ \ x07 \ \ , ”
μὲν γὰρ αἰσχρὸν ἐδόκει, TO δὲ κίνδυνον ἔφερε.
\ \ \ , ΄ ew ΄,
μετὰ δὲ τὸν πότον λουσάμενος ἐκάθευδε πολλάκις
/ / 7 3 vA \
μέχρι μέσης ἡμέρας" ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ διημέρευεν
ἐν τῷ καθεύδειν.
3 Ν \ 9 Nef ’ \ 5 “ \
Αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν καὶ ὄψων ἐγκρατὴς ἣν, ὥστε Kal
τὰ σπανιώτατα πολλάκις τῶν ἀπὸ θαλάττης
> a , > / \ ’ 7 € ,
αὐτῷ κομιξομένων ἀκροδρύων καὶ ἰχθύων ἑκάστῳ
Qn “ \
διαπεμπόμενος τῶν ἑταίρων ἑαυτῷ μόνῳ μηδὲν
al \ / “ 3
καταλιπεῖν: TO μέντοι δεῖπνον ἣν ἀεὶ μεγαλο-
πρεπές, καὶ τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι τῆς δαπάνης ἅμα
/ / > , ~
συναυξομένης τέλος εἰς μυρίας δραχμὰς προῆλθεν.
nr , lad aA
ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἔστη, Kal τοσοῦτον ὡρίσθη τελεῖν
n ς / 2 /
τοῖς ὑποδεχομένοις ᾿Αλέξανδρον.
γχτπτ τ \ \ \ ya \ > ’ fal /
XXIV . Μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην τὴν ἐν ἰσσῷ πέμ-
\
was εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἔλαβε τὰ χρήματα Kal Tas
\ \ \ , \ a a
ἀποσκευὰς Kal Ta τέκνα Kal τὰς γυναῖκας TOV
n \ a \ fa
Περσῶν. καὶ πλεῖστα μὲν ὠφελήθησαν οἱ τῶν
rn ¢ an /
Θεσσαλῶν ἱππεῖς" τούτους yap ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς
, >’ lal ,ὔ /
διαφερόντως ἐν TH μάχῃ γενομένους ἔπεμψεν ἐπί-

290

67

ALEXANDER, xxi. 3-xxIv. I

over the wine, as I have said, he would sit long, for
conversation’s sake. And although in other ways he
was of all princes most agreeable in his intercourse,
and endowed with every grace, at this time his boast-
fulness would make him unpleasant and very like a
common soldier. Not only was he himself carried
away into blustering, but he suffered himself to be
ridden by his flatterers. These were a great annoy-
ance to the finer spirits in the company, who desired
neither to vie with the flatterers, nor yet to fall
behind them in praising Alexander. ‘The one course
they thought disgraceful, the other had its perils.
After the drinking was over, he would take a bath
and sleep, frequently until midday; and sometimes
he would actually spend the entire day in sleep.

In the matter of delicacies, too, he himself, at all
events, was master of his appetite, so that often,
when the rarest fruits or fish were brought to him
from the sea-coast, he would distribute them to each
of his companions until he was the only one for
whom nothing remained. His suppers, however,
were always magnificent, and the outlay upon them
increased with his successes until it reached the sum
of ten thousand drachmas. There it stood, and that
was the prescribed limit of expenditure for those
who entertained Alexander.

XXIV. After the battle at Issus,! he sent to Da-
mascus and seized the money and baggage of the Per-
sians together with their wives and children. And
most of all did the Thessalian horsemen enrich them-
selves, for they had shown themselves surpassingly
brave in the battle, and Alexander sent them on this
expedition purposely, wishing to have them enrich

1 November, 333 B.c.

201

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TOES ὠφεληθῆναι. βουλόμενος" ἐνεπλήσθη δὲ καὶ
τὸ λοιπὸν εὐπορίας στρατόπεδον. καὶ γευσά-
μενοι τότε πρῶτον οἱ Μακεδόνες χρυσοῦ καὶ
ἀργύρου καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ διαίτης βαρβαρικῆς,
ὥσπερ κύνες ἔσπευδον ἁψάμενοι στίβου διώκειν
καὶ ἀνιχνεύειν τὸν τῶν Περσῶν πλοῦτον.

Οὐ μὴν. ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ πρῶτον ἐδόκει κρατύ-
νεσθαι τὰ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ. Κύπρον μὲν οὖν
εὐθὺς οἱ βασιλεῖς ἧκον ἐγχειρίζοντες αὐτῷ, καὶ
Φοινίκην πλὴν Τύρου. Τύρον δὲ πολιορκῶν ἑπτὰ
μῆνας χώμασι καὶ μηχαναῖς καὶ τριήρεσι δια-
κοσίαις ἐκ θαλάττης, ὄναρ εἶ € τὸν Ἡρακλέα
δεξιούμενον αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους καὶ καλοῦντα.
τῶν δὲ Τυρίων πολλοῖς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἔδοξεν
ὁ ᾿Απόλλων λέγειν ὡς ἄπεισι πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον'
οὐ γὰρ ἀρέσκειν αὐτῷ τὰ “πρασσόμενα κατὰ τὴν
πόλιν. ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ μὲν ὥσπερ ἄνθρωπον αὐὖτο-
μολοῦντα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ
τὸν θεὸν εἰληφότες σειράς τε τῷ κολοσσῷ περιέ-
βαλλον αὐτοῦ καὶ καθήλουν πρὸς τὴν βάσιν,
᾿Αλεξανδριστὴν καλοῦντες. ἑτέραν δὲ ὄψιν
᾿Αλέξανδρος εἶδε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους. Σάτυρος
αὐτῷ φανεὶς ἐδόκει προσπαίζειν πόρρωθεν, εἶτα
βουλομένου λαβεῖν ὑπεξέφευγε" τέλος δὲ πολλὰ
λιπαρήσαντος καὶ περιδραμόντος ἦλθεν εἰς χεῖ-
pas. οἱ δὲ μάντεις τοὔνομα διαιροῦντες οὐκ ἀπι-
θάνως ἔφασαν αὐτῷ: “Xn γενήσεται Τύρος."
καὶ κρήνην δέ τινα δεικνύουσι, πρὸς ἣν κατὰ τοὺς
ὕπνους ἰδεῖν ἔδοξε τὸν Σάτυρον.

Διὰ μέσου δὲ τῆς πολιορκίας ἐπὶ τοὺς "ApaBas
τοὺς προσοικοῦντας τῷ ᾿Αντιλιβάνῳ στρατεύσας

292

ALEXANDER, xxiv. 1-6

themselves. But the rest of the army also was filled
with wealth. Then for the first time the Macedo-
nians got a taste of gold and silver and women and
barbaric luxury of life, and now that they had struck
the trail, they were like dogs in their eagerness to
pursue and track down the wealth of the Persians.

However, Alexander determined first to make him-
self master of the sea-coasts. As for Cyprus, then,
its kings came at once and put the island in his
hands, together with Phoenicia, with the exception
of Tyre. But Tyre he besieged for seven months,!
with moles, and engines-of-war, and two hundred
triremes by sea. During this siege he had a dream
in which he saw Heracles stretching out his hand to
him from the wall and calling him. And many of
the Tyrians dreamed that Apollo told them he was
going away to Alexander, since he was displeased at
what was going on in the city. Whereupon, as if
the god had been a common deserter caught in
the act of going over to the enemy, they en-
circled his colossal figure with cords and _ nailed
it down to its pedestal, calling him an Alex-
andrist. In another dream, too, Alexander thought
he saw a satyr who mocked him at a distance, and
eluded his grasp when he tried to catch him, but
finally, after much coaxing and chasing, surrendered.
The seers, dividing the word “satyros” into two
parts, said to him, plausibly enough, “Tyre is to be
thine.”” And a spring is pointed out, near which
Alexander dreamed he saw the satyr.

While the siege of the city was in progress, he
made an expedition against the Arabians who dwelt
in the neighbourhood of Mount Antilibanus. On

1 January—August, 332 B.c.
293

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

» / \ \ Ν rd >
ἐκινδύνευσε διὰ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν Λυσίμαχον" ἐξη-
΄ \ > a / a LA ’
κολούθησε yap αὐτῷ λέγων τοῦ Φοίνικος οὐκ
3 / 24 Ν / b) \ \
εἶναι χείρων οὐδὲ πρεσβύτερος. ἐπεὶ δὲ πλη-
a 3 a \ 7
σιάσας τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀπολιπὼν
« ͵ a
πεζὸς ἐβάδιζεν, of μὲν ἄλλοι TOAD προῆλθον,
») Ν Ν \ ’ὔ e / yA
αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν Λυσίμαχον, ἑσπέρας ἤδη καταλαμ-
na \ 5
βανούσης καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων, ἀπα-
, /
yopevovta καὶ βαρυνόμενον οὐχ ὑπομένων ἀπολι-
a ? ᾽ ,
πεῖν, ἀλλ᾿ ἀνακαλούμενος Kal παρακομίζων,
ἴω tf \ ΣΕ) /
ἔλαθε τοῦ στρατεύματος ἀποσπασθεὶς μετ᾽ ὀλίγων
/ an
καὶ σκότους ἅμα καὶ ῥίγους σφοδροῦ νυκτερεύων
ral 3 /
ἐν χωρίοις χαλεποῖς. εἶδεν οὖν πόρρω πυρὰ
\ ’ ΄ la [4
πολλὰ καιόμενα σποράδην τῶν πολεμίων. θαρ-
a “ A / a “
ρῶν δὲ τοῦ σώματος τῇ κουφότητι, καὶ τῷ πονεῖν
αὐτὸς ἀεὶ παραμυθούμενος τὴν ἀπορίαν τῶν Μακε-
/ / A / a /
δόνων, προσέδραμε τοῖς ἔγγιστα πῦρ καίουσι" Kal
, a A
περικαθημένους τῇ πυρᾷ δύο βαρβάρους πατάξας
A 3 / \ Ni e , ae \ \
TO ἐγχειριδίῳ καὶ δαλὸν ἁρπάσας ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς
an / / a
ἑαυτοῦ κομίζων. ἐγκαύσαντες δὲ πῦρ πολὺ τοὺς
\ ΟΣ \ > ‘ “ a \ ss /
μὲν εὐθὺς ἐφύόβησαν ὥστε φυγεῖν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπιόν-
> / \ / > /
Tas ἐτρέψαντο, Kal κατηυλίσθησαν ἀκινδύνως.
“- 9 ,
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Χάρης ἱστόρηκεν.
ar ς \ / a
XXV. Ἢ δὲ πολιορκία τοιοῦτον ἔσχε πέρας.
\ an
᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὴν μὲν πολλὴν τῆς δυνάμεως ava-
Ν “ ΄ A
TAVOVTOS ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀγώνων τῶν ἔμπροσθεν,
> / / e \ ig e /
ὀλίγους δέ τινας, ὡς μὴ σχολάζοιεν οἱ πολέμιοι,
a , ἊΨ» >
τοῖς τείχεσι προσάγοντος, ᾿Αρίστανδρος ὁ μάντις
\ “
ἐσφαγιάζετο" καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατιδὼν θρασύτερον
294

0

9

ALEXANDER, xxiv. 6—-xxv. 1

this expedition he risked his life to save his tutor,
Lysimachus, who insisted on following him, declaring
himself to be neither older nor weaker than Phoenix.!
But when the force drew near the mountains, they
abandoned their horses and proceeded on foot, and
most of them got far on in advance. Alexander
himself, however, would not consent to abandon the
worn and weary Lysimachus, since evening was al-
ready coming on and the enemy were near, but sought
to encourage him and carry him along. Before he
was aware of it, therefore, he was separated from his
army with a few followers, and had to spend a night
of darkness and intense cold in a region that was
rough and difficult. In this plight, he saw far off a
number of scattered fires which the enemy were
burning. So, since he was confident in his own
agility, and was ever wont to cheer the Macedonians
in their perplexities by sharing their toils, he ran to
the nearest camp-fire. Two Barbarians who were
sitting at the fire he despatched with his dagger, and
snatching up a fire-brand, brought it to his own party.
These kindled a great fire and at once frightened
some of the enemy into flight, routed others who
came up against them, and spent the night without
further peril. Such, then, is the account we have
from Chares.

XXV. The siege of the city had the following
issue. While Alexander was giving the greater part
of his forces a rest from the many struggles which
they had undergone, and was leading up only a few
men to attack the walls, in order that the enemy might
have no respite, Aristander the seer made a sacrifice,
and after taking the omens, declared very confidently

1 Cf. chapter v. 5.

295

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, A

διωρίσατο πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ μηνὶ

΄ € ΄ AN , / \

2 πάντως ἁλώσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν. γενομένου δὲ

aA A

χλευασμοῦ Kal γέλωτος (ἣν yap ἡ τελευταία TOD

/ €

μηνὸς ἡμέρα), διηπορημένον αὐτὸν ἰδὼν ὁ βασι-

λεὺς καὶ συμφιλοτιμούμενος ἀεὶ τοῖς μαντεύμασιν

ἐκέλευε μηκέτι τριακάδα τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην,

ἀλλὰ τρίτην φθίνοντος ἀριθμεῖν: καὶ τῇ σάλ-

A an a ,

πιγγι σημήνας ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῶν τειχῶν ἐρρωμενέ-

a /
atepov ἤπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διενοήθη. γενομένης δὲ
λαμπρᾶς ἐπιβολῆς καὶ μηδὲ τῶν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου
\ ΄
καρτερούντων, ἀλλὰ συντρεχόντων καὶ προσβοη-
θούντων, ἀπεῖπον οἱ Τύριοι: καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἷλε
93 /

κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν.

Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολιορκοῦντι Γάζαν αὐτῷ, τῆς
Sv , / / 3’ ’ A ’ Ν
Συρίας μεγίστην πόλιν, ἐμπίπτει βῶλος εἰς τὸν
= > \ » © Ny oo ¢ Nish 24)
ὦμον ἀφεθεὶς ἄνωθεν ὑπὸ ὄρνιθος. ὁ δὲ ὄρνις ἐφ
q Len P
ἕν TOV μηχανημάτων καθίσας ἔλαθεν ἐνσ χεθεὶς

a /
τοῖς νευρίνοις κεκρυφάλοις, ols πρὸς τὰς ἐπιστρο-

an / ἴω lal
gas τῶν σχοινίων ἐχρῶντο. Kal TO σημεῖον
» 4 \ \ ’ ΄, / 2 ΄
ἀπέβη κατὰ τὴν Ἀριστάνδρου πρόρρησιν: ἐτρώθη

᾽ /

μὲν yap ᾿Αλέξανδρος εἰς τὸν ὦμον, ἔλαβε δὲ τὴν
πόλιν. ἀποστέλλων δὲ πολλὰ τῶν λαφύρων
, A
Ολυμπιάδι καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις, κατέ-
πεμψε καὶ Λεωνίδῃ τῷ παιδαγωγῷ τάλ

, ΤΉΜΕΡΟΝ γωγῴᾷ αντα

a 7 «
λιβανωτοῦ πεντακόσια καὶ σμύρνης ἑκατόν, ἀνα-
θ \ 5 A ἢ γεν. ς \ , fe
μνησθεὶς παιδικῆς ἐλπίδος. ὁ yap Λεωνίδης, ὡς
v > / \ Ν \ ᾽ / >
ἔοικεν, ἐν θυσίᾳ ποτὲ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐπι-
/ / an
δραξάμενον ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσὶ καὶ καθαγί-
nA θ / co / 39 Ue Ci Ae
σαντα τοῦ θυμιάματος, ταν, ἔφη, “THs

296

ALEXANDER, xxv. 1-5

to the bystanders that the city would certainly be
captured during that month. His words produced
laughter and jesting, since it was then the last day
of the month, and the king, seeing that he was per-
plexed, and being always eager to support his pro-
phecies, gave orders to reckon that day, not as the
thirtieth of the month, but as the twenty-eighth ;
and then, after the trumpet had sounded the signal,
he attacked the walls with greater vigour than he
had at first intended. The assault became fierce,
and even those troops which had been left in camp
could not restrain themselves, but ran in throngs to
help the assailants, and the Tyrians gave up the
fight. So Alexander took the city on that day.
After this, as he was giving siege to Gaza,! the
principal city of Syria, a clod of earth, which had
been dropped from on high by a bird, struck him on
the shoulder. The bird alighted on one of the bat-
tering-engines, and was at once caught in the network
of sinews which were used to give a twist to the
ropes.2_ And the omen was fulfilled as Aristander
predicted; for though Alexander was wounded in
the shoulder, he took the city. Moreover, as he
was dispatching great quantities of the spoils home
to Olympias and Cleopatra and his friends, he
sent also to Leonidas his tutor five hundred talents’
weight of frankincense and a hundred of myrrh,
in remembrance of the hope with which that
teacher had inspired his boyhood. It would seem,
namely, that Leonidas, as Alexander was one day
sacrificing and taking incense with both hands to
throw upon the altar-fire, said to him :—“ Alexander,

' During September and October of 332 B.c.
2 Cf. Curtius, Hist. Alex. iv. 6, 11 £

297

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀρωματοφόρου κρατήσῃς, ᾿Αλέξανδρε, πλουσίως
οὕτως ἐπιθυμιάσεις" νῦν δὲ φειδομένως χρῶ τοῖς
παροῦσι. τότε οὖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἔγραψε πρὸς
αὐτόν: “᾽᾿Απεστάλκαμέν σοι λιβανωτὸν ἄφθονον
καὶ σμύρναν, ὅπως παύσῃ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς μικρο-
λογούμενος.᾽

XXVI. Κιβωτίου δέ τινος αὐτῷ προσενεχθέν-
TOS, οὗ πολυτελέστερον. οὐδὲν ἐφάνη τοῖς τὰ
Δαρείου χρήματα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς παραλαμ-
βάνουσιν, ἠρώτα τοὺς φίλους ὅ τι δοκοίη μάλιστα
τῶν ἀξίων σπουδῆς εἰς αὐτὸ καταθέσθαι: πολλὰ
δὲ πολλῶν λεγόντων αὐτὸς ἔφη τὴν Ἰλιάδα
φρουρήσειν ἐνταῦθα καταθέμενος. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν
οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν ἀξιοπίστων μεμαρτυρήκασιν. εἰ
δ᾽, ὅπερ ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς λέγουσιν Ηρακλείδῃ πι-
στεύοντες, ἀληθές ἐστιν, οὔκουν ἀργὸς οὐδὲ ἀσύμ-
Boros αὐτῷ συστρατεύειν ἔοικεν “Ὅμηρος. λέγουσι
γὰρ ὅτι τῆς Αἰγύπτου κρατήσας ἐβούλετο πόλιν
μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ‘EXXAnvida συνοικίσας
ἐπώνυμον ἑαυτοῦ καταλιπεῖν, καί τινα τόπον
γνώμῃ τῶν ἀρχιτεκτόνων ὅσον οὐδέπω “διεμετρεῖτο
καὶ περιέβαλλεν. εἰτῶ νύκτωρ κοιμώμενος ὄψιν
εἶδε θαυμαστήν" ἀνὴρ πολιὸς εὖ μάλα τὴν κόμην
καὶ γεραρὸς τὸ εἶδος ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ παραστὰς
λέγειν τὰ ἔπη τάδε'

a yy / /, \ /
Νῆσος ἔπειτά τις ἔστι πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ πόντῳ,

? ΄ / / /
Αἰγύπτου προπάροιθε: Φάρον δέ € κικλήσκουσιν.

εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξαναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν Φάρον, ἣ

τότε μὲν ἔτι νῆσος ἦν, τοῦ Κανωβικοῦ μικρὸν
, la)

ἀνωτέρω στόματος, νῦν δὲ διὰ χώματος ἀνείλη-

298

ALEXANDER, xxv. 5—xxvi. 3

when thou hast conquered the spice-bearing re-
gions thou canst be thus lavish with thine incense ;
now, however, use sparingly what thou hast.” Ac-
cordingly, Alexander now wrote him: “I have sent
thee myrrh and frankincense in abundance, that thou
mayest stop dealing parsimoniously with the gods.”

XXVI. When a small coffer was brought to him,
which those in charge of the baggage and wealth of
Dareius thought the most precious thing there, he
asked his friends what valuable object they thought
would most fittingly be deposited in it. And when
many answered and there were many opinions, Alex-
ander himself said he was going to deposit the Iliad
there for safe keeping.! This is attested by many
trustworthy authorities. And if what the Alexan-
drians tell us on the authority of Heracleides is true,
then it would seem that Homer was no idle or un-
profitable companion for him in his expedition. They
say, namely, that after his conquest of Egypt he
wished to found a large and populous Greek city
which should bear his name, and by the advice of
his architects was on the point of measuring off and
enclosing a certain site for it. Then, in the night,
as he lay asleep, he saw a wonderful vision. A man
with very hoary locks and of a venerable aspect
appeared to stand by his side and recite these
verses :—

“ Now, there is an island in the much-dashing sea,
In front of Egypt; Pharos is what men call it.’’2

Accordingly, he rose up at once and went to Pharos,
which at that time was still an island, a little above
the Canobic mouth of the Nile, but now it has been

1 Cf. chapter viii. 2, 2 Odyssey, iv. 354 f.
299

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 πται πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον. ὡς οὖν εἶδε τόπον
εὐφυΐᾳ διαφέροντα (ταινία γάρ ἐστιν ἰσθμῷ
Sng p Ἶ γι μέ
> 3 “Ὁ
πλάτος ἔχοντι σύμμετρον ἐπιεικῶς διείργουσα
λίμνην τε πολλὴν καὶ θάλασσαν ἐν λιμένι
7 A > \ ς “ 9 ”
μεγάλῳ τελευτῶσαν), εἰπὼν ὡς “Ὅμηρος ἦν apa
\ ,
τά τε ἄλλα θαυμαστὸς Kal σοφώτατος ἀρχιτέ-
κτων, ἐκέλευσε διωγράψαι τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πόλεως
n / / \ a Ἂ > an
τῷ τόπῳ συναρμόττοντας. καὶ γῆ μὲν οὐ παρῆν
, “ ’ / /
λευκή, τῶν δὲ ἀλφίτων λαμβάνοντες ἐν πεδίῳ
“ f
μελαγγείῳ κυκλοτερῆ κόλπον ἦγον, οὗ τὴν ἐντὸς
a ef Ν
περιφέρειαν εὐθεῖαι βάσεις ὥσπερ ἀπὸ κρασπέδων
>] nan / ©. / 2 yy 4
εἰς σχῆμα χλαμύδος ὑπελάμβανον, ἐξ ἴσου συνά-
γουσαι τὸ μέγεθος. ἡσθέντος δὲ τῇ διαθέσει τοῦ
/ \ a a
βασιλέως αἰφνίδιον ὄρνιθες ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ
a YU x
τῆς λίμνης, πλήθει τε ἄπειροι καὶ κατὰ γένος
/
παντοδαποὶ Kal μέγεθος, ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον καταίρον-
τες νέφεσιν ἐοικότες οὐδὲ μικρὸν ὑπέλιπον τῶν
’ /
ἀλφίτων, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον διαταρα-
an ,
χθῆναι πρὸς τὸν οἰωνόν.
Ἂν, nr a
Ov μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν μάντεων θαρρεῖν παραινούν-
iy \ ay hy / ς 2
των (πολυαρκεστάτην yap οἰκίζεσθαι πόλιν UT
αὐτοῦ, καὶ παντοδαπῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐσομένην τρο-
ov) ἔργου κελεύσας ἔχεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιμελητὰς
t Ν
αὐτὸς ὥρμησεν εἰς Γλμμωνος, ὁδὸν μακρὰν καὶ
\ \ » > ΄ \ , vi
πολλὰ μὲν ἔχουσαν ἐργώδη Kal ταλαίπωρα, κινδύ-
, ἃ Μ
νους δὲ δύο, τὸν μὲν ἀνυδρίας, δι’ ἣν ἔρημός ἐστιν
> AL ς ῶ τὸ ὃ / > > 7.) » ”
οὐκ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν, τὸν δέ, εἰ λάβρος ἐν ἄμμῳ
7 \ > ων / εἰ / ΄
βαθείᾳ καὶ ἀχανεῖ πορενομένοις ἐπιπέσοι νότος,

300

68¢

ALEXANDER, xxvi. 4-6

joined to the mainland by a causeway. And when
he saw a site of surpassing natural advantages (for
it is a strip of land like enough to a broad isthmus,
extending between a great lagoon and a stretch of
sea which terminates in a large harbour), he said he
saw now that Homer was not only admirable in other
ways, but also a very wise architect, and ordered the
plan of the city to be drawn in conformity with this
site. There was no chalk at hand, so they took
barley-meal! and marked out with it on the dark
soil a rounded area, to whose inner arc straight lines
extended so as to produce the figure of a chlamys,
or military cloak, the lines beginning from the skirts
(as one may say), and narrowing the breadth of the
area uniformly.?. The king was delighted with the
design; but suddenly birds from the river and the
lagoon, infinite in number and of every sort and
size, settled down upon the place like clouds and
devoured every particle of the barley-meal, so that
even Alexander was greatly disturbed at the omen.
However, the seers exhorted him to be of good
cheer, since the city here founded by him would
have most abundant and helpful resources and be a
nursing mother for men of every nation, and so he
ordered those in charge of the work to proceed with
it, while he himself set out for the temple of Ammon.
The journey thither was long, full of toils and hard-
ships, and had two perils. One is the dearth of
water, which leaves the traveller destitute of it for
many days; the other arises when a fierce south wind
smites men travelling in sand of boundless depth,

1 Cf. Arrian, Ἅπαν. 111. 2, 1.
3 See Tarbell, ‘‘The Form of the Chlamys,” Classical
Philology, 1906, p. 285.

301

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὥς που Kal πάλαι λέγεται περὶ τὸν Καμβύσου
στρατόν, ἀναστήσας θῖνα μεγάλην καὶ κυματώσας
τὸ πεδίον μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων πέντε καταχῶσαι
καὶ διαφθεῖραι. ταῦτα πάντα σχεδὸν πάντες
ἐλογίζοντο, χαλεπὸν δὲ ἦν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀποτρέ-
ψαι πρὸς ὁτιοῦν ὡρμημένον. 1 ΓΕ γὰρ τύχη ταῖς
ἐπιβολαῖς ὑπείκουσα τὴν γνώμην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίει,
καὶ τὸ θυμοειδὲς a ἄχρι τῶν πραγμάτων ὑπεξέφερε
τὴν φιλονεικίαν ἀήττητον, οὐ μόνον πολεμίους,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τόπους καὶ καιροὺς καταβιαζομένην.
XXVII. στον γοῦν τῇ τότε πορείᾳ τὰ συντυ-
χόντα ταῖς ἀπορίαις παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθήματα
τῶν ὑστέρων χρησμῶν ἐπιστεύθη μᾶλλον' τρόπον
δέ τινα καὶ τοῖς χρησμοῖς ἡ πίστις ἐκ τούτων
ὑπῆρξε. πρῶτον “μὲν γὰρ ἐκ Διὸς ὕδωρ πολὺ
καὶ διαρκεῖς ὑετεὶ γενόμενοι τόν τε τῆς δίψης
po, Sov ἔλυσων, Kal τὴν ξηρότητα κατασβέσαντες
τῆς ἄμμου, νοτερᾶς γενομένης καὶ πρὸς αὑτὴν
ξυμπεσούσης, εὔπνουν τὸν ἀέρα καὶ καθαρώτερον
παρέσχον. ἔπειτα τῶν ὅρων, οἵπερ ἦσαν τοῖς
ὁδηγοῖς, συγχυθέντων καὶ πλάνης οὔσης καὶ
διασπασμοῦ τῶν βαδιζόντων διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν,
κόρακες ἐκφανέντες ὑπελάμβανον τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
τῆς πορείας, ἑπομένων μὲν ἔμπροσθεν πετόμενοι
καὶ σπεύδοντες, ὑστεροῦντας δὲ καὶ βραδύνοντας
ἀναμένοντες" ὃ δὲ ἣν θαυμασιώτατον, ὡς Καλλι-
σθένης φησί, ταῖς φωναῖς ἀνακαλούμενοι τοὺς

1 Cf. Herod. iii. 26.

2 According to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, two serpents served
Alexander’s army as guides to the oracle and back again.
‘But Aristobulus, whose account is generally admitted to

302

ALEXANDER, xxvr. 6—xxvil. 3

as is said to have been the case with the army of
Cambyses, long ago; the wind raised great billows
of sand all over the plain and buried up fifty thousand
men, to their utter destruction. Almost all of Alex-
ander’s followers took all these things into consider-
ation, but it was difficult to turn him aside from any
course so ever when he had once set out upon it.
For Fortune, by yielding to his onsets, was making
his purpose obstinate, and the high spirit which he
carried into his undertakings rendered his ambition
finally invincible, so that it subdued not only enemies,
but even times and places.

XXVII. At all events, during the journey which
he made at this time, the assistance rendered him by
Heaven in his perplexities met with more credence
than the oracles which he afterwards received, nay,
in a way, the oracles obtained credence in conse-
quence of such assistance. For, to begin with, much
rain from heaven and persistent showers removed
all fear of thirst, quenched the dryness of the sand,
so that it became moist and compact, and made
the air purer and good to breathe. Again, when the
marks for the guides became confused, and the
travellers were separated and wandered about in
ignorance of the route, ravens appeared and as-
sumed direction of their march,’ flying swiftly on
in front of them when they followed, and waiting
for them when they marched slowly and lagged
behind. Moreover, what was most astonishing of
all, Callisthenes tells us that the birds by their cries
called back those who straggled away in the night,

be correct, says that two ravens flew in front of the army
and acted as Alexander’s guides” (Arrian, Anab. iil.
3, ὃ £.).

393

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πλανωμένους “νύκτωρ καὶ κλάζοντες εἰς ἴχνος
καθίστασαν τῆς πορείας.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ διεξελθὼν τὴν ἔρημον ἧκεν εἰς τὸν
τόπον, ὁ μὲν προφήτης αὐτὸν ὁ ΓἌμμωνος ἀπὸ
τοῦ θεοῦ χαίρειν, ὡς ἀπὸ πατρός, προσεῖπεν' ὁ
δὲ ἐπήρετο μή τις αὐτὸν εἴη διαπεφευγὼς τῶν τοῦ
πατρὸς φονέων. εὐφημεῖν δὲ τοῦ προφήτου
κελεύσαντος, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι πατέρα θνητὸν αὐτῷ,
μετα βαλὼν ἐπυνθάνετο, τοὺς Φιλίππου φονεῖς εἰ
πάντας εἴη τετιμωρημένος" εἶτα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς,
εἰ πάντων αὐτῷ δίδωσιν ἀνθρώπων κυρίῳ γενέ-
σθαι. χρήσαντος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦτο διδόναι
καὶ Φίλιππον ἀπέχειν ἔκπλεω τὴν δίκην, ἐδωρεῖτο
τὸν θεὸν ἀναθήμασι λαμπροῖς καὶ χρήμασι τοὺς
ἀνθρώπους.

Ταῦτα περὶ τῶν χρησμῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι γρά-
φουσιν' αὐτὸς δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐν ἐπιστολῇ πρὸς
τὴν μητέρα φησὶ γεγονέναι τινὰς αὐτῷ μαντείας
ἀπορρήτους, ἃς αὐτὸς ἐπανελθὼν φράσει πρὸς
μόνην ἐκείνην. ἔνιοι δέ φασι τὸν μὲν προφήτην
“Ἑλληνιστὶ βουλόμενον προσειπεῖν μετά τινος
φιλοφροσύνης “ Ὦ παιδίον," ἐν τῷ τελευταίῳ τῶν
φθόγγων t ὑπὸ βαρβαρισμοῦ πρὸς τὸ σίγμα ἐξενε-
χθῆναι καὶ εἰπεῖν, “Ὦ παιδίος,᾽" ἀντὶ τοῦ νῦ τῷ
σίγμα χρησάμενον, ἀσμένῳ δὲ τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τὸ
σφάλμα τῆς φωνῆς γενέσθαι καὶ BiadoBiivat λό-
γον ὡς παῖδα Διὸς αὐτὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσειπόντος.
λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ψάμμωνος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τοῦ φιλο-
σόφου διακούσας ἀποδέξασθαι μάλιστα τῶν
λεχθέντων, ὦ ὅτι πάντες οἱ ἄνθρωποι βασιλεύονται
ὑπὸ θεοῦ" τὸ γὰρ ἄρχον ἐν ἑκάστῳ καὶ κρατοῦν

304

ALEXANDER, xxvu. 3-6

and cawed until they had set them in the track of
the march.

When Alexander had passed through the desert
and was come to the place of the oracle, the prophet
of Ammon gave him salutation from the god as from
a father; whereupon Alexander asked him whether
any of the murderers of his father had escaped him.
To this the prophet answered by bidding him be
guarded in his speech, since his was not a mortal
father. Alexander therefore changed the form of
his question, and asked whether the murderers of
Philip had all been punished; and then, regarding
his own empire, he asked whether it was given to
him to become lord and master of all mankind. The
god gave answer that this was given to him, and that
Philip was fully avenged. Then Alexander made
splendid offerings to the god and gave his priests
large gifts of money

This is what most writers state regarding the
oracular responses; but Alexander himself, in a
letter to his mother, says that he received certain
secret responses, which he would tell to her, and to
her alone, on his return. And some say that the
prophet, wishing to show his friendliness by address-
ing him with “Ὁ paidion,” or O my son, in his foreign
pronunciation ended the words with “s”’ instead of
“‘n,” and said, “O paidios,” and that Alexander was
pleased at the slip in pronunciation, and a story
became current that the god had addressed him
with “O pai Dios,” or O son of Zeus. We are told,
also, that he listened to the teachings of Psammon
the philosopher in Egypt, and accepted most readily
this utterance of his, namely, that all mankind are
under the kingship of God, since in every case that

325

PLUTARCH’S ‘LIVES

a Yj \ a Ν ΄
θεῖόν ἐστιν: ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτὸς περὶ τούτων 6G
, , \ , e ΄
φιλοσοφώτερον δοξάξειν καὶ λέγειν, ὡς πάντων
» ΄ f
μὲν ὄντα κοινὸν ἀνθρώπων πατέρα τὸν θεόν, ἰδί-
a \ ’
ους δὲ ποιούμενον ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἀρίστους.
= , \ \ \
XXVIII. Καθόλου δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς BapBa-
Ν 5 \ / ,
ρους σοβαρὸς ἣν καὶ σφόδρα πεπεισμένῳ περὶ
an a / \ ¢ a
τῆς ἐκ θεοῦ γενέσεως καὶ τεκνώσεως ὅμοιος, τοῖς
ἈΠ ἢ / ‘ e / € \
δὲ “ἕλλησι μετρίως καὶ ὑποφειδομένως ἑαυτὸν
/ \ \ iy / ΟῚ
ἐξεθείαζε: πλὴν περὶ Σάμου γράφων ᾿Αθηναίοις,
nap. & \ > 99 / Ce ans 7, ,
[γὼ μὲν οὐκ av, φησιν, “ὑμῖν ἐλευθέραν πό-
\
λιν ἔδωκα καὶ ἔνδοξον: ἔχετε δὲ αὐτὴν λαβόντες
NX a ΓΑ / \ \ lal
παρὰ τοῦ τότε κυρίου καὶ πατρὸς ἐμοῦ προσαγο-
7 ” 7 Ν 7 e/ \
ρευομένου, λέγων TOV Φιλιππον. ὕστερον δὲ
a AN Ὁ \ ie
πληγῇ περιπεσὼν ὑπὸ τοξεύματος Kal περιαλγὴς
΄ “ΠΡ a LESS COS: 4 NP ARGS,
γενόμενος, “Τοῦτο μέν,᾽ εἶπεν, “ ὦ φίλοι, TO ῥέον
αἷμα, καὶ οὐκ

ΕῚ , a? , (oy? 7 a 3
ὑχώρ, οιος TEP TE Peel μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν.

5 \ \ 7 \ = ,
ἐπεὶ δὲ μεγάλης ποτὲ βροντῆς γενομένης καὶ
, ? Ἑ
πάντων ἐκπλαγέντων ᾿Ανάξαρχος ὁ σοφιστὴς
fd “

παρὼν ἔφη πρὸς αὐτόν, “Μή τι σὺ τοιοῦτον ὁ

τοῦ Διός; ᾿ γελάσας ἐκεῖνος, “Ov βούλομαι yap,”
5 ‘ce \ 3 “-“ / “ /

εἶπε, “φοβερὸς εἶναι τοῖς φίλοις, ὥσπερ σύ με

/ \ val ¢ a

κελεύεις ὁ καταφαυλίζων μου TO δεῖπνον, ὅτι ταῖς

/ € rn

τραπέζαις ἰχθύας ὁρᾷς ἐπικειμένους, ov σατρα-

lal / 39 la \ ” i \ 3 ,

Tov κεφαλάς. τῷ yap ὄντι λέγεται Tov ’Ava-

¢ / \

Eapxov ἰχθυδίων. Ἡφαιστίωνι πεμφθέντων ὑπὸ

τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν προειρημένον ἐπιφϑέγξασθαι

λόγον, οἷον ἐξευτελίζοντα καὶ κατειρωνευόμενον

306

ALEXANDER, xxvul. 6-xxvill. 3

which gets the mastery and rules is divine. Still
more philosophical, however, was his own opinion
and utterance on this head, namely that although
God was indeed a common father of all mankind,
still, He made peculiarly His own the noblest and
best of them.

XXVIII. In general, he bore himself haughtily
towards the Barbarians, and like one fully persuaded
of his divine birth and parentage, but with the Greeks
it was within limits and somewhat rarely that he
assumed his own divinity. However, in writing to
the Athenians concerning Samos, he said: “I cannot
have given you that free and illustrious city; for ye
received it from him who was then your master and
was called my father,” meaning Philip. At a later
time, however, when he had been hit by an arrow
and was suffering great pain, he said: “This, my
friends, that flows here, is blood, and not

‘Ichor, such as flows from the veins of the blessed
gods.” *

Once, too, there came a great peal of thunder, and
all were terrified at it; whereupon Anaxarchus the
sophist who was present said to Alexander : “ Couldst
thou, the son of Zeus, thunder like that?” At this,
Alexander laughed and said: “ Nay, I do not wish to
cause fear in my friends, as thou wouldst have me
do, thou who despisest my suppers because, as thou
sayest, thou seest the tables furnished with fish, and
not with satraps’ heads.’’? For, in fact, we are told
that Anaxarchus, on seeing a present of small fish
which the king had sent to Hephaestion, had uttered
the speech above mentioned, as though he were dis-

1 Tlad, v. 340. 2 Cf. Athenaeus, pp. 250 f.
59.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ / If f Ἂν, Ψ,
τοὺς τὰ περίβλεπτα μεγάλοις πόνοις καὶ κινδύ-
νοις διώκοντας, ὡς οὐδὲν ἢ μικρὸν ἐν ἡδοναῖς και
’ ΄ / ” a ” © o> 96
ἀπολαύσεσι πλέον ἔχοντας τῶν ἄλλων. ὁ δ᾽ οὖν
᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰρημένων δῆλός ἐστιν
αὐτὸς οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς οὐδὲ τετυφωμένος, ἀλλὰ
τοὺς ἄλλους καταδουλούμενος τῇ δόξῃ τῆς θειό-
τητος.

XXIX. Εἰς δὲ Φοινίκην ἐπανελθὼν ἐξ Αἰγύ-

, a a
πτου θυσίας τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ πομπὰς ἐπετέλει Kal
χορῶν κυκλίων καὶ τραγικῶν ἀγῶνας, οὐ μόνον

A lal » Ν Ν lal e fe
ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς aptrAXAaLS λαμ-
προὺς γενομένους. ἐχορήγουν γὰρ οἱ βασιλεῖς

a / ef 2 , e ’ὔ
τῶν Κυπρίων, ὥσπερ ᾿Αθήνησιν οἱ κληρούμενοι
\ xX ΄ \ ’ iC θ A x 7
τὰς φυλάς, καὶ ἠγωνίζοντο θαυμαστῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ

\ ’ / / \ / e

πρὸς ἀλλήλους. μάλιστα δὲ Νικοκρέων ὁ Σαλα-
ἘΣ ς ,
μίνιος Kat Πασικράτης ὁ Σόλιος διεφιλονείκησαν.
οὗτοι γὰρ ἔλαχον τοῖς ἐνδοξοτάτοις ὑποκριταῖς
a , \ ᾽ ,
χορηγεῖν, Πασικράτης μὲν ᾿Αθηνοδόρῳ, Nixo-
, ἈΝ nA ieee) ΄ \ SyrusN
κρέων δὲ Θεσσαλῷ, περὶ ὃν ἐσπουδάκει Kal αὐτὸς
> \ /
᾿Αλέξανδρος. οὐ μὴν διέφηνε τὴν σπουδὴν πρό-
3 6 / b] a “
τερον ἢ ταῖς ψήφοις ἀναγορευθῆναι νικῶντα τὸν
"AG "ὃ Εν 7 ὃ / ld ” ’ \ a \
nvodwpov. τότε δέ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀπιὼν ἔφη TOUS
ἣν a
μὲν κριτὰς ἐπαινεῖν, αὐτὸς μέντοι μέρος ἂν ἡδέως
/ “ / 2 \ a i‘ A
προέσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ Θεσσαλὸν
3, va / > \ ἈΠ: / ς Ν A
ἰδεῖν νενικημένον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ᾿Αθηνόδωρος ὑπὸ τῶν
’ / , “ \ \ > r A
Αθηναίων ζημιωθείς, ὅτι πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν
/ ᾽ ’ /
Διονυσίων οὐκ ἀπήντησεν, ἠξίου γράψαι περὶ

308

ALEXANDER, xxvin. 3-XXIX. 3

paraging and ridiculing those who undergo great
toils and dangers in the pursuit of eminence and
power, since in the way of enjoyments and pleasures
they have little or nothing more than other men.
From what has been said, then, it is clear that Alex-
ander himself was not foolishly affected or puffed
up by the belief in his divinity, but used it for the
subjugation of others.

XXIX. When he had returned from Egypt into
Phoenicia,! he honoured the gods with sacrifices and
solemn processions, and held contests of dithyrambic
choruses and tragedies which were made brilliant,
not only by their furnishings, but also by the com-
petitors who exhibited them. For the kings of
Cyprus were the choregi, or exhibitors, just like, at
Athens, those chosen by lot from the tribes, and
they competed against each other with amazing
ambition. Most eager of all was the contention
between Nicocreon of Salamis and Pasicrates of Soli.
For the lot assigned to these exhibitors the most
celebrated actors, to Pasicrates Athenodorus, and to
Nicocreon Thessalus, in whose success Alexander
himself was interested. He did not reveal this in-
terest, however, until, by the votes of the judges,
Athenodorus had been proclaimed victor. But then,
as it would appear, on leaving the theatre, he said
that he approved the decision of the judges, but
would gladly have given up a part of his kingdom
rather than to have seen Thessalus vanquished. And
yet, when Athenodorus, who had been fined by the
Athenians for not keeping his engagement in the
dramatic contest of their Dionysiac festival, asked
the king to write a letter to them in his behalf,

1 Karly 1η 991] B.c.

VOL, ὙΠ], 1. $92

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

’ a Ν / la} \ b » , A
αὐτοῦ τὸν βασιλέα, τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐποίησε, τὴν
\ / > / > ς ἴω sf \
δὲ ζημίαν ἀπέστειλε παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ. Λύκωνος δὲ
an / na al
Tov Σκαρφέως εὐημεροῦντος ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ
ἱψ 3 \ / ,
στίχον εἰς τὴν κωμῳδίαν ἐμβαλόντος αἴτησιν
περιέχοντα δέκα ταλάντων, γελάσας ἔδωκε.
Δαρείου δὲ πέμψαντος ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν
Ν , 7 7 \ G \ “ e
καὶ φίλους δεομένους μύρια μὲν ὑπὲρ TOV ἑαλω-
a \
κότων λαβεῖν τάλαντα, THY δὲ ἐντὸς Εὐφράτου
πᾶσαν ἔχοντα καὶ γήμαντα μίαν τῶν θυγατέρων
φίλον εἶναι καὶ σύμμαχον, ἐκοινοῦτο τοῖς ἑταί-
\ ’ 2 , cc? \ / =
pow καὶ ἸΙαρμενίωνος εἰπόντος “᾿γὼ μέν, εἰ
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἤμην, ἔλαβον ἂν ταῦτα, “ Kayo,
᾽᾽ 3 e /
νὴ Mia,” εἶπεν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, “ εἰ Tlappeviwv.”
Ν \ \ a ” e > \ > /
πρὸς δὲ τὸν Δαρεῖον ἔγραψεν, ws οὐδενὸς ἀτυχή-
“ , 2 Ν \ > ld > \ /
σει τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἐλθὼν πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ δὲ μή,
αὐτὸς ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη πορεύεσθαι.
XXX. Ταχὺ μέντοι μετεμελήθη τῆς Δαρείου
γυναικὸς ἀποθανούσης ἐν ὠδῖσι" καὶ φανερὸς ἣν
/
ἀνιώμενος. ὡς ἐπίδειξιν οὐ μικρὰν ἀφῃρημένος
/ 9 \
χρηστότητος. ἔθαψεν οὖν τὴν ἄνθρωπον ov-
na δ , ie an
δεμιᾶς πολυτελείας φειδόμενος. τῶν δὲ θαλαμη-
Α € a
πόλων τις εὐνούχων, Of συνεαλώκεισαν ταῖς γυ-
ναιξίν, ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ πρὸς
a / ΄
Δαρεῖον ἀφιππασάμενος, είρεως ὄνομα, φράζει
τὸν θάνατον αὐτῷ τῆς γυναικός. ὡς δὲ πληξά-
\ \ \ > , 6c fa) A
μενος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ ἀνακλαύσας “Ded Tod
“ / a
Περσῶν ᾿ ἔφη “δαίμονος, εἰ τὴν βασιλέως γυναῖ-
\ > \ > ᾿ ’ ΄ 7
κα καὶ ἀδελφὴν οὐ μόνον αἰχμάλωτον γενέσθαι

210

θξ

ALEXANDER, xxix. 3—xxx. 2

though he would not do this, he sent them the
amount of the fine from his own purse. Furthermore,
when Lycon of Scarpheia, who was acting success-
fully before Alexander, inserted into the comedy a
verse containing a request for ten talents, Alexander
laughed and gave them to him.!

When Dareius sent to him a letter and friends,?
begging him to accept ten thousand talents as ransom
for the captives, to hold all the territory this side
of the Euphrates, to take one of his daughters in
marriage, and on these terms to be his ally and
friend, Alexander imparted the matter to his com-
panions. “If I were Alexander,” said Parmenio, “ I
would accept these terms.’’ “ And so indeed would
I,” said Alexander, “were I Parmenio.” But to
Dareius he wrote: “Come to me, and thou shalt
receive every courtesy; but otherwise I shall march
at once against thee.” 3

XXX. Soon, however, he repented him of this
answer, when the wife of Dareius died in child-
birth, and it was evident that he was distressed at
this loss of opportunity to show great kindness.
Accordingly, he gave the woman a sumptuous burial.
One of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber who had
been captured with the women, Teireos by name,
ran away from the camp, made his way on horseback
to Dareius, and told him of the death of his wife.
Then the king, beating upon his head and bursting
into lamentation, said: “ Alas for the evil genius of
the Persians, if the sister and wife of their king

1 Cf. Morals, pp. 334 f.

* This was during the siege of Tyre, according to Arrian
Εἰ πα 1 25 sib).

* This was but the conclusion of an arrogant letter. Cf.
Arrian, Anab. ii. 25, 3.

311

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

fal 2) \ \ , ” A
ζῶσαν, ἀλλὰ Kal τελευτήσασαν ἄμοιρον κεῖσθαι
a a x «ς /
ταφῆς βασιλικῆς, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ θαλαμηπόλος,

n 3» τ 5 rn
“᾿Αλλὰ ταφῆς ye Yap, εἶπεν, “ὦ βασιλεῦ,
- “ Ν 7
καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης καὶ τοῦ πρέποντος οὐδὲν ἔχεις
\ 7 lal
αἰτιάσασθαι τὸν πονηρὸν δαίμονα Περσῶν. οὔτε
a / / \ \ A
yap ζώσῃ τῇ δεσποίνῃ Στατείρᾳ καὶ μητρὶ σῇ Kal
“ / an nr
τέκνοις ἐνέδει τῶν πρόσθεν ἀγαθῶν Kal καλῶν ἢ
Ν x € n a A y? 2 ΄ \
τὸ σὺν opav φῶς, ὃ πάλιν ἀναλάμψει λαμπρὸν
΄ an /
ὁ κύριος ᾿Ωρομάσδης, οὔτε ἀποθανοῦσα κόσμου
fe \ \ Δ ,
τινὸς ἄμοιρος γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολεμίων τετί-
μηται δάκρυσιν. οὕτω γὰρ ἔστι χρηστὸς κρατή-
σας ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ὡς δεινὸς μαχόμενος.
\
Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντα Δαρεῖον ἡ ταραχὴ Kal τὸ
΄, 2 / \ G / » “ \ Ν
πάθος ἐξέφερε πρὸς ὑποψίας ἀτόπους" καὶ τὸν
rn / an an , >
εὐνοῦχον ἐνδοτέρω τῆς σκηνῆς ἀπαγαγών, “Εἰ
\ a Ἢ “Ὁ ” 7 Ἢ
μὴ καὶ σὺ μετὰ τῆς ἰϊερσῶν,᾽ ἔφη, “τύχης μακε-
/ ’ >, + / > Ν a > /
dovifers, ἀλλ᾽ ETL σοι δεσπότης ἐγὼ Δαρεῖος, εἰπέ
/ A’ na / \ \
μοι σεβόμενος Μίθρου τε φῶς μέγα καὶ δεξιὰν
, > \ \ / rn
βασίλειον, ἄρα μὴ τὰ μικρότατα τῶν Στατείρας
lal / N
κλαίω κακῶν, οἰκτρότερα δὲ ζώσης ἐπάσχομεν,
rn By) Ψ na “
καὶ μᾶλλον ἂν κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ἐδυστυχοῦμεν ὠμῷ καὶ
A , la ,ὔ \
σκυθρωπῷ περιπεσόντες ἐχθρῷ; τί yap εὐπρεπὲς
> \ ’ Ν > a a n
ἀνδρὶ νέῳ πρὸς ἐχθροῦ γυναῖκα μέχριϊ τιμῆς
/ , ” , fal
τοσαύτης συμβόλαιον; ᾿ ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ
Ἀν wa 2h \ / , ἐδ. \ e /
καταβαλὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας Τείρεως αὑτὸν ἱκέ-
b] Lal \ / an
τευεν εὐφημεῖν καὶ μήτε ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀδικεῖν
\ lal r
μήτε τὴν τεθνεῶσαν ἀδελφὴν καὶ γυναῖκα καται-
σχῦναι, μήτε αὑτοῦ τὴν μεγίστην ὧν ἔπταικεν

1 μέχρι Coraés and Bekker: καὶ μέχρι.

312

ALEXANDER, xxx. 2-5

must not only become a captive in her life, but also
in her death be deprived of royal burial.” “ Nay,
O King,” answered the chamberlain, “as regards her
burial, and her receiving every fitting honour, thou
hast no charge to make against the evil genius of
the Persians. For neither did my mistress Stateira,
while she lived, or thy mother or thy children, lack
any of their former great blessings except the light
of thy countenance, which Lord Oromazdes will
cause to shine again with lustre; nor after her death
was she deprived of any funeral adornment, nay,
she was honoured with the tears of enemies. For
Alexander is as gentle after victory as he is terrible
in battle.”

When Dareius heard this, his agitation and grief
swept him into absurd suspicions, and leading the
eunuch away into a more secluded part of his tent,
he said: ‘If thou also, together with the fortune
of the Persians, dost not side with the Macedonians,
and if I, Dareius, am still thy lord and master, tell
me, as thou reverest the great light of Mithras and
the right hand of thy king, is it not the least of
Stateira’s misfortunes that I am now lamenting?
While she was alive did I not suffer more pitiful
evils? And would not my wretched fortune have
been more compatible with my honour if I had met
with an angry and savage enemy? For what inter-
course that is proper can a young man have with
an enemy's wife when it leads to such marks of
honour?’’ While the king was still speaking, Tei-
reos threw himself down at his feet and besought
him to hold his peace, and neither to wrong Alex-
ander, nor shame his dead sister and wife, nor rob
himself of the greatest consolation for his disasters,

919

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀφαιρεῖσθαι παραμυθίαν, τὸ δοκεῖν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς
ἡττῆσθαι κρείττονος ἢ ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύ-
σιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ θαυμάζειν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὡς πλείονα
ταῖς Περσῶν γυναιξὶ σωφροσύνην ἢ Πέρσαις
ἀνδρείαν ἐπ ἐδεδευγμένον. ἅμα δὲ ὅρκους τε φρι-
κώδεις τοῦ ᾿θαλαμηπόλου κινοῦντος ὑπὲρ τούτων,
καὶ περὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐγκρατείας καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας
τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου λέγοντος, ἐξελθὼν πρὸς τοὺς
ἑταίρους ὁ Δαρεῖος καὶ χεῖρας ἀνατεί,ἀς πρὸς τὸν
οὐρανὸν ἐπεύξατο" “Θεοὶ γενέθλιοι ταὶ βασίλειοι,
μάλιστα μὲν ἐμοὶ διδοίητε τὴν Περσῶν τύχην εἰς
ὀρθὸν αὖθις σταθεῖσαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐδεξώμην ἀγαθοῖς
ἀπολιπεῖν, ἵνα κρατήσας ἀμείψωμαι τὰς ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρου χάριτας ὧν εἰς τὰ φίλτατα πταίσας ἔτυχον"
εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα τίς οὗτος εἱμαρτὸς ἥκει χρόνος, ὀφειλό-
μενος νεμέσει καὶ μεταβολῇ, παύσασθαι τὰ Llep-
σῶν, μηδεὶς ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων καθίσειεν εἰς τὸν
Κύρου θρόνον πλὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου." ταῦτα μὲν
οὕτω γενέσθαι τε καὶ λεχθῆναί φασιν οἱ πλεῖστοι
τῶν συγγραφέων.

XXXI. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ τὴν ἐντὸς τοῦ Εὐφρά-
του πᾶσαν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ ποιησάμενος ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ
Δαρεῖον ἑκατὸν μυριάσι στρατοῦ καταβαίνοντα.
Kat τις αὐτῷ φράζει τῶν ἑταίρων, ὡς δὴ γέλωτος
ἄξιον πρᾶγμα, τοὺς ἀκολούθους παίζοντας εἰς
δύο μέρη διῃρηκέναι σφᾶς αὐτούς, ὧν ἑκατέρου
στρατηγὸν εἶναι καὶ ἡγεμόνα, τὸν μὲν ᾿Αλέξαν-
Spov, τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν προσαγορευό-
μενον" ἀρξαμένους δὲ βώλοις ἀκροβολίζεσθαι
πρὸς ἀλλήλους, εἰτὰ πυγμαῖς, τέλος ἐκκεκαῦσθαι
τῇ φιλονεικίᾳ καὶ μέχρι λίθων καὶ ξύλων, πολ-

314

ALEXANDER, xxx. 5—xxx1. 2

namely, the belief that he had been conquered by a
man who was superior to human nature; nay, he
should even admire Alexander for having shown
greater self-restraint in dealing with Persian women
than valour against Persian men. Then, while the
eunuch was confirming his testimony with the most
solemn oaths, and discoursing on the general self-
mastery and magnanimity of Alexander, Dareius
went out to his companions, and lifting his hands
towards heaven, prayed : “O ye gods of my race and
kingdom, above all things else grant that 1 may leave
the fortune of Persia reéstablished in the prosperity
wherein I found it, in order that my victory may
enable me to requite Alexander for the favours which
I received at his hands when I had lost my dearest
possessions; but if, then, a fated time has now come,
due to divine jealousy and the vicissitudes of things,
and the sway of the Persians must cease, grant that
no other man may sit upon the throne of Cyrus but
Alexander.” That these things were thus done and
said is the testimony of most historians.!

XXXI. But to return to Alexander, when he had
subdued all the country on this side of the Euphrates,
he marched against Dareius,? who was coming down
to meet him with a million men. On this march
one of his companions told him, as a matter worth
laughing at, that the camp-followers, in sport, had
divided themselves into two bands, and set a general
and commander over each of them, one of whom
they called Alexander, and the other Dareius; and
that they had begun by pelting one another with
clods of earth, then had fought with their fists, and
finally, heated with the desire of battle, had taken

‘Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 20. ? In June or July of 331 B.c.
315

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ , a >
λοὺς Kal δυσκαταπαύστους γεγονότας. ταῦτα 6!

ἀκούσας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς μονομαχῆσαι τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας" καὶ τὸν μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον αὐτὸς ὥπλισε,
τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον Φιλώτας. ἐθεᾶτο δὲ ὁ στρατός,
ἐν οἰωνῷ τινι τοῦ μέλλοντος τιθέμενος τὸ γιγνό-
μενον. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ τῆς μάχης γενομένης ἐνίκησεν
ὁ καλούμενος ᾿Αλέξανδρος, καὶ δωρεὰν ἔλαβε
δώδεκα κώμας καὶ στολῇ Περσικῇ χρῆσθαι.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ᾿Ερατοσθένης ἱ ἱστόρηκε.

Τὴν δὲ μεγάλην “μάχην πρὸς Δαρεῖον οὐκ ἐν
᾿Αρβήλοις, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ γράφουσιν, ἀλλὰ ἐν
Γαυγαμήλοις γενέσθαι συνέπεσε. σημαίνειν δέ
φασιν οἶκον καμήλου τὴν διάλεκτον, ἐπεὶ τῶν
πάλαι τις βασιλέων ἐκφυγὼν πολεμίους ἐπὶ
καμήλου δρομάδος ἐνταῦθα καθίδρυσεν αὐτήν,
ἀποτάξας τινὰς κώμας καὶ προσόδους εἰς τὴν
ἐπιμέλειαν. ἡ μὲν οὖν σελήνη τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος
ἐξέλιπε περὶ τὴν τῶν μυστηρίων τῶν ᾿Αθήνησιν
ἀρχήν, ἑνδεκάτῃ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκλείψεως νυκτὶ
τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐν ὄψει γεγονότων, Δαρεῖος μὲν
ἐν ὅπλοις συνεῖχε τὴν δύναμιν, ὑπὸ λαμπάδων
ἐπιπορευόμενος τὰς τάξεις, ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ τῶν
Μακεδόνων ἀναπαυομένων αὐτὸς πρὸ τῆς σκη-
νῆς μετὰ τοῦ “μάντεως ᾿Δριστάνδρου διέτριβεν,
ἱερουργίας τινὰς ἀπορρήτους ἱερουργούμενος καὶ
τῷ Φόβῳ σφαγιαζόμενος. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι
τῶν ἑταίρων, καὶ μάλιστα Παρμενίων, ὡς τὸ μὲν
πεδίον τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ Νιφάτου καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν
τῶν Τορδυαίων ἅπαν ἑωρᾶτο καταλαμπόμενον
τοῖς βαρβαρικοῖς φέγγεσιν, ἀτέκμαρτος δέ τις
φωνὴ συμμεμιγμένη καὶ θόρυβος ἐκ τοῦ στρατο-

316

ALEXANDER, xxxt. 2-5

to stones and sticks, being now many and hard to
quell. When he heard this, Alexander ordered the
leaders themselves to fight in single combat; to the
one called Alexander he himself gave armour, and
to the one called Dareius, Philotas. The army were
spectators of the combat, counting the issue as in
some measure an omen of the future. After a
strenuous battle, the one called Alexander was vic-
torious, and received as a reward twelve villages and
the right to wear Persian dress. This, at any rate,
is what we are told by Eratosthenes.

Now, the great battle against Dareius was not
fought at Arbela, as most writers state, but at Gau-
gamela.! The word signifies, we are told, “ camel’s
house,” since one of the ancient kings of the country,
after escaping from his enemies on a swift camel,
gave the animal a home here, assigning certain vil-
lages and revenues for its maintenance. It so hap-
pened that in the month Boédromion the moon
suffered an eclipse,? about the beginning of the
Mysteries at Athens, and on the eleventh night
after the eclipse, the armies being now in sight of
one another, Dareius kept his forces under arms, and
held a review of them by torch-light; but Alex-
ander, while his Macedonians slept, himself passed
the night in front of his tent with his seer Aristander,
celebrating certain mysterious sacred rites and sacri-
ficing to the god Fear. Meanwhile the older of his
companions, and particularly Parmenio, when they
saw the plain between the Niphates and the Gor-
dyaean mountains all lighted up with the barbarian
fires, while an indistinguishably mingled and _ tu-
multuous sound of voices arose from their camp as

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 8, 7. 2 September 20, 331 B.c.
317

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πέδου καθάπερ ἐξ ἀχανοῦς προσήχει πελάγους,
θαυμάσαντες τὸ πλῆθος καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους
διαλεχθέντες ὡς μέγα καὶ χαλεπὸν ἔργον εἴη
συμπεσόντας ἐκ προφανοῦς τοσοῦτον ὦσασθαι

πόλεμον, ἀπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ
προσελθόντες ἔπειθον αὐτὸν ἐπιχειρῆσαι νύκτωρ
τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ σκότῳ τὸ φοβερώτατον
συγκαλύψαι τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀγῶνος. ὁ δὲ τὸ
μνημονευόμενον εἰπων, “Οὐ κλέπτω τὴν νίκην,"
ἐνίοις μὲν ἔδοξε μειρακιώδη καὶ κενὴν ἀπόκρισιν
πεποιῆσθαι, παίζων πρὸς τοσοῦτον κίνδυνον,
ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ τῷ παρόντι θαρρεῖν καὶ στοχάζεσθαι
τοῦ μέλλοντος ὀρθῶς, μὴ διδοὺς πρόφασιν ἡττη-
θέντι Δαρείῳ πρὸς ἄλλην αὖθις ἀναθαρρῆσαι
πεῖραν, αἰτιωμένῳ τούτων νύκτα καὶ σκότος,
ὡς ὅρη καὶ στενὰ καὶ θάλασσαν τῶν προτέρων.
οὐ γὰρ ὅπλων οὐδὲ σωμάτων ἀπορίᾳ παύσεσθαι
πολεμοῦντα Δαρεῖον ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης, δυνάμεως
καὶ ὶ χώρας τοσαύτης, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἀφῇ τὸ φρόνημα
καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα, δι᾿ ἐμφανοῦς ἥττης κατὰ κράτος
ἐξελεγχθείς.

XXXII. ᾿Απελθόντων δὲ τούτων κατακλιθεὶς
ὑπὸ σκηνὴν λέγεται τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς νυκτὸς
ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ κρατηθῆναι παρὰ τὸ εἰωθός, ὥστε
θαυμάζειν ἐπελθόντας ὄρθρον, τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ
Tap αὑτῶν ἐξενεγκεῖν παράγγελμα πρῶτον
ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι τοὺς στρατιώτας" ἔπειτα τοῦ
καιροῦ κατεπείγοντος εἰσελθόντα Llappeviwva
καὶ παραστάντα τῇ κλίνῃ δὶς ἢ τρὶς αὐτοῦ φθέγ-
ξασθαι τοὔνομα" καὶ διεγερθέντος οὕτως ἐρωτᾶν

318

ALEXANDER, xxx1. 5—xxxu. I

if from a vast ocean, were astonished at their multi-
tude and argued with one another that it was a great
and grievous task to repel such a tide of war by
engaging in broad day-light. They therefore waited
upon the king when he had finished his sacrifices,
and tried to persuade him to attack the enemy by
night, and so to cover up with darkness the most
fearful aspect of the coming struggle. But he gave
them the celebrated answer, “1 will not steal my
victory’; whereupon some thought that he had
made a vainglorious reply, and was jesting in the
presence of so great a peril. Others, however,
thought that he had confidence in the present situ-
ation and estimated the future correctly, not offering
Dareius in case of defeat an excuse to pluck up
courage again for another attempt, by laying the
blame this time upon darkness and night, as he had
before upon mountains, defiles, and sea.!_ For Dareius
would not give up the war for lack of arms or men
when he could draw from so great a host and so
vast a territory, but only when he had lost courage
and hope, under the conviction brought by a down-
right defeat in broad day-light.

XXXII. After the men were gone, Alexander lay
down in his tent, and is said to have passed the rest
of the night in a deeper sleep than usual, so that
when his officers came to him in the early morning
they were amazed, and on their own authority issued
orders that the soldiers should first take breakfast.
Then, since the occasion was urgent, Parmenio
entered the tent, and standing by his couch called
Alexander twice or thrice by name; and when he

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 10, where it is Parmenio who
advises a night attack.

319

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

6 τι δὴ πεπονθὼς ὕπνον καθεύδοι νενικηκότος,
οὐχὶ μέλλοντος ἀγωνιεῖσθαι τὸν μέγιστον τῶν
ἀγώνων. τὸν γοῦν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν διαμειδιά-
σαντα “Ti γάρ; οὐκ ἤδη σοι νενικηκέναι δοκοῦ-
μεν ἀπηλλαγμένοι τοῦ πλανᾶσθαι καὶ διώκειν
ἐν πολλῇ καὶ κατεφθαρμένῃ φυγομαχοῦντα χώρᾳ
Δαρεῖον: ” ov μόνον € πρὸ τῆς μάχης, ἀλλὰ καὶ
Tap αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐπεδείξατο μέγαν καὶ
συνεστηκότα τῷ λογίζεσθαι καὶ θαρρεῖν ἑαυτόν.
ἔσχε “γὰρ ὁ ἀγὼν ὑποτροπὴν καὶ σάλον ἐν τῷ
εὐωνύμῳ κέρατι κατὰ Llappeviwva, τῆς Βακτρι-
ανῆς ἵππου ῥόθῳ πολλῷ καὶ μετὰ βίας παρεμ-
πεσούσης εἰς τοὺς Μακεδόνας, Μαζαίου δὲ
περιπέμψαντος ἔξω τῆς φάλωγγος ἱππεῖς τοῖς
σκευοφυλακοῦσι προσβαλοῦντας. διὸ καὶ θορυ-
βούμενος ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ὁ Ἰ]αρμενίων ἀπέστειλε
πρὸς A λέξανδρον ἀγγέλους φράξοντας οἴχεσθαι
\
τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευάς, εἰ μὴ κατὰ τάχος
βοήθειαν ὁ ὀχυρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος πέμψειε τοῖς
ὄπισθεν. ἔτυχε μὲν οὖν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ τοῖς

περὶ αὐτὸν ἐφόδου διδοὺς σημεῖον" ὡς δὲ ἤκουσε,

τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Παρμενίωνος, οὐκ ἔφη σωφρονεῖν
αὐτὸν οὐδὲ ἐντὸς εἶναι τῶν λογισμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπι-
λελῆσθαι ταραττόμενον ὅτι νικῶντες μὲν προσκτή-
σονται καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων, ἡττωμένοις δὲ
φροντιστέον οὐ χρημάτων οὐδὲ ἀνδραπόδων, ἀλλ᾽
ὅπως ἀποθανοῦνται καλῶς καὶ λαμπρῶς ἀγωνι-
ζόμενοι.

Taor τα ἐπιστείλας Παρμενίωνι τὸ κράνος περι-
έθετο, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον ὁπλισμὸν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς

220

684

ALEXANDER, xxxi. 1-5

had thus roused him, he asked him how he could
possibly sleep as if he were victorious, instead of
being about to fight the greatest of all his battles.
Then Alexander said with a smile: ‘‘ What, pray ἢ
Dost thou not think that we are already victorious,
now that we are relieved from wandering about in a
vast and desolated country in pursuit of a Dareius
who avoids a battle?” And not only before the
battle, but also in the very thick of the struggle did
he show himself great, and firm in his confident
calculations. For in the battle the left wing under
Parmenio was thrown back and in distress, when the
Bactrian cavalry fell upon the Macedonians with
great impetuosity and violence, and when Mazaeus
sent horsemen round outside the line of battle to
attack those who were guarding the Macedonian
baggage. Therefore, too, Parmenio, much disturbed
by both occurrences, sent messengers to Alexander
telling him that eamp and baggage were gone, unless
he speedily sent strong reinforcements from front to
rear.! Now, it chanced that at that instant Alex-
ander was about to give the signal for the onset to
those under his command ; but when he heard Par-
menio’s message, he declared that Parmenio was
beside himself and had lost the use of his reason,
and had forgotten in his distress that victors add the
baggage of the enemy to their own, and that those
who are vanquished must not think about their
wealth or their slaves, but only how they may fight
gloriously and die with honour.

After sending this message to Parmenio, he put on
his helmet, but the rest of his armour he had on as

1 Of. Arrian, Anab. iii. 15, 1, where Parmenio’s message
recalls Alexander from the pursuit of Dareius.

321

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἶχεν, ὑπένδυμα TOV Σικελικῶν ζωστόν, ἐπὶ δὲ
τούτῳ θώρακα διπλοῦν λινοῦν ἐκ τῶν ληφθέντων
ἐν Ισσῷ. τὸ δὲ κράνος ἣν μὲν σιδηροῦν, ἔστιλβε
ose ρ ἣν μα Πρ 3
\ “ Μ / yA 7
δὲ ὥσπερ ἄργυρος καθαρός, ἔργον Θεοφίλου,
an ¢e
συνήρμοστο δὲ αὐτῷ περιτραχήλιον ὁμοίως σιδη-
nr / ia \ \
ροῦν, λιθοκόλλητον: μάχαιραν δὲ θαυμαστὴν
βαφῇ καὶ κουφότητι, δωρησαμένου τοῦ ἸΚιτιέων
΄ 3 > / N \ a
βασιλεως, εἶχεν, NOKNMEVOS τὰ πολλὰ χρῆσθαι
μαχαίρᾳ παρὰ τὰς μάχας. ἐπιπόρπωμα δὲ ἐφόρει
n \ 5 , 7, A NX Ν Μ
τῇ μὲν ἐργάσιῃ ooSapwrepov ἢ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον
e / εν yy 3 Lal rn
ὁπλισμόν: ἣν yap ἔργον ᾿Ιλικῶνος τοῦ παλαιοῦ,
a / nr
τιμὴ δὲ τῆς Ῥοδίων πόλεως, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἐδόθη δῶρον'
ἐχρῆτο δὲ καὶ τούτῳ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας. ἄχρι
μὲν οὖν συντάττων τι τῆς φάλαγγος ἢ παρα-
, Ἃ ὃ ὃ / BY 2 a /
κελευόμενος ἢ διδάσκων ἢ ἐφορῶν παρεξήλαυνεν,
ἄλλον ἵππον εἶχε, τοῦ Βουκεφάλα φειδόμενος ἤδη
παρήλικος ὄντος" χωροῦντι δὲ πρὸς ἔργον ἐκεῖνος
i \ \ Wer 9 ? ὃ
προσήγετο, καὶ μεταβὰς εὐθὺς ἦρχεν ἐφόδου.
XXXIII. Τότε δὲ τοῖς Θετταλοῖς πλεῖστα
διαλεχθεὶς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις “ὕλλησιν, ὡς ἐπέρρω-
ΕῚ N n BA 3 si \ / \
σαν αὐτὸν βοῶντες ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, τὸ
ξυστὸν εἰς τὴν ἀριστερὰν μεταβαλὼν τῇ δεξιᾷ
παρεκάλει τοὺς θεούς, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησίν,
ἐπευχόμενος, εἴπερ ὄντως Διόθεν ἐστὶ γεγονώς,
ἀμῦναι καὶ συνεπιρρῶσαι τοὺς "EXAnvas. ὁ δὲ
7 ᾿] / / \ 4 \
μάντις ᾿Αρίστανδρος χλανίδα λευκὴν ἔχων καὶ
χρυσοῦν στέφανον ἐπεδείκνυτο παριππεύων ἀετὸν

322

ALEXANDER, xxx. 5—xxxtt. 2

he came from his tent, namely, a vest of Sicilian
make girt about him, and over this a breastplate of
two-ply linen from the spoils taken at Issus. His
helmet was of iron, but gleamed like polished silver,
a work of Theophilus; and there was fitted to this
a gorget, likewise of iron, set with precious stones.
He had a sword, too, of astonishing temper and
lightness, a gift from the king of the Citieans, and
he had trained himself to use a sword for the most
part in his battles. He wore a belt also, which was
too elaborate for the rest of his armour; for it was
a work of Helicon the ancient, and a mark of honour
from the city of Rhodes, which had given it to him ;
this also he was wont to wear in his battles. As
long, then, as he was riding about and marshalling
some part of his phalanx, or exhorting or instructing
or reviewing his men, he spared Bucephalas, who
was now past his prime, and used another horse;
but whenever he was going into action, Bucephalas
would be led up, and he would mount him and at
once begin the attack.

XXXIII. On this occasion, he made a very long
speech to the Thessalians and the other Greeks,!
and when he saw that they encouraged him with
shouts to lead them against the Barbarians, he shifted
his lance into his left hand, and with his right ap-
pealed to the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, praying
them, if he was really sprung from Zeus, to defend
and strengthen the Greeks. Aristander the seer, too,
wearing a white mantle and having a crown of gold
upon his head, rode along the ranks pointing out to

1 Sometimes the term ‘‘ Hellenes” excludes, and some-
times it includes, the Macedonians. The context must
decide. Cf. xlvii. 5.

323

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

An ’ Ν
ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου συνεπαιωρούμενον καὶ
κατευθύνοντα τῇ πτήσει ὄρθιον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολε-
μίους, ὥστε πολὺ μὲν θάρσος ἐγγενέσθαι τοῖς
. n 3 ‘ A lal \ a > 4
ὁρῶσιν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ θαρρεῖν καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἀλλή-

Υ͂ a an
λους δρόμῳ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἱεμένοις ἐπὶ τοὺς
rs , 2 ’ XN , \ \

3 πολεμίους ἐπικυμαίνειν THY φάλαγγα. πρὶν δὲ

lal \ , 53 / e /
συμμῖξαι τοὺς πρώτους ἐξέκλιναν οἱ βάρβαροι,

5 \
καὶ διωγμὸς ἣν πολύς, εἰς TA μέσα συνελαύνοντος
’ , 2 \ , Ψ ἮΝ 5
Αλεξάνδρου τὸ νικώμενον, ὅπου Δαρεῖος ἦν.

Ν \ an ‘ la)
πόρρωθεν yap αὐτὸν κατεῖδε διὰ τῶν προτεταγ-
μένων ἐν βάθει τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης ἐκφανέντα,

\ », \ / 24°? Ὁ ς fa)
καλὸν ἄνδρα καὶ μέγαν ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος ὑψηλοῦ
βεβῶτα, πολλοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ λαμπροῖς κατα-
πεφραγμένον εὖ μάλα συνεσπειραμένοις περὶ τὸ
ἅρμα καὶ παρατεταγμένοις δέχεσθαι τοὺς πολε-

4 μίους. ἀλλὰ δεινὸς ὀφθεὶς ἐγγύθεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος
καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τοὺς μένοντας

, a e
ἐξέπληξε καὶ διεσκέδασε τὸ πλεῖστον. οἱ δὲ
ἄριστοι καὶ γενναιότατοι πρὸ τοῦ βασιλέως

, \ ᾽ > / / > \
φονευόμενοι Kal κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων πίπτοντες ἐμποδὼν
an > ,
τῆς διώξεως ἦσαν, ἐμπλεκόμενοι Kal περισπαΐί-
rn df
ροντες αὐτοῖς καὶ ἵπποις.

δ Δαρεῖος δέ, τῶν δεινῶν ἁπάντων ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς
ὄντων καὶ τῶν προτεταγμένων δυνάμεων ἐρειπο-
μένων εἰς αὐτόν, ὡς οὐκ ἣν ἀποστρέψαι τὸ ἅρμα καὶ
διεξελάσαι ῥάδιον, ἀλλ᾽ οἵ τε τροχοὶ συνείχο

ιεξελά ῥάδιον, ροχοὶ συνείχοντο
΄ a ¢
πτώμασι πεφυρμένοι τοσούτοις οἵ τε ἵπποι KATA-

324

ALEXANDER, xxx. 2-5

them an eagle which soared above the head of Alex-
ander and directed his flight straight against the
enemy, at which sight great courage filled the be-
holders, and after mutual encouragement and exhor-
tation the cavalry charged at full speed upon the
enemy and the phalanx rolled on after them like a
flood. But before the foremost ranks were engaged
the Barbarians gave way, and were hotly pursued,
Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the
centre of their array, where Dareius was.! For from
afar he was seen by Alexander through the deep
ranks of the royal squadron of horse drawn up in
front of him, towering conspicuous, a fine-looking
man and tall, standing on a lofty chariot, fenced
about by a numerous and brilliant array of horse-
men, who were densely massed around the chariot
and drawn up to receive the enemy. But when they
saw Alexander close at hand and terrible, and driving
those who fled before him upon those who held their
ground, they were smitten with fear and scattered,
for the most part. The bravest and noblest of them,
however, slain in front of their king and falling in
heaps upon one another, obstructed the Macedonians
in their pursuit, weaving and twining themselves in
their last agonies about riders and horses.

But Dareius, now that all the terrors of the struggle
were before his eyes, and now that the forces drawn
up to protect him were crowded back upon him,
since it was not an easy matter to turn his chariot
about and drive it away, seeing that the wheels were
obstructed and entangled in the great numbers of
the fallen, while the horses, surrounded and hidden

1 Alexander’s tactics are minutely described by Arrian
(Anab. iii. 14, 1-3).

325

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ \ ’ , a 7 A
λαμβανόμενοι καὶ ἀποκρυπτόμενοι τῷ πλήθει τῶν
lo) 5 ΄ / ¢
νεκρῶν ἐξήλλοντο Kal συνετάραττον τὸν ἡνίοχον,
> / \ οἷ a \ Ἂ AGies, / /
ἀπολείπει μὲν TO ἅρμα Kal τὰ ὅπλα, θήλειαν δέ,
«“ 7 \ 54 > \
ὥς φασι, νεοτόκον ἵππον περιβὰς ἔφυγεν. οὐ μὴν
ῇ x 2 , a ’ \ / τς “
τότε ἂν ἐδόκει διαφυγεῖν, εἰ μὴ πάλιν ἧκον ἕτε-
ροι παρὰ τοῦ ἸΠαρμενίωνος ἱππεῖς μετακαλοῦντες
᾿Αλέξανδρον, ὡς συνεστώσης ἔτι πολλῆς δυνάμεως
ἐκεῖ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ἐνδιδόντων. ὅλως γὰρ
n 5
αἰτιῶνται ἸΙαρμενίωνα κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν μάχην
νωθρὸν γενέσθαι καὶ δύσεργον, εἴτε τοῦ γήρως
an /
ἤδη TL παραλύοντος τῆς τόλμης, εἴτε τὴν ἐξουσίαν
καὶ τὸν ὄγκον, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησί, τῆς ᾿Αλε-
ξάνδρου δυνάμεως βαρυνόμενον καὶ προσφθο-
= r ᾽ 3 « \ 5) \ a
vouvta. τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνιαθεὶς τῇ
μεταπέμψει τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις οὐκ ἔφρασε τὸ
> ΄ 2 PAG >) / an ie \ ,
ἀληθές, ἀλλ᾽ ws ἀνέχων τοῦ φονεύειν καὶ σκότους
ὄντος ἀνάκλησιν ἐσήμανεν: ἐλαύνων δὲ πρὸς τὸ
κινδυνεῦον μέρος ἤκουσε καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἡττῆσθαι
παντάπασι καὶ φεύγειν τοὺς πολεμίους.
XXXIV. Τοῦτο τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης λαβούσης
, \ ’ \ / an
TO πέρας, ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ παντάπασιν ἡ Ilepady
ΓΑ a
ἐδόκει καταλελύσθαι, βασιλεὺς δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίας
"AX ἐξ ὃ ο 3 ' / re) aA θ a
éEavdpos ἀνηγορευμένος ἔθυε τοῖς θεοῖς μεγα-
a \ “ / b] na ΄
λοπρεπῶς καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἐδωρεῖτο πλούτους καὶ
’
οἴκους καὶ ἡγεμονίας. φιλοτιμούμενος δὲ πρὸς
\ / \
tous “E\Anvas ἔγραψε τὰς τυραννίδας πάσας
nan \ Ψ ᾽ , SNS, \
καταλυθῆναι καὶ πολιτεύειν αὐτονόμους, ἰδίᾳ δὲ
Πλαταιεῦσι τὴν πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν, ὅτι τὴν
΄ 6 7 a an
χώραν ol πατέρες αὐτῶν ἐναγωνίσασθαι τοῖς

326

ALEXANDER, xxxin. 5—xxxiv. 1

away by the multitude of dead bodies, were rearing
up and frightening the charioteer, forsook his chariot
and his armour, mounted a mare which, as they say,
had newly foaled, and took to flight. However, it is
thought that he would not then have made his
escape, had not fresh horsemen come from Par-
menio! summoning Alexander to his aid, on the
ground that a large force of the enemy still held
together there and would not give ground. For
there is general complaint that in that battle Par-
menio was sluggish and ineflicient, either because old
age was now impairing somewhat his courage, or
because he was made envious and resentful by the
arrogance and pomp, to use the words of Callis-
thenes, of Alexander's power. At the time, then,
although he was annoyed by the summons, the king
did not tell his soldiers the truth about it, but on
the ground that it was dark and he would therefore
remit further slaughter, sounded a recall; and as he
rode towards the endangered portion of his army, he
heard by the way that the enemy had been utterly
defeated and was in flight.

XXXIV. The battle having had this issue, the
empire of the Persians was thought to be utterly
dissolved, and Alexander, proclaimed king of Asia,
made magnificent sacrifices to the gods and rewarded
his friends with wealth, estates, and provinces. And
being desirous of honour among the Greeks, he wrote
them that all their tyrannies were abolished and
they might live under their own laws; moreover, he
wrote the Plataeans specially that he would rebuild
their city, because their ancestors had furnished their

1 Arrian makes no mention of a second appeal for aid from
Parmenio,

327

bo

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

“Ἕλλησιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας παρέσχον. ἔπεμψε

δὲ καὶ Κροτωνιάταις εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν μέρος τῶν
λαφύρων, τὴν Φαὔλλου τοῦ ἀθλητοῦ τιμῶν προ-
θυμίαν καὶ ἀρετήν, ὃς περὶ τὰ Μηδικὰ τῶν ἄλλων
᾿Ιταλιωτῶν ἀπεγνωκότων τοὺς “EXXnvas ἰδιόστο-
λον ἔχων ναῦν ἔπλευσεν εἰς Σαλαμῖνα, τοῦ κιν-
δύνου τι μεθέξων. οὕτω τις ,εὐμενὴς ἦν πρὸς
ἅπασαν ἀρετὴν καὶ καλῶν ἔργων φύλαξ καὶ
οἰκεῖος.

ΧΧΧΥ, ᾿πιὼν δὲ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν ἅπασαν
εὐθὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ γενομένην ἐθαύμασε μάλιστα τό
τε χάσμα τοῦ πυρὸς ὥσπερ ἐκ πηγῆς συνεχῶς
ἀναφερομένου, καὶ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ νάφθα λεμνά.
ἕοντος διὰ τὸ πλῆθος οὐ πόρρω τοῦ χάσματος, ὃς
τἄλλα μὲν ἀσφάλτῳ προσέοικεν, οὕτω δὲ εὐπαθὴς
πρὸς τὸ πῦρ ἐστιν ὥστε, πρὶν ἢ θιγεῖν τὴν φλόγα,
δι᾿ αὐτῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ φῶς ἐξαπτόμενος αὐγῆς τὸν
μεταξὺ πολλάκις ἀέρα. συνεκκαίειν. ἐπιδεικνύ-
μενοι. δὲ τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ δύναμιν οἱ | βάρβαροι
τὸν ἄγοντα πρὸς τὴν κατάλυσιν τοῦ βασιλέως
στενωπὸν ἐλαφρῷ τῷ φαρμάκῳ κατεψέκασαν'
εἶτα στάντες ἐπ᾿ ἄκρῳ τοὺς λαμπτῆρας τοῖς
βεβρεγμένοις προσέθηκαν" ἤδη γὰρ συνεσκόταξε.
τῶν δὲ πρώτων εὐθὺς ἁψαμένων οὐκ ἔσχεν ἡ νομὴ
χρόνον αἰσθητόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα νοήματι διῖκτο πρὸς
θάτερον πέρας καὶ πῦρ ἐγεγόνει συνεχὲς ὁ στενω-
πός. ἣν δέ τις ᾿Αθηνοφάνης ᾿Αθηναῖος τῶν
περὶ ἄλειμμα καὶ λουτρὸν εἰωθότων τὸ σῶμα
θεραπεύειν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐμ-
μελῶς ἀπάγειν ἐπὶ τὸ ῥάθυμον. οὗτος ἐν τῷ
λουτρῶνι τότε παιδαρίου τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ παρε-

328

ALEXANDER, xxxiv. 2—xxxv. 3

territory to the Greeks for the struggle in behalf of
their freedom.! He sent also to the people of Croton
in Italy a portion of the spoils, honouring the zeal
and valour of their athlete Phayllus, who, in the
Median wars, when the rest of the Greeks in Italy
refused to help their brother Greeks, fitted out a
ship at his own cost and sailed with it to Salamis,
that he might have some share in the peril there.”
So considerate was Alexander towards every form of
valour, and such a friend and guardian of noble deeds.

XXXV. As he traversed all Babylonia, which at
once submitted to him, he was most of all amazed
at the chasm from which fire continually streamed
forth as from a spring, and at the stream of naphtha,
so abundant as to form a lake, not far from the
chasm. This naphtha is in other ways like asphaltum,
but is so sensitive to fire that, before the flame touches
it, it is kindled by the very radiance about the flame
and often sets fire also to the intervening air. To
show its nature and power, the Barbarians sprinkled
the street leading to Alexander’s quarters with small
quantities of the liquid ; then, standing at the farther
end of the street, they applied their torches to the
moistened spots; for it was now getting dark. The
first spots at once caught fire, and without an ap-
preciable interval of time, but with the speed of
thought, the flame darted to the other end, and the
street was one continuous fire. Now, there was a
certain Athenophanes, an Athenian, one of those
who were accustomed to minister to the person of
the king when he bathed and anointed himself, and
to furnish suitable diversion for his thoughts. This
man, one time when there was standing by Alexander

1 In 479 B.c. 2 Cf. Herodotus, viii. 47.
329

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a la} \ , \ 5
στῶτος εὐτελοῦς σφόδρα καὶ γελοίου τὴν ὄψιν,
, a ΄
ἄδοντος δὲ χαριέντως, Στέφανος ἐκαλεῖτο, “ Bov-
he,” φησίν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, διάπειραν ἐν Στεφάνῳ
cr / / Ἃ Ν ee ,ὔ
τοῦ φαρμάκου λάβωμεν; ἂν γὰρ ἅψηται τούτου
a , 4
Kal μὴ κατασβεσθῇ, παντάπασιν ἂν φαίην ama-
an 5 »
χον καὶ δεινὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν εἶναι. προ-
a la
θύμως δέ πως Kal τοῦ παιδαρίου διδόντος ἑαυτὸν
πρὸς τὴν πεῖραν, ἅμα τῷ περιαλεῖψαι καὶ θιγεῖν
. , \ a \
ἐξήνθησε φλόγα τοσαύτην TO σῶμα καὶ πυρὶ
/ Ν an “ \ ? / ’ “
κατεσχέθη τὸ πᾶν ὥστε τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰς πᾶν
’ / \ / 5] an b] \ \ \ /
ἀπορίας καὶ δέους ἐλθεῖν: εἰ δὲ μὴ κατὰ τύχην
a a \ Ν Ν ἰ
πολλοὶ παρῆσαν ἀγγεῖα πρὸς τὸ λουτρὸν ὕδατος
\ a + > xX 4 € /
διὰ χειρῶν ἔχοντες, οὐκ av ἔφθασεν ἡ βοήθεια
Ἁ 3 / 3 \ \ Ud / 7
τὴν ἐπινομήν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε μόγις κατέσβεσαν θ8ί
a “ \ > ¢ an ΄
τὸ σῶμα τοῦ παιδὸς δι᾿ ὅλου πῦρ γενόμενον, καὶ
μετὰ ταῦτα χαλεπῶς ἔσχεν.
“χ 5 ” \ a b) , \
Εἰκότως οὖν ἔνιοι τὸν μῦθον ἀνασώζοντες πρὸς
\ ’ / fal ’ Ἂν Ἂν n /
τὴν ἀλήθειαν TovTO φασιν εἶναι TO τῆς Μηδείας
z \ /
φάρμακον, ᾧ τὸν τραγῳδούμενον στέφανον Kal
Ν \ a
Tov πέπλον ἔχρισεν. ov yap ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων
οἱ ἽΝ Lal
οὐδὲ ἀπ᾿ αὐτομάτου λάμψαι TO πῦρ, ἀλλὰ φλο-
, - an e
ros ἐγγύθεν παρατεθείσης ὀξεῖαν ὁλκὴν Kal συνα-
φὴν ἄδηλον αἰσθήσει γενέσθαι. τὰς γὰρ ἀκτῖνας
\ , la) \ ,
καὶ τὰ ῥεύματα τοῦ πυρὸς ἄπωθεν ἐπερχόμενα
lal \ li ΄ al \
τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις σώμασι φῶς Kal θερμότητα προσ-
/ \ a Ud
βάλλειν μόνον, ev δὲ τοῖς ξηρότητα πνευματικὴν
\ a
ἢ νοτίδα λιπαρὰν Kal διαρκῆ κεκτημένοις ἀθροι-
ζόμενα καὶ πυριμανοῦντα μεταβάλλειν ὀξέως τὴν
e lal /
ὕλην. παρεῖχε δὲ ἀπορίαν ἡ γένεσις... εἴτε

33°

ALEXANDER, xxxv. 3-6

in the bath-room a youth who had a ridiculously
plain countenance, but was a graceful singer (his
name was Stephanus), said, “Wilt thou, O King, that
we make a trial of the liquid upon Stephanus? For
if it should lay hold of him and not be extinguished,
I would certainly say that its power was invincible
and terrible.” The youth also, strangely enough,
offered himself for the experiment, and as soon as
he touched the liquid and began to anoint himself
with it, his body broke out into so great a flame
and was so wholly possessed by fire that Alexander
fell into extreme perplexity and fear; and had it
not been by chance that many were standing by
holding vessels of water for the bath, the youth
would have been consumed before aid reached him.
Even as it was, they had great difficulty in put-
ting out the fire, for it covered the boy’s whole
body, and after they had done so, he was in a sorry
plight.

It is natural, then, that some who wish to bring
fable into conformity with truth should say that this
naphtha is the drug which Medeia used, when, in the
tragedies, she anoints the crown and the robe. For
it was not from these objects themselves, they say,
nor of its own accord, that the fire shot up, but a
flame was placed near them, which was then so
swiftly drawn into conjunction with them that the
senses could not take cognisance of it. For the rays
and emanations of fire which come from a distance
impart to some bodies merely light and warmth; but
in those which are dry and porous, or which have
sufficiently rich moisture, they collect themselves
together, break into fierce flame, and transform the
material. There has been much discussion about

331

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a € / a δ ς a A £e Ν
μᾶλλον ὑπεκκαυμα τῆς φλογὸς ὑπορρεῖ TO ὑγρὸν
ἐκ τῆς γῆς φύσιν λιπαρὰν καὶ πυριγόνον ἐχούσης.
\ / > « / , Ψ
καὶ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ BaBvrwvia σφόδρα πυρώδης,
, val
ὥστε τὰς μὲν κριθὰς χαμόθεν ἐκπηδᾶν καὶ ἀπο-
πάλλεσθαι πολλάκις, οἷον ὑπὸ φλεγμονῆς τῶν
τόπων σφυγμοὺς ἐχόντων, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἐν
τοῖς καύμασιν ἐπ᾿ ἀσκῶν πεπληρωμένων ὕδατος
καθεύδειν. Αρπαλος δὲ τῆς χώρας ἀπολειφθεὶς
a « a
ἐπιμελητὴς καὶ φιλοκαλῶν ᾿λληνικαῖς φυτείαις
διακοσμῆσαι τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τοὺς περιπάτους,
a \ ” > / \ \ Ν >
τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐκράτησε, TOV δὲ κιττὸν οὐκ
fo! / ’
ἔστεξεν ἡ γῆ μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ διέφθειρεν οὐ φέρον-
\ a ¢ \ \ , is \ /
Ta τὴν κρᾶσιν: ἡ μὲν yap πυρώδης, ὁ δὲ φιλό-
lal i /
Wuypos. τῶν μὲν οὖν τοιούτων παρεκβάσεων,
ἂν μέτρον ἔχωσιν, ἧττον ἴσως οἱ δύσκολοι κατη-
γορήσουσιν.
XXXVI. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ Σούσων κυριεύσας
- ’
παρέλαβεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις τετρακισμύρια
τάλαντα νομίσματος, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν
\ / 2 / e \ ‘
Kal πολυτέλειαν ἀδιήγητον. ὅπου φασὶ καὶ
«ς an a
πορφύρας ᾿Ἑρμιονικῆς εὑρεθῆναι τάλαντα πεντα-
κισχίλια, συγκειμένης μὲν ἐξ ἐτῶν δέκα δεόντων
διακοσίων, πρόσφατον δὲ τὸ ἄνθος ἔτι καὶ νεαρὸν
φυλαττούσης. αἴτιον δὲ τούτου φασὶν εἶναι τὸ
\ N \ / , fal e a
τὴν βαφὴν διὰ μέλιτος γίνεσθαι τῶν ἁλουργῶν,
δι᾿ ἐλαίου δὲ λευκοῦ τῶν λευκῶν" καὶ γὰρ τούτων
/
τὸν ἴσον χρόνον ἐχόντων τὴν λαμπρότητα καθα-
Ν x / Ἄν. δι / ,
pav καὶ στίλβουσαν ὁρᾶσθαι. Δείνων δέ φησι
ἊΝ “ > / aA Τευ Ν a κι.
καὶ ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τε τοῦ Νείλου καὶ τοῦ Ἴστρου

337

ALEXANDER, xxxv. 6-xxxvi. 2

the origin of! .... or whether rather the liquid sub-
stance that feeds the flame flows out from a soil
which is rich and productive of fire. For the soil of
Babylonia is very fiery, so that grains of barley often
leap out of the ground and bound away, as if its in-
fammation made the ground throb; and the inhabit-
ants, during the hot season, sleep on skins filled
with water. Harpalus, moreover, when he was left
as overseer of the country and was eager to adorn
the royal gardens and walks with Hellenic plants,
succeeded with all except ivy; this the soil would
not support, but always killed it. The plant could
not endure the temper of the soil, for the soil was
fiery, while the plant was fond of coolness. How-
ever, if such digressions are kept within bounds,
perhaps my impatient readers will find less fault with
them.

XXXVI. On making himself master of Susa, Alex-
ander came into possession of forty thousand talents
of coined money in the palace, and of untold furni-
ture and wealth besides.2— Among this they say was
found five thousand talents’ weight of purple from
Hermione, which, although it had been stored there
for a hundred and ninety years, still kept its colours
fresh and lively. The reason for this, they say, is
that honey was used in the purple dyes, and white
olive oil in the white dyes; for these substances,
after the like space of time, are seen to have a
brilliancy that is pure and lustrous. Moreover,
Deinon says that the Persian kings had water also
brought from the Nile and the Danube and stored

1 “This naphtha,” and the first ‘‘ whether ”-clause, have
fallen out of the text.

2 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 16, 7. A _ talent’s weight was
something over fifty pounds.

333

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A A 7 / > \ ‘
μετὰ TOV ἄλλων μεταπεμπομένους εἰς τὴν γάζαν
ἀποτίθεσθαι τοὺς βασιλεῖς, οἷον ἐκβεβαιουμένους
τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ κυριεύειν ἁπάντων.

XXXVIT. Τῆς δὲ Περσίδος οὔσης διὰ τρα-
, ἢ \ ΄ e \
χύτητα δυσεμβόλου Kal φυλαττομένης ὑπὸ γεν-
ναιοτάτων Ἰ!ερσῶν (Δαρεῖος μὲν γὰρ ἐπεφεύγει)
/
γίγνεταί τινος περιόδου κύκλον ἐχούσης οὐ πολὺν
e A / \
ἡγεμὼν αὐτῷ δίγλωσσος ἄνθρωπος, ἐκ πατρὸς

, \ Vv / , fod
Λυκίου, μητρὸς δὲ Περσίδος γεγονώς" ὃν φασιν,
ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, τὴν Πυθίαν προει-
πεῖν, ὡς λύκος ἔσται καθηγεμὼν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τῆς
’ \ Yi he , \ 5 ᾽ πὶ
ἐπὶ LIlépcas πορείας. φόνον μὲν οὖν ἐνταῖθα

a f

πολὺν τῶν ἁλισκομένων γενέσθαι συνέπεσε' γρά-
e / A “-“ A
pet yap αὐτὸς ws νομίζων αὐτῷ τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν
> 7 » ΄ \ ᾽ , ,
ἐκέλευεν ἀποσφάττεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους" vopt-
δὲ ς n nO “ b] wv / \ \
σματος δὲ εὑρεῖν πλῆθος ὅσον ἐν Σούσοις, τὴ» δὲ
ἄλλην κατασκευὴν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐκκομισθῆναί
φασι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ζεύγεσι καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις

καμήλοις.
Ξέρξου δὲ ἀνδριάντα μέγαν θεασάμενος ὑπὸ

Tad /
πλήθους τῶν ὠθουμένων εἰς τὰ βασίλεια πλημ-
μελῶς ἀνατετραμμένον ἐπέστη, καὶ καθάπερ ἔμ-
ψυχον προσαγορεύσας, “ἸΠότερόν ae,” εἶπε, “ διὰ
\ ταν \ c/s 1 fA /
τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ελληνας στρατείαν κείμενον Tap-
) \ YU
ἔλθωμεν ἢ διὰ τὴν ἄλλην μεγαλοφροσύνην Kal
᾽ \ 2 / »” 7 Ν \ ie Ν
ἀρετὴν ἐγείρωμεν; ᾿ τέλος δὲ πολὺν χρόνον πρὸς
na / an

ἑαυτῷ γενόμενος καὶ σιωπήσας παρῆλθε. βουλό-
μενος δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβεῖν (καὶ γὰρ ἣν

334

ALEXANDER, xxxvi. 2=xxxvil. 3

up among their treasures, as a sort of confirmation
of the greatness of their empire and the universality
of their sway.

XXXVII. Persis was difficult of access, owing to
the roughness of the country, and was guarded by
the noblest of the Persians (for Dareius had taken
to flight); but Alexander found a guide to conduct
him thither by a circuit of no great extent. The
man spoke two languages, since his father was a
Lycian and his mother a Persian; and it was he,
they say, whom the Pythian priestess had in mind
when she prophesied, Alexander being yet a boy, that
a “lycus,”’ or wolf, would be Alexander's guide on his
march against the Persians.1_ In this country, then,
as it turned out, there was a great slaughter of the
prisoners taken; for Alexander himself writes that
he gave orders to have the inhabitants butchered,
thinking that this would be to his advantage; and
they say that as much coined money was found
there? as at Susa, and that it took ten thousand
pairs of mules and five thousand camels to carry
away the other furniture and wealth there.

On beholding a great statue of Xerxes which had
been carelessly overthrown by a throng that forced
its way into the palace, Alexander stopped before
it, and accosting it as if it had been alive, said:
“Shall I pass on and leave thee lying there, because
of thine expedition against the Hellenes, or, because
of thy magnanimity and virtue in other ways, shall
I set thee up again?” But finally, after communing
with himself a long time in silence, he passed on.
Wishing to refresh his soldiers (for it was winter

1 Arrian (Azab. iii. 18, 1f.) speaks only of a forced march
through the mountains. 2 In Persepolis.

335

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

aA Ψ / a ᾽ / ΄
χειμῶνος ὥρα) τέσσαρας μῆνας αὐτόθι διήγαγε.
, a lal \ ἣν
λέγεται δὲ καθίσαντος αὐτοῦ τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τὸν
a / la a Ld \
χρυσοῦν οὐρανίσκον ἐν τῷ βασιλικῷ θρόνῳ τὸν
Κορίνθιον Δημάρατον εὔνουν ὄντα ἄνδρα καὶ
an / ᾽ a
πατρῷον φίλον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πρεσβυτικῶς ἐπι-
δακρῦσαι, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς μεγάλης ἡδονῆς στεροῖντο
a « , >] A /
τῶν “Ελλήνων οἱ τεθνηκότες πρὶν ἰδεῖν ᾿Αλέξαν-
b ] nr / / Ἅ
ὃρον ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθήμενον. ;
bal τ 4 > 2 \
XXXVI. Ἔκ τούτου μέλλων ἐξελαύνειν ἐπὶ
a \
Δαρεῖον ἔτυχε μὲν els μέθην τινὰ καὶ παιδιὰν
an if , /
τοῖς ἑταίροις ἑαυτὸν δεδωκώς, ὥστε καὶ γύναια
an \ \
συμπίνειν ἐπὶ κῶμον ἥκοντα πρὸς TOUS ἐραστάς.
> Νὴ 4 5 An ΄ Ἂς e
ἐν δὲ τούτοις εὐδοκιμοῦσα μάλιστα Mais ἡ [{το-
λεμαίου τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος ὕστερον ἑταίρα, γένος
’ / \ \ 2 “ 2 a Ἂ \ y
ATTLKH, τὰ μὲν ἐμμελῶς ἐπαινοῦσα, τὰ δὲ παί-
\ Ν ? LA “ a t ,
ζουσα πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἅμα τῇ μέθη λόγον
a / a \ fa /
εἰπεῖν προήχθη τῷ μὲν τῆς πατρίδος ἤθει πρέ-
, Vs ᾽ =
ποντα, μείζονα δὲ ἢ κατ᾽ αὐτήν. ἔφη yap ὧν
/ 7 \ 3 / » /
πεπόνηκε πεπλανημένη THY ᾿Ασίαν ἀπολαμβάνειν
’ ᾽ rn / rn A
χάριν ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐντρυφῶσα τοῖς ὑπερη-
φάνοις Περσῶν βασιλείοις: ἔτι δ᾽ ἂν ἥδιον ὑπο-
“ \ — a
πρῆσαι κωμάσασα τὸν ἘΞέρξου τοῦ κατακαύ-
\ "A@ / 3 oy AN \ la] “
σαντος τὰς ἦνας οἶκον, αὐτὴ τὸ πῦρ ἅψασα
a fe ig lal >
τοῦ βασιλέως ὁρῶντος, ws av λόγος ἔχῃ πρὸς
“ “
ἀνθρώπους ὅτι τῶν ναυμάχων καὶ πεζομάχων
, a \ NY ΠΣ
ἐκείνων στρατηγῶν τὰ μετὰ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γύναια
/ / an
μείζονα δίκην ἐπέθηκε ἸΠέρσαις ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Ελλά-
[τ \ lal 4 ΄ Id \ ΄
δος. ἅμα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ κρότου καὶ θορύβου
/ \ / a
γενομένου καὶ παρακελεύσεως τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ

236

687

ALEXANDER, xxxvu. 3-xxxvill. 3

time), he spent four months in that place. And it
is said that when he took his seat for the first time
under the golden canopy on the royal throne, De-
maratus the Corinthian, a well-meaning man and a
friend of Alexander’s, as he had been of Alexander’s
father, burst into tears, as old men will, and declared
that those Hellenes were deprived of great pleasure
who had died before seeing Alexander seated on the
throne of Dareius.

XXXVIII. After this, as he was about to march
forth against Dareius, it chanced that he consented
to take part in a merry drinking bout of his com-
panions, at which women also came to meet their
lovers and shared in their wine and revelry. The
most famous among these women was Thais, an
Athenian, the mistress of Ptolemy, who was after-
wards king. She, partly in graceful praise of Alex-
ander, and partly to make sport for him, as the
drinking went on, was moved to utter a speech
which befitted the character of her native country,
but was too lofty for one of her kind. She said,
namely, that for all her hardships in wandering over
Asia she was being requited that day by thus revel-
ling luxuriously in the splendid palace of the Per-
sians; but it would be a still greater pleasure to go
in revel rout and set fire to the house of the Xerxes
who burned Athens, she herself kindling the fire
under the eyes of Alexander, in order that a tradition
might prevail among men that the women in the
train of Alexander inflicted a greater punishment
upon the Persians in behalf of Hellas than all her
tamous commanders by sea and land. As soon as
she had thus spoken, tumultuous applause arose, and
the companions of the king eagerly urged him on,

337

PLUTARCH’S. LIVES

, 3) \ ¢ \ Ἀν ἐν
φιλοτιμίας, ἐπισπασθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἀναπη-
/ ” / \ ΄ a ς
4 δήσας ἔχων στέφανον καὶ λαμπάδα προῆγεν. οἱ
Xe 1G; / / \ an .Λ \ /
δὲ ἑπόμενοι κώμῳ Kal Bon περιΐσταντο Ta βασί-
lal 7 [A (2 /
λεια, καὶ TOV ἄλλων Μακεδόνων οἱ πυνθανόμενοι
συνέτρεχον μετὰ λαμπάδων χαίροντες. ἤλπιζον
\ ¢ a » \ a
yap ὅτι τοῖς οἴκοι προσέχοντός ἐστι τὸν νοῦν Kal
ἊΝ / ’ ¢ > a \ /
μὴ μέλλοντος ἐν βαρβάροις οἰκεῖν TO πιμπράναι
N / \ / e \ “ a
τὰ βασίλεια καὶ διαφθείρειν. οἱ μὲν οὕτω ταῦτα
/ / ¢. \ > XN , Φ > τὰ
γενέσθαι φασίν, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ γνώμης" ὅτι δ᾽ οὖν
, / /
μετενόησε ταχὺ καὶ κατασβέσαι προσέταξεν
ὁμολογεῖται.
XXXIX. Φύσει δὲ ὧν μεγαλοδωρότατος ἔτι
μᾶλλον ἐπέδωκεν εἰς τοῦτο τῶν πραγμάτων αὐ-
/ \ an e ΄ ᾽ Φ
ξομένων' καὶ προσῆν ἡ φιλοφροσύνη, μεθ᾽ ἧς
Ud e > A ς / ΞΖ
μόνης ὡς ἀληθῶς οἱ διδόντες χαρίζονται. μνη-
/ \ 2 / ’ ’ὔ ε a ΄
σθήσομαι δὲ ὀλίγων. ᾿Αρίστων ὁ τῶν Παιόνων
/
ἡγούμενος ἀποκτείνας πολέμιον ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν
a a 3»
κεφαλὴν ἐπιδειξάμενος αὐτῷ, “Τοῦτο, εἶπεν,
9S a , “ > "ἃ r la)
“ὦ βασιλεῦ, Tip ἡμῖν ἐκπώματος χρυσοῦ τιμᾶ-
an >] €
2tTat τὸ δῶρον." ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος γελάσας,
“ce Yr a ” 53 ce ‘) \ δέ \ ᾽ /
Κενοῦ ye, εἶπεν, “ ἐγὼ δέ σοι μεστὸν ἀκράτου
> lal \ lal
προπίομαι.᾽ τῶν δὲ πολλῶν τις Μακεδόνων
» Cs , Ν , ,
ἤλαυνεν ἡμίονον βασιλικὸν χρυσίον Kopivovta:
“ / \
κάμνοντος δὲ τοῦ κτήνους αὐτὸς ἀράμενος ἐκόμιζε
5 ς \
τὸ φορτίον. ἰδὼν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς θλιβόμενον
5 τὶ ͵ \ , \ a ,
αὐτὸν σφόδρα καὶ πυθόμενος τὸ πρᾶγμα, μέλ-
~ / / μ 3
λοντος κατατίθεσθαι, “ Μὴ κάμῃς," εἶπεν, “ ἀλλὰ

338

ALEXANDER, xxxvul. 2- ΧΧΧΙΧ. 2

so that he yielded to their desires, and leaping to his
feet, with a garland on his head and a torch in his
hand, led them the way. The company followed
with shouts and revelry and surrounded the palace,
while the rest of the Macedonians who learned about
it ran thither with torches and were full of joy. For
they hoped that the burning and destruction of the
palace was the act of one who had fixed his thoughts
on home, and did not intend to dwell among Bar-
barians. Thisis the way the deed was done, according
to some writers; but others say it was premeditated.!
However, it is agreed that Alexander speedily re-
pented and gave orders to put out the fire.

XXXIX. Alexander was naturally munificent, and
became still more so as his wealth increased. His
gifts, too, were accompanied by a kindly spirit, with
which alone, to tell the truth, a giver confers a
favour. I will mention a few instances. Ariston,
the captain of the Paeonians, having slain an enemy,
brought his head and showed it to Alexander, saying :
“In my country, O King, such a gift as this is re-
warded with a golden beaker.” “ Yes,” said Alex-
ander with a laugh, ‘‘an empty one; but I will
pledge thy health with one which is full of pure
wine.” Again, a common Macedonian was driving
a mule laden with some of the royal gold, and
when the beast gave out, took the load on his
own shoulders and tried to carry it. The king,
then, seeing the man in great distress and learn-
ing the facts of the case, said, as the man was
about to lay his burden down, “Don’t give out,

1 So Arrian, Anab. iii. 18. 11 ἢν, where there is none of
Plutarch’s romance. For this, cf. Diodorus, xvii. 72;
Curtius, v. 7, 1-7.

339

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, Μ \ \ ζῶον SN \ \ ΞΕ.
πρόσθες ἔτι τὴν λοιπὴν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν ἑαυ-
a 1 a / ” [2 δὲ BA a a \
τῷ τοῦτο κομίσας. ὅλως δὲ ἤχθετο τοῖς μὴ
an x fal τς an ,
λαμβάνουσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς αἰτοῦσι. καὶ ΦῬωκί-
\ e > f
ων. μὲν ἔγραψεν ἐπιστολὴν ὡς οὐ χρησόμενος
> na / Ν / 2 a \ i
αὐτῷ φίλῳ τὸ λοιπόν, εἰ διωθοῖτο Tas χάριτας.
a Ἂς te
Σεραπίων. δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ σφαίρας τινὶ νεανίσκων
> \ 2Q7 \ \ Ν ’ nan € i ’ \
οὐδὲν ἐδίδου διὰ TO μηδὲν αἰτεῖν. ὡς οὖν εἰς TO
7 / ὡς Nw ’ »
σφαιρίζειν παραγενόμενος ὁ Σεραπίων ἄλλοις
\ a , a
ἔβαλλε τὴν σφαῖραν, εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως,
N 2) a 2 >
“Ἐμοὶ δὲ ov didws;” “Ov yap αἰτεῖς," εἶπε,
\
τούτῳ μὲν δὴ γελάσας πολλὰ ἔδωκε. II pwréa δέ
lal ,
τινι TOV περὶ σκώμματα Kal πότον οὐκ ἀμούσων
” 3, ye a Je a \ / ΄
ἔδοξε δι᾿ ὀργῆς γεγονέναι: τῶν δὲ φίλων δεομένων
> , ΄ ” i > lal
κἀκείνου Saxpvovtos ἔφη διαλλάττεσθαι: κἀκεῖ-
n>»? 3 5 a ,
vos, “Οὐκοῦν, εἶπεν, “ὦ βασιλεῦ, δός τί μοι
A >] / 9 an
πιστὸν πρῶτον." ἐκέλευσεν οὖν αὐτῷ πέντε τά-
a n las fA a
λαντα δοθῆναι. περὶ δὲ τῶν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τοῖς
, / / « “ ιν
σωματοφύλαξι νεμομένων πλούτων, ἡλίκον εἶχον
” > / ᾿] > a 2 (¢ ἃ
ὄγκον, ἐμφαίνει δι᾿ ἐπιστολῆς Ολυμπιάς, ἣν
, 7 > /
ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτόν. “΄Αλλως," φησίν, “εὖ
/ \ / \ ’ / ΝΥ lal ᾽ >
ποίει τοὺς φίλους καὶ ἐνδόξους ἄγε: νῦν δ᾽ ἰσο-
/ a /
βασιλέας πάντας ποιεῖς Kal πολυφιλίας Tapa-
» a « ἊΝ \ >’ al > /
σκευάζεις αὐτοῖς, ἑαυτὸν δὲ ἐρημοῖς. πολλάκις
fa) an > 4 /
δὲ τοιαῦτα τῆς ᾿Ολυμπιάδος γραφούσης ἐφύλατ-
> / \ , \ cf ξ
τεν ἀπόρρητα τὰ γράμματα, πλὴν ἅπαξ “Hdar-
στίωνος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, χλυθεῖσαν ἐπιστολὴν αὐτῷ
συναναγινώσκοντος οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν δα-

1 ἑαυτῷ Sint., with the best MSS.; Coraés and Bekker
have σεαυτῷ. Cf. ὃ 5.

340

688

ALEXANDER, xxxix. 2-5

but finish your journey by taking this load to your
own tent.” Furthermore, he was generally more
displeased with those who would not take his gifts
than with those who asked for them. And so he
wrote to Phocion in a letter that he would not treat
him as a friend in future if he rejected his favours.
Again, to Serapion, one of the youths who played
at ball with him, he used to give nothing because he
asked for nothing. Accordingly, whenever Serapion
had the ball, he would throw it to others, until the
king said: “ Won’t you give it tome?” “No,” said
Serapion, “ because you don’t ask for it,” whereat the
king burst out laughing and made him many pre-
sents. With Proteas, however, a clever wag and
boon companion, he appeared to be angry; but
when the man’s friends begged his forgiveness, as
did Proteas himself with tears, the king said that he
was his friend again, whereat Proteas said : “In that
case, O King, give me something to prove it first.”
Accordingly, the king ordered that five talents
should be given him. What lofty airs his friends
and bodyguards were wont to display over the
wealth bestowed by him, is plain from a letter which
Olympias wrote to him. She says: “I beg thee
to find other ways of conferring favours on those
thou lovest and holdest in honour; as it is, thou
makest them all the equals of kings and providest
them with an abundance of friends, whilst thyself
thou strippest bare.’’ Olympias often wrote him
in like vein, but Alexander kept her writings secret,
except once when Hephaestion, as was his wont,
read with him a letter which had been opened ;
the king did not prevent him, but took the ring

VOL. VII. μ 34!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

KTUALOV ἀφελόμενος TOV αὑτοῦ προσέθηκε τῷ ἐκεί-
νου στόματι τὴν σφραγῖδα. Μαζαίου δὲ τοῦ
μεγίστου παρὰ Δαρείῳ γενομένου παιδὶ σατρα-
πείαν ἔχοντι δευτέραν προσετίθει μείζονα. παρ-
αἰτούμενος δὲ ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν: “ἾΩ βασιλεῦ, τότε
μὲν ἦν εἷς Δαρεῖος, νῦν δὲ σὺ πολλοὺς πεποίηκας
᾿Αλεξάνδρους." Παρμενίωνι μὲν οὖν τὸν Βαγώου
ἔδωκεν οἶκον τὸν περὶ Σοῦσα," ἐν ᾧ λέγεται χιλίων
ταλάντων εὑρεθῆναι ἱματισμόν. πρὸς δ᾽ ᾿Αντί-
πατρον ἔγραψε κελεύων ἔχειν φύλακας τοῦ σώ-
ματος ὡς ἐπιβουλευόμενον. τῇ δὲ μητρὶ πολλὰ
μὲν ἐδωρεῖτο καὶ κατέπεμπεν, οὐκ εἴα δὲ πολυ-
πραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ παραστρατηγεῖν" ἐγκαλούσης δὲ
πρᾷως ἔφερε τὴν χαλεπότητα. πλὴν ἅπαξ ποτὲ
᾿Αντιπάτρου μακρὰν κατ᾽ αὐτῆς “γράψαντος ἐπι-
στολὴν ἀναγνοὺς ἀγνοεῖν εἶπεν ᾿Αντίπατρον ὅτι
μυρίας ἐπιστολὰς ἕν δάκρυον ἀπαλείφει μητρός.
XL. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἑώρα παντά-
πασιν ἐκτετρυφηκότας καὶ φορτικοὺς ταῖς διαί-
ταῖς καὶ πολυτελείαις ὄντας, ὥστε Αγνωνα μὲν
τὸν Τήϊον ἀργυροῦς ἐν ταῖς κρηπῖσιν ἥλους
φορεῖν, Λεοννάτῳ δὲ πολλαῖς καμήλοις ἀπ᾿ Αἰ-
γύπτου κόνιν εἰς τὰ γυμνάσια παρακομίξεσθαι,
Φιλώτᾳ δὲ πρὸς θήρας σταδίων ἑκατὸν αὐλαίας
γεγονέναι, μύρῳ δὲ χρωμένους ἰέναι πρὸς ὄλειμμα
καὶ λουτρὸν ὅσους οὐδὲ ἐλαίῳ, τρίπτας δὲ καὶ
κατευναστὰς περιαγομένους, ἐπετίμησε πράως
καὶ φιλοσόφως, θαυμάζειν φάμενος εἰ τοσούτους
ἠγωνισμένοι καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας οὐ μνη-
μονεύουσιν ὅτι τῶν καταπονηθέντων οἱ καταπονή-

1 οἶκον τὸν περὶ Σοῦσα, Coraés and Bekker: οἶκον, ἐν
ᾧ λέγεται τῶν περὶ Σοῦσα κ.τ.λ.

342

ALEXANDER, xxxix. 5=XxL. 2

from his own finger and applied its seal to the lips
of Hephaestion. Again, though the son of Mazaeus,
the most influential man at the court of Dareius,
already had a province, Alexander gave him a second
and a larger one. He, however, declined it, say-
ing: “O King, formerly there was one Dareius,
but now thou hast made many Alexanders.” To
Parmenio, moreover, Alexander gave the house of
Bagoas at Susa, in which it is said there was found
apparel worth a thousand talents. Again, he wrote
to Antipater bidding him keep guards about his
person, since plots were being laid against him. To
his mother, also, he sent many presents, but would
not suffer her to meddle in affairs nor interfere in
his campaigns ; and when she chided him for this, he
bore her harshness patiently. Once, however, after
reading a long letter which Antipater had written in
denunciation of her, he said Antipater knew not that
one tear of a mother effaced ten thousand letters.
XL. He saw that his favourites had grown alto-
gether luxurious, and were vulgar in the extravagance
of their ways of living. For instance, Hagnon the
Teian used to wear silver nails in his boots; Leon-
natus had dust for his gymnastic exercises brought
to him on many camels from Egypt; Philotas had
hunting-nets a hundred furlongs long; when they
took their exercise and their baths, more of them
actually used myrrh than olive oil, and they had
in their train rubbers and chamberlains. Alex-
ander therefore chided them in gentle and reason-
able fashion. He was amazed, he said, that after
they had undergone so many and so great contests
they did not remember that those who conquer by
toil sleep more sweetly than those who are con-

343

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σαντες ἥδιον καθεύδουσιν, οὐδὲ ὁρῶσι τοῖς ΠΠερ-
σῶν βίοις τοὺς ἑαυτῶν παραβάλλοντες, ὅτι δου-
λικώτατον μέν ἐστι τὸ τρυφᾶν, βασιλικώτατον
δὲ τὸ πονεῖν. “ Καίτοι πῶς ἂν τις," ἔφη, “Ov
ἑαυτοῦ θεραπεύσειεν ἵππον ἢ λόγχην ἀσκήσειεν
ἢ κράνος, ἀπειθικὼς τοῦ φιλτάτου σώματος ἅπτε-
σθαι τὰς χεῖρας; i “Οὐκ ἴστε," εἶπεν, “OTL TOU
κρατεῖν πέρας ἡμῖν ἐστι τὸ μὴ ταὐτὰ ποιεῖν τοῖς
κεκρατημένοις; is ἐπέτεινεν οὖν ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτὸς
ἑαυτὸν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις καὶ τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις,
κακοπαθῶν καὶ παραβαλλόμενος, ὥστε καὶ Δά-
κωνα πρεσβευτὴν παραγενόμενον αὐτῷ λέοντα
καταβάλλοντι μέγαν εἰπεῖν" es Καλῶς γε, ᾿Αλέ-
Eavdpe, πρὸς τὸν λέοντα ἠγώνισαι περὶ τᾶς βασι-
Nelas.” TOUTO TO κυνήγιον Κρατερὸς εἰς Δελφοὺς
ἀνέθηκεν, εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς ποιησάμενος τοῦ λέ-
οντος καὶ τῶν κυνῶν καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ λέοντι
συνεστῶτος καὶ αὑτοῦ προσβοηθοῦντος, ὧν τὰ
μὲν Λύσιππος ἔπλασε, τὰ δὲ Λεωχάρης.

ΧΙ]. ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν ἑαυτὸν ἀσκῶν ἅμα
καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους παροξύνων πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐκινδύ-
vevev' οἱ δὲ φίλοι διὰ πλοῦτον καὶ ὄγκον ἤδη
τρυφᾶν βουλόμενοι καὶ σχολάζειν ἐβαρύνοντο τὰς
πλάνας καὶ τὰς στρατείας, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτω
προῆλθον εἰς τὸ βλασφημεῖν καὶ κακῶς λέγειν
αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ καὶ πάνυ πράως ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς
ταῦτα διέκειτο, φάσκων βασιλικὸν εἶναι τὸ
κακῶς ἀκούειν εὖ ποιοῦντα. καίτοι τὰ μικρό-
TATA τῶν γενομένων τοῖς συνήθεσι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
σημεῖα μεγάλης ὑπῆρχεν εὐνοίας καὶ τιμῆς" ὧν
ὀλίγα παραθήσομαι.

344

ALEXANDER, xt. 2—xtI. 2

quered by their toil, and did not see, from a com-
parison of their own lives with those of the Persians,
that it is a very servile thing to be luxurious, but
a very royal thing to toil. “And yet,” said he,
‘how can a man take care of his own horse or
furbish up his spear and helmet, if he is unaccus-
tomed to using his hands on his own dear person?
Know ye not,” said he, “that the end and object of
conquest is to avoid doing the same thing as the
conquered?” Accordingly, he exerted himself yet
more strenuously in military and hunting expeditions,
suffering distress and risking his life, so that a
Spartan ambassador who came up with him as he was
bringing down a great lion, said: ‘ Nobly, indeed,
Alexander, hast thou struggled with the lion to see
which should be king.” This hunting-scene Craterus
dedicated at Delphi, with bronze figures of the lion,
the dogs, the king engaged with the lion, and him-
self coming to his assistance; some of the figures
were moulded by Lysippus, and some by Leochares.

XLI. Alexander, then, in exercising himself and
at the same time inciting others to deeds of valour,
was wont to court danger; but his friends, whose
wealth and magnificence now gave them a desire to
live in luxury and idleness, were impatient of his long
wanderings and military expeditions, and gradually
went so far as to abuse him and speak ill of him.
He, however, was very mildly disposed at first toward
this treatment of himself, and used to say that it
was the lot of a king to confer favours and be ill-
spoken of therefor. And yet in the most trifling
attentions which he paid his familiar friends there
were marks of great good-will and esteem. I will
instance a few of these.

345

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Πευκέστᾳ μὲν ἔγραψε μεμφόμενος ὅτι δηχθεὶς
en te Nie μέμφομ ηχ
id ἀν ἂν» Td \ BA yy > a \ ’
ὑπ᾽ ἄρκτου τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἔγραψεν, αὐτῷ δὲ οὐκ
/ 5 \ nr fal
ἐδήλωσεν. “᾿Αλλὰ νῦν ye,” φησί, “ράψον πῶς
7 al /
ἔχεις, καὶ μή τινές σε τῶν συγκυνηγετούντων
2 " “ , rn ΕΣ = \ \
ἐγκατέλιπον, ἵνα δίκην δῶσι. τοῖς δὲ περὶ
«ς / \ / \ > a Ψ
Ηφαιστίωνα διὰ πράξεις τινὰς ἀποῦσιν ἔγραψεν
δ U a \ , a /
ὅτι παιζόντων αὐτῶν πρὸς ἰχνεύμονα τῷ Llepdtx-
΄ bd \ \
κου δορατίῳ περιπεσὼν Κρατερὸς τοὺς μηροὺς
3 , / \ / 4 ’
ἐτρώθη. Ἰ]ευκέστα δὲ σωθέντος ἔκ τινος ἀσθεν-
te 4 \ > ay , \ > \ 3
elas ἔγραψε πρὸς Λλέξιππον τὸν ἰατρὸν εὐχαρι-
lal ve a \ a v > \ 3
στῶν. Κρατεροῦ δὲ νοσοῦντος ὄψιν ἰδὼν καθ
δ / / / a
ὕπνον αὐτός TE τινας θυσίας ἔθυσεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ
a an / 7 \ \
κἀκεῖνον θῦσαι ἐκέλευσεν. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ Ilav-
, an » an / \ \
σανίᾳ τῷ ἰατρῷ βουλομένῳ tov Κρατερὸν ἐλλε-
, \ \ > an \ \ an
Bopicat, τὰ μὲν ἀγωνιῶν, τὰ δὲ παραινῶν ὅπως
A / \
χρήσεται TH φαρμακείᾳ. τοὺς δὲ πρώτους THY
ς / \ \ 2 / > ,
Αρπάλου φυγὴν καὶ ἀπόδρασιν ἀπαγγείλαντας
Ν , e
ἔδησεν, ᾿Ιφιάλτην καὶ Kiooov, ws καταψευδο-
a , \ \ \ lal
μένους τοῦ ἀνδρός. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας
3 A \ / > 3 > I >
αὐτοῦ Kal γέροντας εἰς οἶκον ἀποστέλλοντος Ev-
7 > “, ΜΝ. ἢ € \ > Ny
puroyos Atyatos ἐνέγραψεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς τοὺς
a oo \
νοσοῦντας, εἶτα φωραθεὶς ἔχων οὐδὲν κακὸν ὧμο-
/ va) \ a
λόγησε Τελεσίππας ἐρᾶν καὶ συνεπακολουθεῖν
/ /
ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἀπιούσης ἐκείνης, ἠρώτησε τίνων
/ \ Ν / 3 4 \ A
ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶ TO γύναιον. ἀκούσας δὲ ὅτι τῶν
, = ¢ a pi 295 Ue 9
ἐλευθέρων ἑταιρῶν, “ Ἡμᾶς pév,” εἶπεν, “ὦ Ev-
a , nf \ “ /
ρύλοχε, σινερῶντας ἔχεις" Opa δὲ ὅπως πείθωμεν
x ’ xX / Ni if ’ , 3
ἢ λόγοις ἢ δώροις τὴν TeNeoimTay, ἐπειδήπερ ἐξ
/ ,
ἐλευθέρας ἐστί.

346

689

ALEXANDER, xu. 2-5

He found fault with Peucestas by letter because,
after being bitten by a bear, he wrote about it to the
rest of his friends but did not tell him. ‘ Now, how-
ever,’ said he, ‘‘ write me how you are, and tell me
whether any of your fellow-huntsmen left you in the
lurch, that I may punish them.” To Hephaestion,
who was absent on some business, he wrote that
while they were diverting themselves with hunting
an ichneumon, Craterus encountered the lance of
Perdiccas and was wounded in the thighs. After
Peucestas had safely recovered from an illness, Alex-
ander wrote to the physician, Alexippus, expressing
his thanks. While Craterus was sick, Alexander had
a vision in his sleep, whereupon he offered certain
sacrifices himself for the recovery of his friend, and
bade him also sacrifice. He wrote also to Pausanias,
the physician, who wished to administer hellebore to
Craterus, partly expressing distress, and partly advis-
ing him how to use the medicine. Those who first
brought word to him that Harpalus had absconded,
namely, Ephialtes and Cissus, he put in fetters, on
the ground that they were falsely accusing the man.
When he was sending home his aged and infirm
soldiers, Kurylochus of Aegae got himself enrolled
among the sick, and then, when it was discovered
that he had nothing the matter with him, confessed
that he was in love with Telesippa, and was bent on
following along with her on her journey to the
sea-board. Alexander asked of what parentage the
girl was, and on hearing that she was a free-born
courtezan, said: “I will help you, O Eurylochus, in
your amour; but see to it that we try to persuade
Telesippa either by arguments or by gifts, since she
is free-born.”’

347

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

- . \ ¢ /
XLIL Θαυμάσαι δὲ αὐτὸν ἔστιν ὅτι καὶ μέχρι
΄ > a a , ᾽ , :
τοιούτων ἐπιστολῶν τοῖς φίλοις ἐσχόλαζεν, οἷα
a ,
γράφει παῖδα Σελεύκου εἰς Κιλικίαν ἀποδεδρα-
“ A ,
κότα κελεύων ἀναζητῆσαι, καὶ Πευκέσταν ἐπαι-
a © fa) nr /
νῶν ott Νίκωνα, Kpatepod δοῦλον, συνέλαβε, καὶ
͵7 \ n / a) ’ an e n
Μεγαβύξῳ περὶ τοῦ θεράποντος τοῦ ἐν TH ἱερῷ
΄ ΄ > (3 Ἃ 4
καθεζομένου, κελεύων αὐτόν, ἂν δύνηται, συλλα-
- a la) / 2 \ a
βεῖν ἔξω τοῦ ἱεροῦ προκαλεσάμενος, ἐν δὲ τῷ
e a \ , f \ \ \ ,
ἱερῷ μὴ προσάπτεσθαι. λέγεται δὲ Kal τὰς δίκας
ip] \ \ a A
διακρίνων ἐν ἀρχῇ τὰς θανατικὰς τὴν χεῖρα τῶν
3 “ la ,
ὦτων τῷ ἑτέρῳ προστιθέναι τοῦ κατηγόρου λέγον-
A ἊΝ is
τος, ὅπως TO κινδυνεύοντι καθαρὸν φυλάττηται
’ /
καὶ ἀδιάβλητον. ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερόν ye αὐτὸν ἐξετρά-
, an a
χυναν ai πολλαὶ διαβολαί, διὰ τῶν ἀληθῶν πάρ-
οδον ἐπὶ τὰ ψευδῆ λαβοῦσαι. καὶ μάλιστα
a , / a r
κακῶς ἀκούων ἐξίστατο τοῦ φρονεῖν Kal χαλεπὸς
yA \ / nr
ἦν καὶ ἀπαραίτητος, ἅτε δὴ τὴν δόξαν ἀντὶ τοῦ
nr na 7 ,
ζῆν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἠγαπηκώς.
Τότε δὲ ἐξήλαυνεν ἐπὶ Δαρεῖον ὡς πάλιν
μαχούμενος: ἀκούσας δὲ τὴν ὑπὸ Βήσσου γενο-
n ,
μένην αὐτοῦ σύλληψιν ἀπέλυσε τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς
, \
οἴκαδε, δισχίλια τάλαντα δωρεὰν ἐπιμετρήσας
r a \ \ \ / ᾽ ,
ταῖς μισθοφοραῖς. πρὸς δὲ τὴν δίωξιν ἀργαλέαν
Y \
Kal μακρὰν γινομένην (ἕνδεκα yap ἡμέραις ἱππά-
, \ ,
σατο τρισχιλίους Kal τριακοσίους σταδίους)
/ Ν « a
ἀπηγόρευσαν μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ
Ν bd ὃ / " θ ὃ} Μ δό > ΄
τὴν ἀνυδρίαν. ἔνθα δὴ Μακεδόνες ἀπήντησαν
αὐτῷ τινες ὕδωρ ἐν ἀσκοῖς ἐφ᾽ ἡμιόνων κομίζοντες
οἷ “ A
ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ" Kal θεασάμενοι τὸν ᾿Αλέξαν-

348

ALEXANDER, xin. 1-4

XLII. And it is astonishing that he had time to
write so many letters for his friends. For instance,
he wrote one giving orders to seek out a slave of
Seleucus who had run away into Cilicia; and one in
commendation of Peucestas for arresting Nicon, a
servant of Craterus; and one to Megabyzus about an
attendant who had taken refuge in a sanctuary, bid-
ding him, if possible, entice the slave outside the
sanctuary and then arrest him, but not to lay hands
upon him in the sanctuary. It is said, too, that at
first, when he was trying capital cases, he would put
his hand over one of his ears while the accuser was
speaking, that he might keep it free and unpreju-
diced for the accused. But afterwards the multitude
of accusations which he heard rendered him harsh,
and led him to believe the false because so many
were true. And particularly when he was maligned
he lost discretion and was cruel and inexorable, since
he loved his reputation more than his life or his
kingdom.

Now, however, he marched out against Dareius,}
expecting to fight another battle ; but when he heard
that Dareius had been seized by Bessus, he sent his
Thessalians home, after distributing among them a
largess of two thousand talents over and above their
pay. In consequence of the pursuit of Dareius, which
was long and arduous (for in eleven days he rode
thirty-three hundred furlongs), most of his horsemen
gave out, and chiefly for lack of water. At this point
some Macedonians met him who were carrying water
from the river in skins upon their mules. And when
they beheld Alexander, it being now midday, in a

4 In the spring of 330 B.c.
349

τῷ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δρον ἤδη μεσημβρίας οὔσης κακῶς ὑπὸ δίψους
ἔχοντα ταχὺ πλησάμενοι κράνος προσήνεγκαν.
πυθομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ τίσι κομίξ SOLED, “ Tiois,”
ἔφασαν, ‘ ἰδίοις" ἀλλὰ σοῦ ζῶντος ἑτέρους ποιη-
σόμεθα, κἂν ἐκείνους ἀπολέσωμεν." ταῦτα ἀκού-
σας ἔλαβεν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸ κράνος" περιβλέψας
δὲ καὶ θεασάμενος τοὺς περὶ ὶ αὑτὸν ἱ ἱππεῖς ἅπαντας
ἐγκεκλικότας ταῖς κεφαλαῖς καὶ πρὸς τὸ ποτὸν
βλέποντας ἀπέδωκεν οὐ “πιών, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαινέσας
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ‘Av γὰρ αὐτός, ἔφη, “ πίω
μόνος, ἀθυμήσουσιν οὗτοι." θεασάμενοι δὲ τὴν
ἐγκράτειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν οἱ ἱππεῖς
ἄγειν ἀνέκραγον θαρροῦντα καὶ τοὺς ἵππους
ἐμάστιζον: οὔτε γὰρ κάμνειν οὔτε διψᾶν οὔθ᾽
ὅλως θνητοὺς εἶναι νομίζειν αὑτούς, ἕως ἂν ἔχωσι
βασιλέα τοιοῦτον.

XLT. Ἢ μὲν οὗν προθυμία πάντων ἣν ὁμοία"
μόνους δέ φασιν ἑξήκοντα συνεισπεσεῖν εἰς τὰ
στρατόπεδα, τῶν πολεμίων. ἔνθα δὴ πολὺν μὲν
ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσὸν ἐρριμμένον ὑπερβαίνοντες,
πολλὰς δὲ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἁρμαμάξας
ἡνιόχων ἐρήμους διαφερομένας παρερχόμενοι,
τοὺς πρώτους ἐ ίωκον, ὡς ἐν ἐκείνοις Δαρεῖον
ὄντα. μόλις δὲ εὑρίσκεται πολλῶν ἀκοντισμάτων
κατάπλεως τὸ σῶμα κείμενος ἐν ἁρμαμάξῃ,
μικρὸν. ἀπολείπων τοῦ τελευτᾶν. ὅμως δὲ καὶ
πιεῖν ἤἥτησε, καὶ πιὼν ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν εἶπε πρὸς
τὸν δόντα Πολύστρατον: " “Ὦ ἄνθρωπε, τοῦτό
μοι πέρας γέγονε δυστυχίας ἁπάσης, εὖ παθεῖν
ἀμείψασθαι μὴ δυνάμενον' ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρος
ἀποδώσει σοι τὴν χάριν, ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ οἱ θεοὶ

ao

69¢

ALEXANDER, xi. 4—xiut. 2

wretched plight from thirst, they quickly filled a
helmet and brought it to him. To his enquiry for
whom they were carrying the water, they replied:
“For our own sons; but if thou livest, we can get
other sons, even if we lose these.”” On hearing this
he took the helmet into his hands, but when he
looked around and saw the horsemen about him all
stretching out their heads and gazing at the water,
he handed it back without drinking any, but with
praises for the men who had brought it; “ For,” said
he, “if I should drink of it alone, these horsemen of
mine will be out of heart.’ But when they beheld
his self-control and loftiness of spirit, they shouted
out to him to lead them forward boldly, and began
to goad their horses on, declaring that they would
not regard themselves as weary, or thirsty, or as mor-
tals at all, so long as they had such a king.

XLIII. So, then, all were alike ready and willing ;
but only sixty, they say, were with Alexander when
he burst into the camp of the enemy. There, in-
deed, they rode over much gold and silver that was
thrown away, passed by many waggons full of women
and children which were coursing hither and thither
without their drivers, and pursued those who were
foremost in flight, thinking that Dareius was among
them. But at last they found him lying in a waggon,
his body all full of javelins, at the point of death.
Nevertheless, he asked for something to drink, and
when he had drunk some cold water which Polystra-
tus gave him, he said to him: “ My man, this is the
extremity of all my ill-fortune, that I receive good
at thy hands and am not able to return it; but
Alexander will requite thee for thy good offices, and
the gods will reward Alexander for his kindness to

351

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῆς εἰς μητέρα καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐμοὺς
ἐπιεικείας, oO ταύτην δίδωμι τὴν δεξιὰν διὰ σοῦ."
ταῦτα εἰπτὼν καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς τοῦ Πολυστράτου

3 χειρὸς ἐξέλιπεν. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἐπῆλθεν,
ἀλγῶν τε τῷ πάθει φανερὸς ἣν καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ
χλαμύδα λύσας ἐπέβαλε τῷ σώματι, καὶ περιέ-
στειίλε. καὶ Βῆσσον μὲν ὕστερον εὑρὼν διεσφεν-
δόνησεν, ὀρθίων δένδρων. εἰς ταὐτὸ καμφθέντων
ἑκατέρῳ μέρος προσαρτήσας τοῦ σώματος, εἶτα
μεθεὶς ἑκάτερον, ὡς ὥρμητο ῥύμῃ φερόμενον, τὸ
προσῆκον αὐτῷ μέρος νείμασθαι. τότε δὲ τοῦ
Δαρείου. τὸ μὲν σῶμα κεκοσμημένον βασιλικῶς
πρὸς τὴν “μητέρα, ἀπέστειλε, τὸν δὲ ἀδελφὸν
Ἔξάθρην εἰς τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀνέλαβεν.

XLIV. Αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς ἀκμαιοτάτης δυνά-
pews εἰς “Ὑρκανίαν κατέβαινε" καὶ πελάγους ἰδὼν
κόλπον οὐκ ἐλάττονα μὲν τοῦ Ἰ]όντου φανέντα,
γλυκύτερον δὲ τῆς ἄλλης θαλάττης, σαφὲς μὲν
οὐδὲν ἔσχε πυθέσθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ, μάλιστα δὲ
εἴκασε τῆς Μαιώτιδος λίμνης ἀνακοπὴν εἶναι.

2 καίτοι τούς γε φυσικοὺς ἄνδρας οὐκ ἔλαθε τά-
ληθές, ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς ᾿ΔἌλε-
ξάνδρου στρατείας ἱστορήκασιν OTL τεσσάρων
κόλπων εἰσεχόντων ἀπὸ τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης
βορειότατος οὗτός ἐστι, τὸ Ὑρκάνιον πέλαγος
καὶ Κάσπιον ὁμοῦ προσαγορευόμενον.

᾿Ενταῦθα τῶν βαρβάρων τινὲς ἀπροσδοκήτως
περιτυχόντες τοῖς ἄγουσι τὸν ἵππον αὐτοῦ τὸν

3 Βουκεφάλαν λαμβάνουσιν. ὁ δὲ ἤνεγκεν οὐ με-

1 These details of the death of Dareius are not to be found
in Arrian (παν. 111. 21 /fin.), but in Curtius (v. 13, 28) and
Diodorus (xvii. 73).

352

ALEXANDER, x.m1. 2—XLIv. 3

my mother, wife, and children; to him, through
thee, I give this right hand.” With these words he
took the hand of Polystratus and then expired.!
When Alexander came up, he was manifestly dis-
tressed by what had happened, and unfastening his
own cloak threw it upon the body and covered it.
And when, at a later time,” he found Bessus, he had
him rent asunder. Two straight trees were bent
together and a part of his body fastened to each;
then when each was released and sprang vigorously
back, the part of the body that was attached to it
followed after. Now, however, he sent the body of
Dareius, laid out in royal state, to his mother,*® and
admitted his brother, Exathres, into the number of
his companions.

XLIV. He himself, however, with the flower of
his army, marched on into Hyrcania. Here he saw
a gulf of the open sea which appeared to be as large
as the Euxine, but was sweeter than the Mediter-
ranean. He could get no clear information about it,
but conjectured that in all probability it was a stag-
nant overflow from the Palus Maeotis. And yet
naturalists were well aware of the truth, and many
years before Alexander’s expedition they had set
forth that this was the most northerly of four gulfs
which stretch inland from the outer sea, and was
called indifferently the Hyrcanian or Caspian Sea.

Here some Barbarians unexpectedly fell in with
those who were leading Alexander's horse, Buce-
phalas, and captured him. Alexander was angry

2 In the spring of 329 B.c. Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 30,5;
LV {sees tee

3 <*To Persepolis, with orders that it should be buried in
the royal sepulchre ” (Arrian, Anab. 111. 22, 1).

9.583

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

. > \ / / ’ / nf
Tpiws, ἀλλὰ κήρυκα πέμψας ἠπείλησε πάντας
lal x / nr
ἀποκτενεῖν μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, εἰ TOV
“ oe fal \ b) ΄ ? \ \ \ ‘\
ἵππον αὐτῷ μὴ ἀναπέμψειαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ Kal τὸν
ἵππον ἄγοντες ἧκον καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐγχειρίζοντες,
ἐχρήσατο φιλανθρώπως πᾶσι καὶ τοῦ ἵππου;

λύτρα τοῖς λαβοῦσιν ἔδωκεν.

XLV. ᾿Εντεῦθεν εἰς τὴν Ἰ]Παρθικὴν ἀναζεύξας
ἣν / la 2 Ti \ \
Kal σχολάζων πρῶτον ἐνεδύσατο τὴν βαρβαρικὴν
στολήν, εἴτε βουλόμενος αὑτὸν συνοικειοῦν τοῖς

ὁ / /
ἐπιχωρίοις νόμοις, ws μέγα πρὸς ἐξημέρωσιν
b , \ 7 \ ς U Sia 53) /
ἀνθρώπων τὸ σύνηθες καὶ ὁμόφυλον, εἴτ᾽ ἀπό-
πειρώ τις ὑφεῖτο τῆς προσκυνήσεως αὕτη τοῖς
, \ \
Μακεδόσι, κατὰ μικρὸν ἀνασχέσθαι τὴν ἐκδιαί-
? A \ \ > ΄ > \
2 τησιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μεταβολὴν ἐθιζομένοις. οὐ μὴν
\ ,
τήν ye Μηδικὴν ἐκείνην προσήκατο παντάπασι
\ Nbc , 5 ΙΝ DOD ,
βαρβαρικὴν καὶ ἀλλόκοτον οὖσαν, οὐδὲ avakupt-
δας οὐδὲ κάνδυν οὐδὲ τιάραν ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ ἐν
7 \ a an Ἀ Qn r ᾽ὔ
μέσῳ τινὰ τῆς Περσικῆς καὶ τῆς Μηδικῆς μιξά-
> /
μενος εὖ πως, ἀτυφοτέραν μὲν ἐκείνης, ταύτης δὲ
σοβαρωτέραν οὗσαν. ἐχρῆτο δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον
a \ ral /
ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς βαρβάροις Kai τοῖς ἑταίροις κατ᾽
3 - va a er 5 » \
οἶκον, ELTA τοῖς πολλοῖς οὕτως ἐξελαύνων καὶ
8 χρηματίζων ἑωρᾶτο. καὶ λυπηρὸν μὲν ἣν τοῖς
X / \ \ / rn
Μακεδόσι τὸ θέαμα, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην αὐτοῦ θαυμά-
\ / - wo a
Covtes ἀρετὴν ᾧοντο δεῖν ἔνια τῶν πρὸς ἡδονὴν
“ / lal “ \ / “
αὐτῷ καὶ δόξαν ἐπιχωρεῖν' ὅς γε πρὸς ἅπασι τοῖς
, - \
ἄλλοις ἔναγχος τόξευμα μὲν εἰς τὴν κνήμην

5.55:

ALEXANDER, xuiv. 3-xLv. 3

beyond measure, and sent a herald threatening to put
them all to the sword, together with their wives and
children, if they did not send him back his horse.
But when they came with the horse and also put
their cities into his hands, he treated them all kindly,
and gave a ransom for his horse to those who had
captured him.

XLV. From thence he marched into Parthia,!
where, during a respite from fighting, he first put on
the barbaric dress, either from a desire to adapt him-
self to the native customs, believing that community
of race and custom goes far towards softening the
hearts of men; or else this was an attempt to intro-
duce the obeisance* among the Macedonians, by
accustoming them little by little to put up with
changes and alterations in his mode of life. How-
ever, he did not adopt the famous Median fashion of
dress, which was altogether barbaric and strange,
nor did he assume trousers, or sleeved vest, or tiara,
but carefully devised a fashion which was midway
between the Persian and the Median, more modest
than the one and more stately than the other. At
first he wore this only in intercourse with the Bar-
barians and with his companions at home, then people
generally saw him riding forth or giving audience in
this attire. The sight was offensive to the Mace-
donians, but they admired his other high qualities
and thought they ought to yield to him in some
things which made for his pleasure or his fame. For,
in addition to all his other hardships, he had recently
been shot by an arrow in the leg below the knee, so

1 In the early autumn of 330 B.c.
2 Prostration on the ground before a great personage, a
peculiarly Persian custom.

355

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λαβών, ὑφ᾽ οὗ TO τῆς κερκίδος ὀστέον ἀποθραυ-
σθὲν ἐξέπεσε, λίθῳ δὲ “πληγεὶς πάλιν εἰς τὸν
τράχηλον ὥστε καὶ ταῖς ὄψεσιν ἀχλὺν ὑπο-
δραμεῖν παραμείνασαν οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον, ὅμως
οὐκ ἐπαύετο χρώμενος ἑαυτῷ πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους
ἀφειδῶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Ὀρεξάρτην διαβὰς ποτα-
μόν, ὃν αὐτὸς WETO Τάναϊν εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς Σκύθας
τρεψάμενος ἐδίωξεν ἐπὶ σταδίους ἑκατόν, ἐνο-
χλούμενος ὑπὸ διαρροίας.

XLVI. ᾿Ενταῦθα δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τὴν
᾿Αμαζόνα οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν, ὧν καὶ Kreitapyos
ἐστι καὶ Πολύκλειτος καὶ ᾿Ονησίκριτος καὶ
᾿Αντυγένης καὶ Ἴστρος" ᾿Αριστόβουλος δὲ καὶ
Χάρης ὁ εἰσαγγελεὺς καὶ Πτολεμαῖος καὶ ᾿Αντι-
κλείδης καὶ Φίλων ὁ Θηβαῖος καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ
Θεαγγελεύς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ἑκαταῖος ὁ ’Epe-
τριεὺς καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ Χαλκιδεὺς καὶ Δοῦρις ὁ
Σάμιος πλάσμα “φασὶ γεγονέναι τοῦτο. καὶ
μαρτυρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔοικεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος. ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ
γὰρ ἅπαντα γράφων ἀκριβῶς τὸν μὲν Σκύθην
αὐτῷ φησι διδόναι τὴν , θυγατέρα πρὸς γάμον,
᾿Αμαζόνος δὲ οὐ μνημονεύει. λέγεται δὲ πολλοῖς
χρόνοις ᾿Ονησίκριτος ὕστερον ἤδη βασιλεύοντι
Λυσιμάχῳ τῶν βιβλίων τὸ τέταρτον ἀναγινώ-
σκειν, ἐν ᾧ γέγραπται περὶ τῆς ᾿Αμαζόνος:" τὸν
οὖν Λυσίμαχον, ἀτρέμα μειδιάσαντα “ Καὶ που,"
φάναι, “ τότε ἤμην ἐγώ; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν av τις
οὔτε ἀπιστῶν ἧττον οὔτε πιστεύων μᾶλλον
᾿Αλέξανδρον θαυμάσειε.

XLVIT. Φοβούμενος δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνας, μὴ εἰς
τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τῆς στρατείας ἀπαγορεύσωσι, τὸ
μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος εἴασε κατὰ χώραν, τοὺς δὲ

356

691

ALEXANDER, xiv. 3-xLvi. 2

that splinters of the larger bone came out; and at
another time he was smitten in the neck with a
stone so severely that his eye-sight was clouded and
remained so for some time. Nevertheless, he did
not cease exposing himself to dangers without stint,
nay, he actually crossed the river Orexartes (which
he himself supposed to be the Tanais), put the
Scythians to rout, and pursued them for a hundred
furlongs, although he was suffering all the while from
a diarrhoea.

XLVI. Here the queen of the Amazons came to
see him, as most writers say, among whom are
Cleitarchus, Polycleitus, Onesicritus, Antigenes,
and Ister; but Aristobulus, Chares the royal usher,
Ptolemy, Anticleides, Philo the Theban, and Philip
of Theangela, besides Hecataeus of Eretria, Philip
the Chalcidian, and Duris of Samos, say that this is
a fiction. And it would seem that Alexander’s testi-
mony is in favour of their statement. For in a letter
to Antipater which gives all the details minutely he
says that the Scythian king offered him his daughter in
marriage, but he makes no mention of the Amazon.
And the story is told that many years afterwards
Onesicritus was reading aloud to Lysimachus, who
was now king, the fourth book of his history, in
which was the tale of the Amazon, at which Lysi-
machus smiled gently and said: ‘‘ And where was I
at the time?”’ However, our belief or disbelief ot
this story will neither increase nor diminish our
admiration for Alexander.

XLVII. Fearing that his Macedonians might tire
of the rest of his expedition, he left the greater part
of thera in quarters, and while he had the best of

357

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀρίστους ἔχων ἐν ‘Tpxavia μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, δισμυρί-
ous πεζοὺς καὶ τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, προσέβαλε,
λέγων ὡς νῦν μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐνύπνιον τῶν βαρβάρων
ὁρώντων, ἂν δὲ μόνον ταράξαντες τὴν ᾿Ασίαν
ἀπίωσιν, ἐπιθησομένων εὐθὺς ὥσπερ γυναιξίν.
οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἀπιέναι γε τοὺς βουλομένους ἐφῆκε,"
μαρτυράμενος ὅτι τὴν οἰκουμένην τοῖς Μακεδόσι
κτώμενος ἐγκαταλέλειπται μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ
τῶν ἐθελόντων στρατεύειν. ταῦτα σχεδὸν αὐτοῖς
ὀνόμασιν ἐν τῇ πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον ἐπιστολῇ
γέγραπται, καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ πάντες
ἐξέκραγον ὅποι βούλεται τῆς οἰκουμένης ἄγειν.
δεξαμένων δὲ τούτων τὴν πεῖραν οὐκέτι ἣν
χαλεπὸν προαχθῆναι τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳδίως
ἐπηκολούθησεν.

Οὕτω δὴ καὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἔτι μᾶλλον ὡμοίου τε
τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἑαυτόν, ἐκεῖνά τε προσῆγε τοῖς
Μακεδονικοῖς ἔθεσιν, ἀνακράσει καὶ κοινωνίᾳ
μᾶλλον δι’ εὐνοίας καταστήσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα
νομίζων ἢ βίᾳ, μακρὰν ἀπαίροντος αὐτοῦ. διὸ
καὶ τρισμυρίους παῖδας ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐκέλευσε
γράμματά τε μανθάνειν ᾿ξλληνικὰ καὶ Μακεδονι-
κοῖς ὅπλοις ἐντρέφεσθαι, πολλοὺς ἐπιστάτας
καταστήσας. καὶ τὰ περὶ Ῥωξάνην ἔρωτι μὲν
ἐπράχθη, καλὴν καὶ ὡραίαν ἔν τινι χόρῳ παρὰ
πότον ὀφθεῖσαν, ἔδοξε δὲ οὐκ ἀνάρμοστα τοῖς
ὑποκειμένοις εἶναι πράγμασιν. ἐθάρρησαν γὰρ
οἱ βάρβαροι τῇ κοινωνίᾳ τοῦ γάμου, καὶ τὸν

1 ἐφῆκε Coraés’ correction of the ἔφη καὶ of the MSS.,
adopted by Sint.; Bekker reads ἀφιέναι... ἔφη.

358

ALEXANDER, xtv.1. 1-4

them with him in Hyrcania, twenty thousand foot and
three thousand horse, he addressed them, saying that
at present they were seen by the Barbarians as in a
dream, but that if they should merely throw Asia
into confusion and then leave it they would be at-
tacked by them as if they were women. However,
he said, he allowed those who wished it to go away,
calling them to witness that while he was winning
the inhabited world for the Macedonians he had been
left behind with his friends and those who were will-
ing to continue the expedition. This is almost word
for word what he wrote in his letter to Antipater,
and he adds that after he had thus spoken all his
hearers cried out to him to lead them to whatever
part of the world he wished. After these had met
his test of their loyalty, it was no longer a hard matter
for the main body to be led along too, nay, they
readily followed after.

Under these circumstances, too, he adapted his
own mode of life still more to the customs of the
country, and tried to bring these into closer agree-
ment with Macedonian customs, thinking that by a
mixture and community of practice which produced
good will, rather than by force, his authority would be
kept secure while he was far away. For this reason,
too, he chose out thirty thousand boys and gave
orders that they should learn the Greek language
and be trained to use Macedonian weapons, appoint-
ing many instructors for this work. His marriage
to Roxana, whom he saw in her youthful beauty
taking part in a dance at a banquet, was a love affair,
and yet it was thought to harmonize well with the
matters which ne had in hand. For the Barbarians
were encouraged by the partnership into which the
marriage brought them, and they were beyond

359

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

"AX Ie ὃ e / ee /
éfavdpov ὑπερηγάπησαν, ὅτι σωφρονέστατος
rn \ κὰ ‘
περὶ ταῦτα γεγονὼς οὐδὲ ἧς μόνης ἡττήθη γυναι-
κὸς ἄνευ νόμου θιγεῖν ὑπέμεινεν.
>? \ \ QA a / Cie: lal ,
Emel δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων ἑώρα τῶν μεγίστων
“Ηφαιστίωνα μὲν ἐπαινοῦντα καὶ συμμετακοσμού-
A ἴω /
μενον αὐτῷ, Κρατερὸν δὲ τοῖς πατρίοις ἐμμένοντα»
ϑὺ red , \ ’ ΄ὕ an ΄ \
δι’ ἐκείνου μὲν ἐχρημάτιζε τοῖς βαρβάροις, διὰ
a 7 a
τούτου δὲ τοῖς “Ελλησι καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσι: καὶ
e Ἂς \ 3 , / \ Ai ἡ δ /
ὅλως TOV μὲν ἐφίλει μάλιστα, Tov δὲ ἐτίμα, νομί-
ζων καὶ λέγων ἀεὶ τὸν μὲν Ἡφαιστίωνα φιλα-
λέξανδρον εἶναι, τὸν δὲ Κρατερὸν φιλοβασιλέα.
\ \ Ν > 7 Ce / Μ Ῥ)
διὸ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπούλως ἔχοντες συνέ-
΄ “ \ \ \ ᾽ \
κρουον πολλάκις. ἅπαξ δὲ περὶ τὴν ᾿Ινδικὴν
\ 2 a = / \ Α \
καὶ εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη, καὶ
τῶν φίλων ἑκατέρῳ παραβοηθούντων προσελάσας
, «ς / lal
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐλοιδόρει τὸν “Hdhatotiwva φανερῶς,
> f \ ,
Ν᾿ la) \ ’
ἔμπληκτον καλῶν καὶ μαινόμενον, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν
ὡς, ἐάν τις αὐτοῦ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀφέληται,
/ > POL δὲ \ a r na an
μηδέν é€otiv: ἰδίᾳ δὲ καὶ τοῦ Κρατεροῦ πικρῶς
καθήψατο. καὶ συναγαγὼν αὐτοὺς καὶ διαλλάξας
Η , ‘ ” \ \ ” ΄ =
ἐπώμοσε Tov ᾿Αμμωνα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Geos, 77
μὴν μάλιστα φιλεῖν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων ἐκείνους"
ἂν δὲ πάλιν αἴσθηται διαφερομένους, ἀποκτενεῖν
’ k a x b) / “ “ +O\
ἀμφοτέρους, ἢ τὸν ἀρξάμενον. ὅθεν ὕστερον οὐδὲ
/ 2 a +Q\ a \ 5) /
παίζοντες εἰπεῖν τι οὐδὲ πρᾶξαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους
λέγονται.
\ e
XLVIII. Φιλώτας δὲ ὁ Παρμενίωνος ἀξίωμα
- U / Ἂ
μὲν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσι μέγα" καὶ γὰρ ἀν-
ὃ a 286 \ \ 3 ὃ δὲ
pelos ἐδόκει καὶ καρτερικὸς εἰναι, φιλοδωρος Ce

26ο

692

ALEXANDER, xvi. 4—xivit. 1

measure fond of Alexander, because, most tem-
perate of all men that he was in these matters, he
would not consent to approach even the only woman
who ever mastered his affections, without the sanc-
tion of law.

Moreover, when he saw that among his chiefest
friends Hephaestion approved his course and joined
him in changing his mode of life, while Craterus
clung fast to his native ways, he employed the for-
mer in his business with the Barbarians, the latter
in that with the Greeks and Macedonians. And in
general he showed most affection for Hephaestion,
but most esteem for Craterus, thinking, and constantly
saying, that Hephaestion was a friend of Alexander,
but Craterus a friend of the king. For this reason,
too, the men cherished a secret grudge against one
another and often came into open collision. And
once, on the Indian expedition, they actually drew
their swords and closed with one another, and as
the friends of each were coming to his aid, Alex-
ander rode up and abused Hephaestion publicly,
ealling him a fool and a madman for not knowing
that without Alexander’s favour he was nothing;
and in private he also sharply reproved Craterus.
Then he brought them together and_ reconciled
them, taking an oath by Ammon and the rest of
the gods that he loved them most of all men; but
that if he heard of their quarrelling again, he would
kill them both, or at least the one who began the
quarrel, Wherefore after this they neither did nor
said anything to harm one another, not even in jest.

XLVIII. Now, Philotas, the son of Parmenio, had a
high position among the Macedonians; for he was
held to be valiant and able to endure hardship, and,

361

or

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὕτω Kal φιλέταιρος μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
οὐδείς. λέγεται γοῦν ὅτι τῶν συνήθων τινὸς
αἰτοῦντος ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσε δοῦναι: φήσαντος
δὲ τοῦ διοικητοῦ μὴ ἔχειν, “Τί λέγεις; εἶπεν,
“οὐδὲ ποτήριον ἔχεις οὐδὲ ἱμάτιον; ὄγκῳ δὲ
φρονήματος καὶ βάρει πλούτου καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸ
σῶμα θεραπείᾳ καὶ διαίτῃ χρώμενος ἐπαχθέστε-
ρον ἢ κατ᾽ ἰδιώτην, καὶ τότε δὴ τὸ σεμνὸν καὶ
ὕψηλον οὐκ ἐμμελῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἄνευ χαρίτων τῷ
σολοίκῳ καὶ παρασήμῳ μιμούμενος, ὑποψίαν καὶ
φθόνον ὁ ἔσχεν, ὥστε καὶ Happeviova ποτε εἰπεῖν
πρὸς αὐτον" “““Ὧ tai, χείρων μοι γίνου." πρὸς
δὲ αὐτὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐκ πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων
ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος. ὅτε γὰρ τὰ περὶ
Δαμασκὸν ἑάλω χρήματα Δαρείου νικηθέντος ἐν
Κυλικίᾳ, πολλῶν σωμάτων κομισθέντων εἰς τὸ
στρατόπεδον εὑρέθη γύναιον ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις,
τῴ μὲν en [Πυδναῖον, εὐπρεπὲς δὲ τὴν ὄψιν"
ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ ᾿ Ἀντιγόνη. τοῦτο ἔσχεν ὁ Φιλώτας:
οἷα δὲ νέος πρὸς ἐρωμένην καὶ σὺν οἴνῳ πολλὰ
φιλότιμα καὶ στρατιωτικὰ παρρησιαζόμενος ἑ ἑαυ-
τοῦ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἔργων ἀπέφαινε καὶ τοῦ
πατρός, ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ μειράκιον ἀπεκάλει bv
αὐτοὺς τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὄνομα καρπούμενον. ταῦτα
τῆς γυναικὸς ἐκφερούσης πρός τινα τῶν συνήθων,
ἐκείνου δέ, ὡς εἰκός, πρὸς ἕτερον, περιῆλθεν εἰς
Κρατερὸν ὁ λόγος" καὶ λαβὼν τὸ γύναιον εἰσή-
γαγε κρύφα πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ἀκούσας δὲ
ἐκεῖνος ἐκέλευσε φοιτᾶν εἰς ταὐτὸ τῷ Φιλώτα,
καὶ πᾶν, ὅ τι ἂν ἐκπύθηται τούτου, πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἀπαγγέλλειν βαδίζουσαν.

262

ALEXANDER, xtivin. 1-5

after Alexander himself, no one was so fond of giving
and so fond of his comrades. At any rate, we are
told that when one of his intimates asked him for
some money, he ordered his steward to give it him,
and when the steward said he had none to give,
“What meanest thou?” cried Philotas, “hast
thou not even plate or clothing?” However, he
displayed a pride of spirit, an abundance of wealth,
and a care of the person and mode of life which were
too offensive for a private man, and at this time par-
ticularly his imitation of majesty and loftiness was
not successful at all, but clumsy, spurious, and devoid
of grace, so that he incurred suspicion and envy, and
even Parmenio once said to him: “ My son, pray be
less of a personage.” Moreover, for a very long time
accusations against him had been brought to Alex-
ander himself. For when Dareius had been defeated
in Cilicia and the wealth of Damascus was taken,
among the many prisoners brought into the camp
there was found a young woman, born in Pydna, and
comely to look upon; her name was Antigone. This
woman Philotas got; and as a young man will often
talk freely in vaunting and martial strain to his
mistress and in his cups, he used to tell her that the
greatest achievements were performed by himself
and his father, and would call Alexander a stripling
who through their efforts enjoyed the title of ruler.
These words the woman would report to one of her
acquaintances, and he, as was natural, to somebody
else, until the story came round to Craterus, who
took the girl and brought her secretly to Alexander.
He, on hearing her story, ordered her to continue
her meetings with Philotas and to come and report
to him whatever she learned from her lover.

363

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XLIX. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Φιλώτας ἐπιβουλευόμενος
οὕτως ἠγνόει, καὶ συνὴν τῇ ᾿Αντιγόνῃ πολλὰ καὶ
πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ μεγαλαυχίαν ῥήματα καὶ λόγους
κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεπιτηδείους προϊέμενος. ὁ
δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, καίπερ καρτερᾶς ἐνδείξεως κατὰ
τοῦ Φιλώτου προσπεσούσης, ἐκαρτέρησε σιωπῇ
καὶ κατέσχεν, εἴτε θαρρῶν τῇ Παρμενίωνος εὐ-
νοίᾳ πρὸς αὑτόν, εἴτε δεδιὼς τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν καὶ
τὴν δύναμιν. ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε χρόνῳ Μακεδὼν
ὄνομα Λίμνος, € ἐκ Χαλαίστρας, ἐπιβουλεύων ᾿Αλε-
ξάνδρῳ Νικόμαχόν τινα τῶν νέων, πρὸς ὃν αὐτὸς
ἐρωτικῶς εἶχεν, ἐπὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν τῆς πράξεως
παρεκάλει. τοῦ δὲ μὴ δεξαμένου, φράσαντος δὲ
τἀδελφῷ Κεβαλίνῳ τὴν πεῖραν, ἐλθὼν ἐκεῖνος
πρὸς Φιλώταν ἐκέλευσεν εἰσάγειν αὐτοὺς πρὸς
᾿Αλέξανδρον ὡς περὶ ἀναγκαίων ἔχοντας ἐντυχεῖν
καὶ μεγάλων. ὁ δὲ Φιλώτας, 6 τι δὴ παθὼν
(ἄδηλον yap ἐστιν), οὐ παρῆγεν αὐτούς, ὡς πρὸς
ἄλλοις μείζοσι γιγνομένου τοῦ βασιλέως. καὶ
τοῦτο δὶς ἐποίησεν. οἱ δὲ καθ᾽ ὑποψίαν ἤδη τοῦ
Φιλώτου τραπόμενοι πρὸς ἕτερον καὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνου
τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ προσαχθέντες πρῶτον μὲν τὰ τοῦ
Λίμνου κατεῖπον, ἔπειτα παρεδήλωσαν ἡσυχῆ
τὸν Φιλώταν, ὡς ἀμελήσειεν αὐτῶν δὶς ἐντυχόν-
των. καὶ τοῦτο δὴ σφόδρα παρώξυνε τὸν ᾿Αλέ-
Eavopov: καὶ τοῦ πεμφθέντος ἐπὶ τὸν Λίμνον, ὡς
ἠμύνετο συλλαμβανόμενος, ἀποκτείναντος αὐτόν,
ἔτι μᾶλλον διεταράχθη, τὸν ἔλεγχον ἐκπεφευγέ-
ναι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς νομίζων. καὶ πικρῶς ἔχων 693

1 In the late autumn of 330 Β.0.

364

ALEXANDER, xxix. 1-5

XLIX. Now, Philotas was ignorant of the plot
thus laid against him, and in his frequent interviews
with Antigone would utter many angry and boastful
speeches and many improper words against the king.
But Alexander, although strong testimony against
Philotas came to his ears, endured in silence and
restrained himself, either because he had confidence
in Parmenio’s good will towards him, or because he
feared the reputation and power of father and son.
Meanwhile, however, a Macedonian named Limnus,
from Chalaestra, conspired against Alexander’s life,!
and invited Nicomachus, one of the young men,
whose lover he was, to take part with him in the
undertaking. Nicomachus would not accept the
invitation, Ἐπ told his brother Cebalinus of the
attempt, and he, going to Philotas, ordered him to
conduct them into the presence of Alexander, on
the ground that there were matters of great import-
ance about which they must see him. But Philotas,
for whatever reason (and the reason is not known),
would not conduct them in, alleging that the king
was engaged on other matters of more importance.
And he refused their request twice. They now be-
came suspicious of Philotas and applied to someone
else, by whom they were brought before Alexander.
In the first place they told him about the plot of
Limnus, and then threw out veiled insinuations
against Philotas, on the ground that he had ne-
glected their petitions on two occasions. This greatly
incensed Alexander; and when he found that Lim-
nus had defended himself against arrest and had
therefore been killed by the man sent to fetch him,
he was still more disturbed in mind, thinking that
the proof of the plot had escaped him. And since

365

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς τὸν Φιλώταν ἐπεσπάσατο τοὺς πάλαι pt-
σοῦντας αὐτόν, ἤδη φανερῶς λέγοντας ὡς ῥᾳθυμία
τοῦ βασιλέως εἴη Λίμνον οἰομένου, Χαλαιστραῖον
ἄνθρωπον, ἐπιχειρῆσαι τολμήματι τοσούτῳ καθ᾽
αὑτόν' ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν ὑπηρέτην εἶναι, μᾶλλον
δὲ ὄργανον ἀπὸ μείζονος ἀρχῆς ἀφιέμενον, ἐν ἐκεί-
/ “
νοις δὲ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ζητητέον οἷς μάλιστα ταῦ-
/ ,
Ta λανθάνειν συνέφερε. τοιούτοις λόγοις Kal
, Ni > aA
ὑπονοίαις ἀναπετάσαντος Ta ὦτα TOD βασιλέως
> a BA ,ὔ \ a , /
ἐπῆγον ἤδη μυρίας κατὰ τοῦ Φιλώτου διαβολάς.
ἐκ τούτου δὲ συλληφθεὶς ἀνεκρίνετο, τῶν ἑταίρων
ἐφεστώτων ταῖς βασάνοις, ᾿Αλεξάνδρου δὲ κατα-
κούοντος ἔξωθεν αὐλαίας παρατεταμένης" ὅτε δὴ
καί φασιν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, οἰκτρὰς καὶ ταπεινὰς

an \ \ n
τοῦ Φιλώτου φωνὰς καὶ δεήσεις τοῖς περὶ Tov
ς ie / ς« Ὁ \ \
Ηφαιστίωνα προσφέροντος" “ Οὕτω δὴ μαλακὸς
” 5) M4
ὦν, ὦ Φιλώτα, καὶ ἄνανδρος ἐπεχείρεις πράγμασι

/ 9) b] / Ν A / x
τηλικούτοις; ἀποθανόντος δὲ TOD Φιλώτου Kal
i \ a
Παρμενίωνα πέμψας εὐθὺς εἰς Μηδίαν ἀνεῖλεν,
ἄνδρα πολλὰ μὲν Φιλίππῳ συγκατεργασάμενον,
μόνον δὲ ἢ μάλιστα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων φίλων
᾽ Ἢ > ᾽ ff 5 7 ΄σ
Αλέξανδρον εἰς ᾿Ασίαν ἐξορμήσαντα διαβῆναι,
τριῶν δὲ υἱῶν ods ἔσχεν, ἐπὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς δύο
/ / {4 A
μὲν ἐπιδόντα πρότερον ἀποθανόντας, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ
συναμαιρεθέντα.

Ταῦτα πραχθέντα πολλοῖς τῶν φίλων φοβερὸν
ἐποίησε τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, μάλιστα δὲ ᾿Αντιπά-
TPO” καὶ πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ἔπεμψε κρύφα πίστεις

/ aA > /

διδοὺς καὶ λαμβάνων. ἐφοβοῦντο yap ᾿Αλέ-
’ \ \ \ 7 a ’ / A

Eavépov Αἰτωλοὶ διὰ τὴν Οἰνιαδῶν ἀνάστασιν, ἣν

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iii. 26.
306

ALEXANDER, xix. 5-8

he felt bitter towards Philotas he drew to himself
those who had long hated the man, and they now
said openly that the king took things too easily
when he supposed that Limnus, a man of Chalaestra,
had set his hand to a deed of so great daring on his
own account ; nay, they said, he was only an assistant,
or rather an instrument sent forth by a higher power,
and enquiry into the plot should be made in those
quarters where there was most interest in having it
concealed. After the king had once given ear to
such speeches and suspicions, the enemies of Philotas
brought up countless accusations against him. Con-
sequently he was arrested and put to the question,
the companions of the king standing by at the
torture, while Alexander himself listened behind a
stretch of tapestry. Here, as we are told, on hearing
Philotas beset Hephaestion with abject and pitiful
cries and supplications, he said: “So faint-hearted
as thou art, Philotas, and so unmanly, couldst thou
have set hand to so great an undertaking?” After
Philotas had been put to death, Alexander sent at
once into Media and dispatched Parmenio also, a
man whose achievements with Philip had been many,
and who was the only one of Alexander’s older
friends, or the principal one, to urge his crossing into
Asia, and who, of the three sons that were his, had
seen two killed on the expedition before this, and
was now put to death along with the third.

These actions made Alexander an object of fear to
many of his friends, and particularly to Antipater,
who sent secretly to the Aetolians and entered
into an alliance with them. For the Aetolians also
were in fear of Alexander, because they had destroyed
the city of the Oeniadae, and because Alexander, on

367

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

/ n lal > ? Ν
πυθόμενος οὐκ Οἰνιαδῶν ἔφη παῖδας, ἀλλ᾽ αὑτὸν
ἐπιθήσειν δίκην Αἰτωλοῖς.

an / \
L. Ov πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον συνηνέχθη Kai τὰ

\ a “ \ e lal / la
περὶ Κλεῖτον, οὕτω μὲν ἁπλῶς πυθομένοις τῶν

\ ΄ U ,
κατὰ Φιλώταν ἀγριώτερα' λόγῳ μέντοι συντι-

ul le \ , ᾽
θέντες ἅμα καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ τὸν καιρόν, οὐκ
, A /
ἀπὸ γνώμης, ἀλλὰ δυστυχίᾳ τινὶ ταῦτα εὑρίσκο-
a , 2 \ fe
μεν πεπραγμένα TOV Baciréws, ὀργὴν καὶ μέθην
, rn 7] / /
πρόφασιν τῷ Κλείτου δαίμονι παρασχόντος.
> ΄ \ “ κὰ ῇ δι ΄ κτλ
ἐπράχθη δὲ οὕτως. ἧκόν τινες ὀπώραν ᾿ὔλληνι-
\ > \ ΄ a a Ri Is \
κὴν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης TO βασιλεῖ κομίζοντες. ὁ δὲ
4 \ ’ \ \ \ / ’ / N
θαυμάσας τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ TO κάλλος ἐκάλει TOV

lal “ lal e

Κλεῖτον, ἐπιδεῖξαι καὶ μεταδοῦναι βουλόμενος. ὁ
\ , \ 9) ἐμ ) \ \ \ / ? ,
δὲ θύων μὲν ἐτύγχανεν, ἀφεὶς δὲ THY θυσίαν éBa-
/ fal 4
διζε: καὶ τρία τῶν κατεσπεισμένων προβάτων
“ , \ €
ἐπηκολούθησεν αὐτῷ. πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς
ων nr / ᾽ /
ἀνεκοινοῦτο τοῖς μάντεσιν ᾿Αριστάνδρῳ καὶ Kreo-
a / \
μάντει τῷ Λάκωνι. φησάντων δὲ πονηρὸν εἶναι
Ν Lal “ 2) 4
TO σημεῖον, ἐκέλευσεν ἐκθύσασθαι κατὰ τώχος
e \ a , \ \ > \ e / /
ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κλείτου. καὶ yap αὐτὸς ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ

\ \ e/ 7 aA ” ” ld \
κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἰδεῖν ὄψιν atoTrov: δόξαι yap

a \ nr \ lal J, en
αὐτῷ τὸν Κλεῖτον peta τῶν Ilappeviwvos υἱῶν ἐν

/ e / θέζ ‘al ΄ . ΄
μέλασιν ἱματίοις καθέζεσθαι, τεθνηκότων ἁπάν-
ξ a

των. ov μὴν ἔφθασεν ὁ Κλεῖτος ἐκθυσάμενος,

> ᾽ ὍΣ ὌΝ \ ὃ A - ͵ Ξ

αλλ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἧκε, τεθυκότος τοῦ
/ : / n

βασιλέως Διοσκούροις. πότου δὲ νεανικοῦ συρ-

YU / ΄

ραγέντος ἤδετο ποιήματα Ipavixyou τινός, ὡς δέ
’ > \

φασιν ἔνιοι, Ἰ]Πιερίωνος, εἰς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς πε-

368

ALEXANDER, χεῖχ. 8-L. 4

learning of it, had said that it would not be the sons
of the Oeneadae, but he himself who would punish
the Aetolians.

L. Not long afterwards came the affair of Cleitus,}
which those who simply learn the immediate circum-
stances will think more savage than that of Philotas ;
if we take into consideration, however, alike the
cause and the time, we find that it did not happen of
set purpose, but through some misfortune of the king,
whose anger and intoxication furnished occasion for
the evil genius of Cleitus. It happened on this
wise. Some people came bringing Greek fruit to
the king from the sea-board. He admired its per-
fection and beauty and called Cleitus, wishing to
show it to him and share it with him. It chanced
that Cleitus was sacrificing, but he gave up the
sacrifice and came; and three of the sheep on which
libations had already been poured came following
after him. When the king learned of this cireum-
stance, he imparted it to his soothsayers, Aristander
and Cleomantis the Lacedaemonian. Then, on their
telling him that the omen was bad, he ordered them
to sacrifice in all haste for the safety of Cleitus.
For he himself, two days before this, had seen a
strange vision in his sleep; he thought he saw
Cleitus sitting with the sons of Parmenio in black
robes, and all were dead. However, Cleitus did not
finish his sacrifice, but came at once to the supper of
the king, who had sacrificed to the Dioscuri. After
boisterous drinking was under way, verses were sung
which had been composed by a certain Pranichus,
or, as some say, Pierio, to shame and ridicule the

‘ During the campaign of 328 B.c., at Samarkand, in
Sogdiana. Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 8 f.

369

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ποιημένα τοὺς ἔναγχος ἡττημένους ὑπὸ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων ἐπ᾿ αἰσχύνῃ καὶ γέλωτι. τῶν δὲ πρε-
σβυτέρων δυσχεραινόντων καὶ λοιδορούντων τόν
τε “ποιητὴν καὶ τὸν ἄδοντα, τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἡδέως ἀκροωμένων καὶ λέγειν
κελευόντων, ὁ Κλεῖτος ἤδη μεθύων καὶ φύσει
τραχὺς ὧν ὀργὴν καὶ αὐθάδης ἠγανάκτει μάλιστα,
φάσκων οὐ καλῶς ἐν βαρβάροις καὶ πολεμίοις
ὑβρίζεσθαι Μακεδόνας πολὺ βελτίονας τῶν γε-
λώντων, εἰ καὶ δυστυχίᾳ κέχρηνται. φήσαντος
δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὸν Κλεῖτον αὑτῷ συνηγορεῖν
δυστυχίαν ἀποφαίνοντα τὴν δειλίαν, ἐ ἐπαναστὰς ὁ
Κλεῖτος, “Αὕτη μέντοι oe,” εἶπεν, “ ἡ δειλία τὸν
ἐκ θεῶν ἤδη τῷ Σπιθριδάτου ξίφει τὸν νῶτον
EKTPETOVTA περιεποίησε, καὶ τῷ Μακεδόνων αἵ-
ματι καὶ τοῖς τραύμασι τούτοις ἐγένου τηλικοῦτος
ὥστε Αμμωνι σαυτὸν εἰσποιεῖν ἀπειπάμενος
Φίλιππον."

LI. ΠΙαροξυνθεὶς οὖν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, “ἾἮ ταῦ-
Ta, εἶπεν, “ὦ κακὴ κεφαλή, σὺ περὶ ἡμῶν
ἑκάστοτε λέγων καὶ διαστασιάζων Μακεδόνας
χαιρήσειν νομίξεις; " “° AX’ οὐδὲ νῦν," ἔφη,
τ χαίρομεν, ᾿Αλέξανδρε, τοιαῦτα τέλη τῶν πόνων
κομιζόμενοι, μακαρίζομεν δὲ τοὺς ἤδη τεθνηκότας
πρὶν ἐπιδεῖν Μηδικαῖς ῥάβδοις ξαινομένους Μακε-
δόνας, καὶ Περσῶν δεομένους ἵνα τῷ βασιλεῖ
προσέλθωμεν." τοιαῦτα τοῦ Κλείτου παρρησια-
Copevov | καὶ τῶν περὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀντανισταμέ-
νων καὶ λοιδορούντων αὐτόν, οἱ πρεσβύτεροι
κατέχειν ἐπειρῶντο τὸν θόρυβον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξαν-
δρος ἀποστραφεὶς πρὸς Ἐξενόδοχον τὸν Καρδιανὸν

379

609.

ALEXANDER, tL. 4-11. 2

generals who had lately been defeated by the Bar-
barians. The older guests were annoyed at this and
railed at both the poet and the singer, but Alexander
and those about him listened with delight and bade
the singer go on. Then Cleitus, who was already
drunk and naturally of a harsh temper and wilful,
was more than ever vexed, and insisted that it was
not well done, when among Barbarians and enemies,
to insult Macedonians who were far better men than
those who laughed at them, even though they had
met with misfortune. And when Alexander de-
clared that Cleitus was pleading his own cause when
he gave cowardice the name of misfortune, Cleitus
sprang to his feet and said: “ It was this cowardice
of mine, however, that saved thy life, god-born as
thou art, when thou wast already turning thy back
upon the spear of Spithridates ;! and it is by the
blood of Macedonians, and by these wounds, that
thou art become so great as to disown Philip and
make thyself son to Ammon.” ?

LI. Thoroughly incensed, then, Alexander said :
“ Base fellow, dost thou think to speak thus of me
at all times, and to raise faction among Macedonians,
with impunity?”’ “Nay,” said Cleitus, ‘not even
now do we enjoy impunity, since such are the rewards
we get for our toils ; and we pronounce those happy
who are already dead, and did not live to see us
Macedonians thrashed with Median rods, or begging
Persians in order to get audience with our king.”
So spake Cleitus in all boldness, and those about
Alexander sprang up to confront him and reviled
him, while the elder men tried to quell the tumult.
Then Alexander, turning to Xenodochus of Cardia

' Cf. chapter xvi. 5. 2 Cf. chapters xxvii. f.

371

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

? Ps a
καὶ tov Κολοφωνιον ᾿Αρτέμιον, “Οὐ δοκοῦσιν,"
Ss “ce id “ ς Ἕ 2 ἴα, ἡ ὃ / ef
εἶπεν, “ ὑμῖν οἱ “EXXnves ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ὥσ-
2 / ς / - ” an \ ,
περ ἐν θηρίοις ἡμίθεοι περιπατεῖν; τοῦ dé Κλεί-
A yy > \ > / ἃ ΄ 7
του μὴ εἴκοντος, ἀλλὰ εἰς μέσον ἃ βούλεται λέγειν
\ > / J. Ἃ \ a 3 \
tov ᾿Αλέξανδρον κελεύοντος, ἢ μὴ καλεῖν ἐπὶ
δεῖπνον ἄνδρας. ἐλευθέρους καὶ παρρησίαν ἔχον-
τας, ἀλλὰ μετὰ βαρβάρων ζῆν καὶ ἀνδραπόδων,
οἱ τὴν Περσικὴν ζώνην καὶ τὸν διάλευκον αὐτοῦ
χιτῶνα προσκυνήσουσιν, οὐκέτι φέρων τὴν ὀργὴν
᾿Αλέξανδρος μήλων παρακειμένων ἑνὶ βαλὼν
ἔπαισεν αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ἐζήτει. τῶν δὲ
σωματοφυλάκων ἑνὸς ᾿Αριστοφάνους φθάσαντος
ὑφελέσθαι, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων περιεχόντων καὶ δεο-
/ al
μένων, ἀναπηδήσας ἀνεβόα Μακεδονιστὶ καλῶν
\ e ΄ an \ #8 ΄ ΄ὕ
τοὺς ὑπασπιστάς (τοῦτο δὲ ἣν σύμβολον θορύβου
μεγάλου), καὶ τὸν σαλπιγκτὴν ἐκέλευσε σημαί-
νειν, καὶ πὺξ ἔπαισεν ὡς διατρίβοντα καὶ μὴ
βουλόμενον. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὕστερον εὐδοκίμησεν
ὡς τοῦ μὴ νσυνταραχθῆναι τὸ στρατόπεδον αἰτιώ-
τατος γενόμενος. τὸν δὲ Κλεῖτον οὐχ ὑφιέμενον
οἱ φίλοι μόλις ἐξέωσαν τοῦ ἀνδρῶνος.
‘O δὲ κατ᾽ ἄλλας θύρας αὖθις εἰσήει, μάλα
ὀλιγώρως καὶ θρασέως ὐριπίδου τὰ ἐξ ᾿Ανδρο-
μάχης ἰαμβεῖα ταῦτα περαίνων"

οἴμοι, καθ᾽ “Ελλαδ᾽ ὡς κακῶς νομίξεται.
οὕτω δὴ λαβὼν παρά τινος τῶν δορυφόρων ᾿Αλέ-
ξανδρος αἰχμὴν ἀπαντῶντα τὸν Κλεῖτον αὐτῷ
καὶ παράγοντα τὸ πρὸ τῆς θύρας παρακάλυμμα
διελαύνει. πεσόντος δὲ μετὰ στεναγμοῦ καὶ
4 Verse 683 (Kirchhoff).
372

ALEXANDER, ui. 2-6

and Artemius of Colophon, said: “ Do not the Greeks
appear to you to walk about among Macedonians like
demi-gods among wild beasts?” Cleitus, however,
would not yield, but called on Alexander to speak out
freely what he wished to say, or else not to invite to
supper men who were free and spoke their minds,
but to live with Barbarians and slaves, who would
do obeisance to his white tunic and Persian girdle.
Then Alexander, no longer able to restrain his anger,
threw one of the apples that lay on the table at
Cleitus and hit him, and began looking about for his
sword. But one of his body-guards, Aristophanes,
conveyed it away before he could lay hands on it, and
the rest surrounded him and begged him to desist,
whereupon he sprang to his feet and called out in
Macedonian speech a summons to his corps of guards
(and this was a sign of great disturbance), and
ordered the trumpeter to sound, and smote him with
his fist because he hesitated and was unwilling to
do so. This man, then, was afterwards held in high
esteem on the ground that it was due to him more
than to any one else that the camp was not thrown
into commotion. But Cleitus would not give in, and
with much ado his friends pushed him out of the
banquet-hall.

He tried to come in again, however, by another
door, very boldly and contemptuously reciting these
iambics from the “ Andromache” of Euripides! :

« Alas! in Hellas what an evil government!”

And so, at last, Alexander seized a spear from one
of his guards, met Cleitus as he was drawing aside
the curtain before the door, and ran him through.
No sooner had Cleitus fallen with a roar and a groan

VOL, VII. ν 9.3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βρυχήματος εὐθὺς ἀφῆκεν ὁ θυμὸς αὐτόν. καὶ
γενόμενος παρ᾽ ἑαυτῷ καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἰδὼν ἀφώ-
νους ἑστῶτας ἑλκύσασθαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ νεκροῦ τὴν
αἰχμὴν ἔφθασε, παῖσαι δ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ὁρμήσας παρὰ
τὸν τράχηλον ἐπεσχέθη, τῶν σωματοφυλάκων
τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ λαβόντων καὶ τὸ σῶμα βίᾳ
παρενεγκόντων εἰς τὸν θάλαμον.

LIT. ’Ezrel δὲ τήν τε νύκτα κακῶς κλαίων διή-
νεγκε καὶ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ἤδη τῷ βοᾶν καὶ
θρηνεῖν ἀπειρηκὼς ἄναυδος ἔκειτο, βαρεῖς ἀνα-
φέρων στεναγμούς, δείσαντες οἱ φίλοι τὴν ἀπο-
σιώπησιν εἰσῆλθον Bia. καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐ
προσίετο τοὺς λόγους, ᾿Αριστάνδρου δὲ τοῦ μάν-
τεως ὑπομιμνήσκοντος αὐτὸν τήν τε ὄψιν ἣν
εἶδε περὶ τοῦ Κλείτου, καὶ τὸ σημεῖον, ὡς δὴ
πάλαι καθειμαρμένων τούτων, ἔδοξεν ἐνδιδόναι.
διὸ Καλλισθένην τε τὸν φιλόσοφον παρεισή-
γαγον, ᾿Αριστοτέλους οἰκεῖον ὄντα, καὶ τὸν "AB-
δηρίτην ᾿Ανάξαρχον. ὧν Καλλισθένης μὲν ἠθικῶς
ἐπειρᾶτο καὶ πράως, ὑποδυόμενος τῷ λόγῳ͵ καὶ
περιϊὼν ἀλύπως, λαβέσθαι τοῦ πάθους, ὁ δὲ
᾿Ανάξαρχος, ἰδίαν τινὰ πορευόμενος ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁδὸν
ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ, καὶ δόξαν εἰληφὼς ὑπεροψίας καὶ
ὀλιγωρίας τῶν συνήθων, εὐθὺς εἰσελθὼν ἀνεβό-
noev: τὶ Οὗτός ἐστιν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, εἰς ὃν ἡ οἰκου-
μένη νῦν ἀποβλέπει" ὁ δὲ ἔ ,ἐρρύπται κλαίων ὥσπερ
ἀνδράποδον, ἀνθρώπων νόμον k καὶ ψόγον δεδοικώς,
οἷς αὐτὸν προσήκει νόμον εἶναι καὶ ὅρον τῶν
δικαίων, ἐπείπερ ἄρχειν καὶ κρατεῖν νενίκηκεν,
ἀλλὰ μὴ δουλεύειν ὑπὸ κενῆς δόξης κεκρατημένον.

374

695

ALEXANDER, τι. 6-111. 3

than the king’s anger departed from him. And
when he was come to himself and beheld his friends
standing speechless, he drew the spear from the
dead body and would have dashed it into his own
throat, had not his body-guards prevented this by
seizing his hands and carrying him by force to his
chamber.

LII. Here he spent the night and the following
day in bitter lamentations, and at last lay speechless,
worn out with his cries and wailing, heaving deep
groans. Then his friends, alarmed at his silence,
forced their way in. To what the others said he
would pay no attention, but when Aristander the
seer reminded him of the vision he had seen con-
cerning Cleitus, and of the omen,! assuring him that
all this had long ago been decreed by fate, he seemed
to be less obdurate. Therefore they brought in
to him Callisthenes the philosopher, who was a
relative of Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera.
Of these, Callisthenes tried by considerate and
gentle methods to alleviate the king’s suffering,
employing insinuation and circumlocution so as to
avoid giving pain; but Anaxarchus, who had always
taken a path of his own in philosophy, and had
acquired a reputation for despising and slighting his
associates, shouted out as soon as he came in:
‘‘Here is Alexander, to whom the whole world is
now looking ; but he lies on the floor weeping like a
slave, in fear of the law and the censure of men,
unto whom he himself should be a law and a
ineasure of justice, since he has conquered the right
to rule and mastery, instead of submitting like a
slave to the mastery of a vain opinion, Knowest

1 Cf. chapter 1. 2 f.
375

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 οὐκ οἶσθα," εἶπεν, " “ὅτι τὴν Δίκην ἔχει πάρεδρον
ὁ Ζεὺς καὶ τὴν Θέμιν, ἵνα πᾶν τὸ πραχθὲν ὑπὸ
τοῦ κρατοῦντος θεμιτὸν ἢ ἢ καὶ δίκαιον; " τοιούτοις
τισὶ λόγοις χρησάμενος 0 ᾿Ανάξαρχος τὸ μὲν
πάθος ἐκούφισε τοῦ βασιλέως, τὸ δὲ ἦθος εἰς
πολλὰ χαυνότερον καὶ παρανομώτερον ἐποίησεν,
αὑτὸν δὲ δαιμονίως ἐνήρμοσε, καὶ τοῦ Καλλισθέ-
νους τὴν ὁμιλίαν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως ἐπίχαριν διὰ τὸ
αὐστηρὸν οὗσαν, προσδιέβαλε.

δ Λέγεται δέ ποτε παρὰ δεῖπνον ὑπὲρ ὡρῶν καὶ
κράσεως τοῦ περιέχοντος λόγων. ὄντων, τὸν Καλ.-
λισθένην, μετέχοντα δόξης τοῖς λέγουσι τἀκεῖ
μᾶλλον εἶναι ψυχρὰ καὶ δυσχείμερα τῶν Ἕλλη.-
νικῶν, ἐναντιουμένου τοῦ ᾿Αναξάρχου καὶ φι-
λονεικοῦντος, εἰπεῖν: “᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ἀνάγκη σοὶ
ταῦτα ἐκείνων ὁμολογεῖν ψυχρότερα" σὺ γὰρ ἐκεῖ
μὲν ἐν τρίβωνι διεχείμαζες, ἐνταῦθα δὲ τρεῖς ἐπι-
βεβλημένος δάπιδας κατάκεισαι." τὸν μὲν οὖν
᾿Ανάξαρχον καὶ τοῦτο προσπαρώξυνε.

LITI. Tovs δὲ ἄλλους σοφιστὰς καὶ κόλακας ὁ
Καλλισθένης ἐλύπει σπουδαξζόμενος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν
νέων διὰ τὸν λόγον, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τοῖς πρεσβυτέ-
ροις ἀρέσκων διὰ τὸν βίον, εὔτακτον ὄντα καὶ
σεμνὸν καὶ αὐτάρκη, καὶ βεβαιοῦντα. τὴν λεγο-
μένην τῆς “ἀποδημίας πρόφασιν, ὃ ὅτι τοὺς πολίτας
καταγαγεῖν καὶ κατοικίσαι πάλιν τὴν πατρίδα

2 φιλοτιμούμενος ἀνέβη πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον. φθο-
νούμενος δὲ διὰ τὴν δόξαν ἔ ἔστιν ἃ καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτοῦ
τοῖς διαβάλλουσι παρεῖχε, τάς τε κλήσεις τὰ

1 Olynthus, which had been destroyed by Philip in 347 B.c.
376

ALEXANDER, tm. 4-11π|. 2

thou not,” said he, “that Zeus has Justice and Law
seated beside him, in order that everything that is
done by the master of the world may be lawful and
just?’’ By using some such arguments as these
Anaxarchus succeeded in lightening the suffering of
the king, it is true, but rendered his disposition in
many ways more vainglorious and lawless; he also
made himself wonderfully liked by the king, and
brought the intercourse of Callisthenes with him,
which had always been unpleasant because of the
man’s austerity, into additional disfavour.

It is said that once at supper the conversation
turned upon seasons and weather, and that Callis-
thenes, who held with those who maintain that it is
more cold and wintry there than in Greece, was
stoutly opposed by Anaxarchus, whereupon he said:
“You surely must admit that it is colder here than
there; for there you used to go about in winter in
a cloak merely, but here you recline at table with
three rugs thrown over you.” Of course this also
added to the irritation of Anaxarchus.

LIII. Moreover, the other sophists and flatterers
in the train of Alexander were annoyed to see
Callisthenes eagerly courted by the young men on
account of his eloquence, and no less pleasing to the
older men on account of his mode of life, which was
well-ordered, dignified, and independent, and con-
firmed the reason given for his sojourn abroad,
namely, that he had gone to Alexander from an
ardent desire to restore his fellow-citizens to their
homes and re-people his native city.!_ And besides
being envied on account of his reputation, he also
at times by his own conduct furnished material for
his detractors, rejecting invitations for the most

377

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολλὰ διωθούμενος, ἔν τε τῷ συνεῖναι βαρύτητι
καὶ σιωπῇ δοκῶν οὐκ ἐπαινεῖν οὐδὲ ἀρέσκεσθαι
τοῖς γινομένοις, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν
ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ"

A / e δ᾽ i? A /
μισῶ σοφιστὴν, ὅστις OVO αὑτῷ σοφος.

Λέγεται δέ ποτε πολλῶν παρακεκλημένων ἐπὶ
a / lal
TO δεῖπνον ἐπαινέσαι κελευσθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῦ ποτη-
/ Ἢ ς / “ > a
ptov Μακεδόνας ὁ Καλλισθένης οὕτως εὐροῆσαι
\ / Ud / a
πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ὥστε ἀνισταμένους κροτεῖν
Ν / \ / ’ ᾽ > , ’ a
καὶ βάλλειν τοὺς στεφάνους ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν" εἰπεῖν
οὖν τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὅτι, Kat Εὐριπίδην, τὸν
λαβόντα τῶν λόγων

\ ’ \ » Le tS = /
καλὰς ἀφορμᾶς ov μέγ᾽ ἔργον ev λέγειν"

rN ἔνδειξαι," hava, “ τὴν αὑτοῦ δύναμιν
ἡμῖν κατηγορήσας Μακεδόνων, ἵνα καὶ βελτίους
γένωνται μαθόντες ἃ πλημμελοῦσιν." οὕτω δὴ
τὸν ἄνδρα πρὸς τὴν παλινῳδίαν τραπόμενον
πολλὰ παρρησιάσασθαι κατὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων,
καὶ τὴν “Βλληνικὴν στάσιν αἰτίαν ἀποφήναντα
τῆς γενομένης περὶ Φίλιππον αὐξήσεως καὶ δυνά-
μεως εἰπεῖν"

\

6 / » a
LO πάγκακος ἔλλαχε τιμῆς"

’

ἐν δὲ διχοστασίῃ Ka

’

’ ec Ν Ν \ 3 ῇ a “-
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πικρὸν καὶ βαρὺ ἐγγενέσθαι μῖσος τοῖς
Μακεδόσι, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐ τῆς

1 An iambic trimeter from an unknown play of Euripides
(Nauck, T'rag. Graec. Frag.? p. 652).

378

ALEXANDER, tut. 2-5

part, and when he did go into company, by his
gravity and silence making it appear that he dis-
approved or disliked what was going on, so that
even Alexander said in allusion to him :—

“© T hate a wise man even to himself unwise.” }

It is said, moreover, that once when a large com-
pany had been invited to the king’s supper, Callis-
thenes was bidden, when the cup came to him, to
speak in praise of the Macedonians, and was so
successful on the theme that the guests rose up to
applaud him and threw their garlands at him;
whereupon Alexander said that, in the language of
Euripides, when a man has for his words

“Α noble subject, it is easy to speak well ;” 2

“ But show us the power of your eloquence,” said
he, “by a denunciation of the Macedonians, that
they may become even better by learning their
faults.” And so Callisthenes began his palinode,
and spoke long and boldly in denunciation of the
Macedonians, and after showing that faction among
the Greeks was the cause of the increase of Philip’s
power, added :

“ But in a time of sedition, the base man too is in
honour.” 3

This gave the Macedonians a stern and bitter hatred
of him, and Alexander declared that Callisthenes

2 Bacchae, 260 (Kirchhoff).
3 A proverb in hexameter verse, sometimes attributed to
Callimachus. Cf. the Nicius, xi. 3; Morals, p. 479 a.

379

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δεινότητος ὁ Καλλισθένης, ἀλλὰ τῆς δυσμενείας
Μακεδόσιν ἀπόδειξιν δέδωκε.

LIV. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ “ρμιππός φησι τὸν
ἀναγνώστην τοῦ Καλλισθένους Στροῖβον ᾽Αρι-
στοτέλει διηγεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Καλλισθένην συνέντα

ΩΝ » / a , \ Ἃ \
τὴν ἀλλοτριότητα τοῦ βασιλέως δὶς ἢ τρὶς
ἀπιόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν'

Γ ’
κάτθανε καὶ Ἰ]άτροκλος, ὅπερ σέο πολλὸν
,
ἀμείνων.

οὐ φαύλως οὖν εἰπεῖν ἔοικεν ὁ ᾿Αριστοτέλης ὅτι
Καλλισθένης λόγῳ μὲν ἣν δυνατὸς καὶ μέγας,
νοῦν δὲ οὐκ εἶχεν. ἀλλὰ τήν γε προσκύνησιν
ἰσχυρῶς ἀπωσάμενος καὶ φιλοσόφως, καὶ μόνος
ἐν φανερῷ διελθὼν ἃ κρύφα πάντες οἱ βέλτιστοι
καὶ πρεσβύτατοι τῶν Μακεδόνων ἠγανάκτουν,
τοὺς μὲν “Ελληνας αἰσχύνης ἀπήλλαξε μεγάλης,
καὶ μείζονος ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἀποτρέψας τὴν προσ-
κύνησιν, αὑτὸν δὲ ἀπώλεσεν, ἐκβιάσασθαι δοκῶν
μᾶλλον ἢ πεῖσαι τὸν βασιλέα.

Χάρης δὲ ὁ Μιτυληναῖός φησι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ πιόντα φιάλην “προτεῖναί τινι
τῶν φίλων: τὸν δὲ δεξάμενον. πρὸς ἑστίαν ἀνα-
στῆναι καὶ πιόντα προσκυνῆσαι πρῶτον, εἶτα
φιλῆσαι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, καὶ κατακλιθῆναι.
πάντων δὲ τοῦτο ποιούντων ἐφεξῆς τὸν Καλλει-
σθένην λαβόντα τὴν φιάλην, οὐ προσέχοντος τοῦ
βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ “Ηφαιστίωνι προσδιαλεγομένου,
πιόντα προσιέναι φιλήσοντα, Δημητρίου δὲ τοῦ

1 Achilles to Hector, Iliad, xxi. 107.
380

ALEXANDER, tut. 5-uIv. 4

had given a proof, not of his eloquence, but of his
ill-will towards the Macedonians.

LIV. This, then, according to Hermippus, is the
story which Stroebus, the slave who read aloud for
Callisthenes, told to Aristotle, and he says that
when Callisthenes was aware of the alienation of the
king, twice or thrice, as he was going away from
him, he recited the verse :

“ Dead is also Patroclus, a man far braver than thou
art.” 1

What Aristotle said, then, would seem to have been
no idle verdict, namely, that Callisthenes showed
great ability as a speaker, but lacked common sense.
But in the matter of the obeisance, at least, by re-
fusing sturdily and like a philosopher to perform the
act, and by standing forth alone and rehearsing in
public the reasons for the indignation which all the
oldest and best of the Macedonians cherished in
secret, he delivered the Greeks from a great dis-
grace, and Alexander from a greater, by leading him
not to insist upon the obeisance ; but he destroyed
himself, because he was thought to use force rather
than persuasion with the king.

Chares of Mitylene says that once at a banquet
Alexander, after drinking, handed the cup to one of
his friends, and he, on receiving it, rose up so as to
face the household shrine, and when he had drunk,
first made obeisance to Alexander, then kissed him,
and then resumed his place upon the couch. As all
the guests were doing this in turn, Callisthenes
took the cup, the king not paying attention, but
conversing with Hephaestion, and after he had
drunk went towards the king to kiss him; but

381

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

προσονομαζομένου Φείδωνος εἰπόντος, “ἾὮ, βασι-
λεῦ, μὴ φιλήσῃς" οὗτος γάρ σε μόνος οὐ προσ-
εκύνησε," διακλῖναι τὸ φίλημα τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον,
τὸν δὲ Καλλισθένη μέγα φθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν"
“Φιλήματι τοίνυν ἔλασσον ἔχων ἄπειμι.

LV. Τοιαύτης ὑπογενομένης ,ἀλλοτριότητος
πρῶτον μὲν Ἡφαιστίων ἐπιστεύετο λέγων ὅτι
συνθέμενος πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Καλλισθένης προσκυνῆ-
σαι Ψεύσαιτο τὴν ὁμολογίαν: ἔπειτα Λυσίμαχοι
καὶ “Αγνωνες ἐπεφύοντο φάσκοντες περιϊέναι τὸν
σοφιστὴν ὡς ἐπὶ καταλύσει τυραννίδος μέγα
φρονοῦντα, καὶ συντρέχειν πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ μειράκια
καὶ περιέπειν ὡς μόνον ἐλεύθερον ἐν τοσαύταις
μυριάσι. διὸ καὶ τῶν περὶ Ἑρμόλαον ἐπιβου-
λευσάντων τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ καὶ φανερῶν γενο-
μένων ἔδοξαν ἀληθέσιν ὅμοια κατηγορεῖν οἱ
διαβάλλοντες, ὡς τῷ μὲν προβαλόντι πῶς ἂν
ἐνδοξότατος γένοιτο ἄνθρωπος, εἶπεν, “Ἂν ἀπο-
κτείνῃ τὸν ἐνδοξότατον, τὸν δὲ Ἑρμόλαον ἐπὶ
τὴν πρᾶξιν παροξύνων ἐκέλευε μὴ δεδιέναι τὴν
χρυσῆν κλίνην, ἀλλὰ μνημονεύειν ὅτι καὶ νοσοῦντι
καὶ τιτρωσκομένῳ πρόσεισιν ἀνθρώπῳ. καίτοι
τῶν περὶ ᾿ρμόλαον οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ διὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης
ἀνάγκης τοῦ Καλλισθένους κατεῖπεν. ἀλλὰ καὶ
᾿Αλέξανδρος αὐτὸς εὐθὺς Κρατερῷ γράφων καὶ
᾿Αττάλῳ καὶ ᾿Αλκέτᾳ φησὶ τοὺς παῖδας βασανι-
ζομένους ὁμολογεῖν ὡς αὐτοὶ ταῦτα πράξειαν,

ἄλλος δὲ οὐδεὶς συνειδείη. ὕστερον δὲ γράφων
πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν Καλλισθένην συνεπ-

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 12.
2 The conspiracy of the pages (Arrian, Anab. iv. 13).

382

ALEXANDER, tlv. 4-tv. 3

Demetrius, surnamed Pheido, cried: “O King, do
not accept his kiss, for he alone has not done thee
obeisance.”” So Alexander declined the kiss, at
which Callisthenes exclaimed in a loud voice: “ Well,
then, [1] go away the poorer by a kiss.”’ }

LV. The king having been thus alienated, in the
first place, Hephaestion found credence for his story
that Callisthenes had promised him to make obeisance
to the king and then had been false to his agree-
ment. Again, men like Lysimachus and Hagnon
persisted in saying that the sophist went about with
lofty thoughts as if bent on abolishing a tyranny,
and that the young men flocked to him and fol-
lowed him about as if he were the only freeman
among so many tens of thousands. For this reason
also, when the conspiracy of Hermolaiis and his
associates ? against Alexander was discovered, it was
thought that the accusations of his detractors had an
air of probability. They said, namely, that when
Hermolaiis put the question to him how he might
become a most illustrious man, Callisthenes said:
« By killing the most illustrious;’’ and that in in-
citing Hermolaiis to the deed he bade him have no
fear of the golden couch, but remember that he
was approaching a man who was subject to sickness
and wounds. And yet not one of the accomplices
of Hermolaiis, even in the last extremity, denounced
Callisthenes. Nay, even Alexander himself, in the
letters which he wrote at once to Craterus, Attalus,
and Alcetas, says that the youths confessed under
torture that they had made this attempt of them-
selves, and that no one else was privy to it. But in
a letter written later to Antipater, wherein he ac-
euses Callisthenes also of the crime, he says: “The

383

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 αἰτιασάμενος, “Oi μὲν παῖδες, φησίν, “ aro
τῶν Μακεδόνων κατελεύσθησαν, τὸν δὲ σοφιστὴν
ἐγὼ κολάσω καὶ τοὺς ἐκπέμψαντας αὐτὸν καὶ
τοὺς ὑποδεχομένους ταῖς πόλεσι τοὺς ἐμοὶ ἐπι-
βουλεύοντας," ἄντικρυς ἔν γε τούτοις ἀποκαλυ-
πτόμενος πρὸς ᾿Αριστοτέλην' καὶ γὰρ ἐτέθραπτο
Καλλισθένης παρ᾽ αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἐξ.

5 Ἡροῦς γεγονώς, ἀνεψιᾶς ᾿Αριστοτέλους. ἀπο-
θανεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου κρεμα-
σθέντα λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ ἐν πέδαις δεδεμένον καὶ
νοσήσαντα, Χάρης δὲ μετὰ τὴν σύλληψιν ἑπτὰ
μῆνας φυλάττεσθαι δεδεμένον, ὡς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ
κριθείη παρόντος ᾿Αριστοτέλους, € ἐν αἷς δὲ ἡμέραις
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐτρώθη περὶ τὴν ᾿Ινδίαν, ἀποθανεῖν
ὑπέρπαχυν γενόμενον καὶ φθειριάσαντα.

LVI. Tatra μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη. Δη-
μάρατος δὲ ὁ Κορίνθιος ἤδη πρεσβύτερος ὧν
ἐφιλοτιμήθη πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀναβῆναι" καὶ
θεασάμενος αὐτὸν εἶπε μεγάλης ἡδονῆς ἐστερῆ-
σθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὅσοι τεθνήκασι πρὶν ἰδεῖν
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθήμενον.
οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλέον γε τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας τοῦ
βασιλέως ἀπέλαυσεν, arr ἐξ ἀρρωστίας ἀπο-
θανὼν ἐκηδεύθη μεγαλοπρεπῶς, καὶ τάφον ἐ ἔχωσεν
ὁ στρατὸς ἐ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ τῇ περιμέτρῳ μέγαν, ὕψος δὲ
πηχῶν ὀγδοήκοντα" τὰ δὲ λείψανα τέθριππον
κεκοσμημένον λαμπρῶς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν κατεκόμισε.

LVIT. Μέλλων δὲ ὑπερβάλλειν εἰς τὴν Ἶνδι-
KH, ὡς ἑώρα πλήθει λαφύρων τὴν στρατιὰν ἤδη

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. iv. 14, 3f., where other accounts still
are mentioned.

384

ALEXANDER, tv. 4-Lvul. 1

youths were stoned to death by the Macedonians,
but the sophist I will punish, together with those
who sent him to me and those who harbour in their
cities men who conspire against my life;”’ and in
these words, at least, he directly reveals a hostility
to Aristotle, in whose house Callisthenes, on account
of his relationship, had been reared, being a son of
Hero, who was a niece of Aristotle. As to the
death of Callisthenes, some say that he was hanged
by Alexander’s orders, others that he was bound
hand and foot and died of sickness, and Chares says
that after his arrest he was kept in fetters seven
months, that he might be tried before a full council
when Aristotle was present, but that about the time
when Alexander was wounded in India, he died
from obesity and the disease of lice.}

LVI. This, however, belongs to a later time.?
Meanwhile Demaratus the Corinthian, who was now
well on in years, was eagerly desirous of going up
to Alexander; and when he had seen him, he said
that those Greeks were deprived of a great pleasure
who had died before seeing Alexander seated on the
throne of Dareius.* However, he did not long enjoy
the king’s good will towards him, but died from
debility. His obsequies were magnificent, and the
army raised in his memory a mound of great circum-
ference and eighty cubits in height. His ashes
were carried down to the sea-board on a four-horse
chariot splendidly adorned.

LVII. Alexander was now about to cross the
mountains into India,# and since he saw that his
army was by this time cumbered with much booty

2 The spring of 327 B.c. 3 Cf. chapter xxxvii. 4.
4 In the late spring of 327 8.0,

385

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a \ / Ss ¢ 8 e /
βαρεῖαν καὶ δυσκίνητον οὗσαν, ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ συνε-
a a rd \ ς /
σκευασμένων TOV ἁμαξῶν, πρώτας μὲν ὑπέπρησε
Qn “ / Ni \ vA
τὰς αὑτοῦ Kal τῶν ἑταίρων, μετὰ δὲ ταύτας
a a Ul A rn
ἐκέλευσε Kal ταῖς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐνεῖναι πῦρ.
‘i n γ N ΄ὔ a ? /
καὶ τοῦ πράγματος τὸ βούλευμα μεῖζον ἐφάνη
Ν 7 ? / \
καὶ δεινότερον ἢ TO ἔργον. ὀλίγους μὲν yap
4 ς \ A a \ b a \
ἠνίασεν, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι Bon Kal ἀλαλαγμῷ μετὰ
ἐνθουσιασμοῦ τὰ μὲν ἀναγκαῖα τοῖς δεομένοις
, nN ΄ a / \
μεταδιδόντες, τὰ δὲ περιόντα τῆς χρείας αὐτοὶ
/ e an
κατακαίοντες καὶ διαφθείροντες ὁρμῆς Kat προ-
? /
θυμίας ἐνεπίμπλασαν τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ἤδη δὲ
\ \ 5 pine , \ ~
καὶ φοβερὸς ἣν καὶ ἀπαραίτητος κολαστὴς τῶν
Υ \ \ / / a
πλημμελούντων. Kal yap Mévavépov τινα τῶν
,
ἑταίρων ἄρχοντα φρουρίου καταστήσας, ws οὐκ
΄ / 2 / A
ἐβούλετο μένειν, ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ τῶν ἀποστάντων
iA >) / 3 Ν ,
βαρβάρων ᾿Ορσοδάτην αὐτὸς κατετόξευσε.
“4 , a a
ΠΠροβάτου δὲ τεκόντος ἄρνα περὶ TH κεφαλῇ
lal \ n ΄
σχῆμα καὶ χρῶμα τιάρας ἔχοντα καὶ διδύμους ἑκα-
a) SS a
τέρωθεν αὐτοῦ, βδελυχθεὶς TO σημεῖον ἐκαθάρθη
\ e \ a / ἃ "ἢ 7 ? /
μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων, ovs ἐξ ἔθους ἐπήγετο
\ \ A \ \ \
πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα" διελέχθη δὲ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ὡς
3 ὃ 3 id id 3 \ ὃ 9 ’ , Uv \ x
ov δι’ αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ δι᾿ ἐκείνους ταράττοιτο, μὴ TO
fel Y ,
κράτος εἰς ἀγεννῆ καὶ ἄναλκιν ἄνθρωπον ἐκλιπόν-
an if Ν ,
TOS αὐτοῦ περιστήσῃ TO δαιμόνιον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
a / \
βέλτιόν τι σημεῖον γενόμενον THY ἀθυμίαν ἔλυσεν.
€ lal
ὁ yap ἐπὶ TOV στρωματοφυλάκων τεταγμένος ἀνὴρ
, > / a “ n
Μακεδών, ὄνομα Ipofevos, τῇ βασιλικῇ σκηνῇ

386

697

ALEXANDER, tv. 1-4

and hard to move, at break of day, after the
baggage-waggons had been loaded, he burned first
those which belonged to himself and his companions,
and then gave orders to set fire to those of the
Macedonians. And the planning of the thing
turned out to be a larger and more formidable matter
than its execution. For it gave annoyance to a few
only of the soldiers, while the most of them, with
rapturous shouts and war-cries, shared their neces-
saries with those who were in need of them, and
what was superfluous they burned and destroyed
with their own hands, thus filling Alexander with
zeal and eagerness. Besides, he was already greatly
feared, and inexorable in the chastisement of a
transgressor. For instance, when a certain Menander,
one of his companions, who had been put in com-
mand of a garrison, refused to remain there, he put
him to death; and Orsodates, a Barbarian who had
revolted from him, he shot down with his own
hand.

When a sheep yeaned a lamb which had upon its
head what looked like a tiara in form and colour,
with testicles on either side of it, Alexander was
filled with loathing at the portent, and had himself
purified by the Babylonians, whom he was accus-
to take along with him for such purposes; and in
conversation with his friends he said that he was
not disturbed for his own sake, but for theirs, fear-
ing lest after his death Heaven might devolve his
power upon an ignoble and impotent man. How-
ever, a better portent occurred and put an end to
his dejection. The Macedonian, namely, who was
set over those in charge of the royal equipage,
Proxenus by name, as he was digging a place for the

387

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

χώραν ὀρύττων παρὰ τὸν Ὦξον ποταμὸν ἀνεκά-
λυψε πηγὴν ὑγροῦ λιπαροῦ καὶ πιμελώδους:
ἀπαντλουμένου δὲ τοῦ πρώτου καθαρὸν ἀνέβλυξεν
ἤδη καὶ διαυγὲς ἔλαιον, οὔτε ὀσμῇ δοκοῦν οὔτε
γεύσει ἐλαίου διαφέρειν, στιλπνότητά τε καὶ
λιπαρότητα παντάπασιν ἀπαράλλακτον, καὶ
ταῦτα τῆς χώρας μηδὲ ἐλαίας φερούσης. λέγεται
μὲν οὖν καὶ τὸν Ὦξον αὐτὸν εἶναι μαλακώτατον
ὕδωρ, ὥστε τὸ δέρμα τοῖς λουομένοις ἐπιλιπαί-
νειν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ θαυμαστῶς ᾿Αλέξανδρος
ἡσθεὶς δῆλός ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν γράφει πρὸς ᾿Αντί-
πατρον, ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις τοῦτο τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ
θεοῦ γεγονότων αὐτῷ τιθέμενος. οἱ δὲ μάντεις
ἐνδόξου μὲν στρατείας, ἐπιπόνου δὲ καὶ χαλεπῆς
τὸ σημεῖον ἐποιοῦντο" πόνων γὰρ ἀρωγὴν ἔλαιον
ἀνθρώποις ὑπὸ θεοῦ δεδόσθαι.

LVITI. Πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὰς μάχας αὐτῷ
κίνδυνοι συνέπεσον καὶ τραύμασι νεανικοῖς ἀπήν-
τῆσε, τὴν δὲ πλείστην φθορὰν a ἀπορίαι τῶν ἀναγ-
καίων καὶ δυσκρασίαι τοῦ περιέχοντος ἀπειργώ-
σαντο τῆς στρατιᾶς. αὐτὸς δὲ τόλμῃ τὴν τύχην
ὑπερβαλέσθαι καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἀ ἀρετῇ φιλοτιμού-
μενος, οὐδὲν wWeTO τοῖς θαρροῦσιν ἀνάλωτον οὐδὲ
ὀχυρὸν εἶναι τοῖς ἀτόλμοις. λέγεται δὲ τὴν Σιεσι-
μίθρου πολιορκῶν πέτραν ἄβατον οὖσαν καὶ ἀπό-
τομον * ἀθυμούντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν “ἐρωτῆσαι
τὸν Οξυάρτην ποῖός τις αὐτὸς εἴη τὴν ψυχὴν
ὁ Σισιμίθρης. φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Οξυάρτου δει-
λότατον ἀνθρώπων, “Λέγεις σύ ye,” φάναι, “ τὴν

1 ἀπότομον Coraés’ correction of the MSS. ἀπρόσβατον, for
which Bekker reads ἀπρόσμαχον, after Schaefer. Sintenis?
suggests ἀπότομον καὶ ἀπρόσβατον.

288

ALEXANDER, tvu. 4-Lvur. 2

king’s tent along the river Oxus, uncovered a spring
of liquid which was oily and fatty; but when the
top of it was drawn off, there flowed at once a pure
and clear oil, which appeared to differ from olive oil
neither in odour nor in flavour, and in smoothness
and lustre was altogether the same, and that too
though the country produced no olive trees. It is
said, indeed, that the Oxus itself also has a very
soft water, which gives sleekness to the skin of
those who bathe in it. However, that Alexander
was marvellously pleased is clear from what he writes
to Antipater, where he speaks of this as one of the
greatest omens vouchsafed to him from Heaven.
‘The seers, however, held that the omen fore-
shadowed an expedition which would be glorious,
but difficult and toilsome; for oil, they said, was
given to men by Heaven as an aid to toil.

LVIII. And so it proved; for he encountered
many perils in the battles which he fought, and
received very severe wounds; but the greatest
losses which his army suffered were caused by lack
of necessary provisions and severity of weather.
Still, he was eager to overcome fortune by bold-
ness and force by valour, and thought nothing
invincible for the courageous, and nothing secure
for the cowardly. It is said that when he was be-
sieging the citadel of Sisimithres, which was steep
and inaccessible, so that his soldiers were dis-
heartened, he asked Oxyartes what sort of a man
Sisimithres himself was in point of spirit. And
when Oxyartes replied that he was most cowardly of
men, “ Thy words mean,” said Alexander, “ that we

389

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a 2 \ \ 7 ᾽ aA
πέτραν ἁλώσιμον ἡμῖν εἶναι" TO γὰρ ἄρχον αὐτῆς
2 7 / \
οὐκ ὀχυρόν ἐστι." ταύτην μὲν οὖν ἐκφοβήσας τὸν
/ 5) e / Ν «ς / 3 ,
Σισιμίθρην ἔλαβεν. ἑτέρᾳ δὲ ὁμοίως ἀποτόμῳ
/ nr ,
προσβαλὼν τοὺς νεωτέρους τῶν Μακεδόνων
ἐξ \ δ Ke / /
παρώρμα, καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρόν τινα καλούμενον
΄ AG \ , » 4 cae
προσαγορεύσας, “᾿Αλλὰ σοι ye, εἰπεν, “ av-
r \ ‘ >
δραγαθεῖν προσήκει καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν." ἐπεὶ
rn γ΄ , ,
δὲ λαμπρῶς ὁ νεανίας ἀγωνιζόμενος ἔπεσεν, οὐ
/ ’ ib A \ ΄ ΄ aA
μετρίως ἐδήχθη. τῇ δὲ καλουμένῃ Νύσῃ τῶν
4 \
Μακεδόνων ὀκνούντων προσάγειν (Kal yap ποτα-
ai \ 5 ΣΝ a: ’ Le ΕΓ et eS
μὸς ἣν πρὸς αὐτῇ βαθὺς) ἐπιστάς, “Τί γάρ," εἶπεν,
an bb) >
“ὁ κάκιστος ἐγὼ νεῖν οὐκ ἔμαθον;" Kal ἤδη ἔχων
τὴν ἀσπίδα περᾶν ἠθέλησεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καταπαύ-
σαντος τὴν μάχην αὐτοῦ παρῆσαν ἀπὸ τῶν
4 ΄
πολιορκουμένων πόλεων πρέσβεις δεησόμενοι,
πρῶτον μὲν ὀφθεὶς ἀθεράπευτος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις
2 id > / 7 je \
ἐξέπληξεν αὐτοὺς" ἔπειτα προσκεφαλαίου τινὸς
> n i > / ΄ ’ὔ ἣν
αὐτῷ κομισθέντος ἐκέλευσε λαβόντα καθίσαι τὸν
/ v > a / 9
πρεσβύτατον" “Axovdis ἐκαλεῖτο. θαυμάσας οὖν
\ iE \ / eed
τὴν λαμπρότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ὁ ᾿Ακουφις
, ΄ la)
ἠρώτα τί βούλεται ποιοῦντας αὐτοὺς ἔχειν φίλους.
an 3
φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, “ Σὲ μὲν ἄρχοντα
/ © a \ \ n
καταστήσαντας αὑτῶν, πρὸς δὲ ἡμᾶς πέμψαντας
\ / »
ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας TOUS apiaTous, γελάσας ὁ "ΑἈκου-
᾽ \ / »” 3 A
gis, “᾿Αλλὰ βέλτιον, εἶπεν, “ ἄρξω, βασιλεῦ,
, \ \ / cal
TOUS κακίστους πρὸς σὲ πέμψας μᾶλλον ἢ TOUS
ἀρίστους."
ξ Ν / / an a
LIX. Ὁ δὲ Ταξίλης λέγεται μὲν τῆς Ἰνδικῆς
a /
ἔχειν μοῖραν οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν Αἰγύπτου τὸ μέγε-
” δὲ \ , b a ΄,
θος, εὔβοτον δὲ καὶ καλλίκαρπον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα,

3290

698

ALEXANDER, tvim. 2-t1x. 1

can take the citadel, since he who commands it is a
weak thing.” And indeed he did take the citadel
by frightening Sisimithres. Again, after attacking
another citadel equally precipitous, he was urging
on the younger Macedonians, and addressing one
who bore the name of Alexander, said: “ It behooves
thee, at least, to be a brave man, even for thy
name’s sake.”’ And when the young man, fighting
gloriously, fell, the king was pained beyond
measure. And at another time, when his Mace-
donians hesitated to advance upon the citadel called
Nysa because there was a deep river in front of it,
Alexander, halting on the bank, cried: ‘Most
miserable man that I am, why, pray, have I not
learned to swim?” and at once, carrying his shield,
he would have tried to cross. And when, after he
had put a stop to the fighting, ambassadors came
from the beleaguered cities to beg for terms, they
were amazed, to begin with, to see him in full
armour and without an attendant; and _ besides,
when a cushion was brought him for his use, he
ordered the eldest of the ambassadors, Acuphis by
name, to take it for his seat. Acuphis, accordingly,
astonished at his magnanimity and courtesy, asked
what he wished them to do in order to be his
friends. “ Thy countrymen,” said Alexander, “ must
make thee their ruler, and send me a hundred of
their best men.”’ At this Acuphis laughed, and said:
““Nay, O King, I shall rule better if I send to thee
the worst men rather than the best. 1

LIX. Taxiles, we are told, had a realm in India as
large as Egypt, with good pasturage, too, and in the
highest degree productive of beautiful fruits. He

ICf. Arrian, Anab. v. 2, 1-3.
391

PLUTARCH'S LIVES

σοφὸς δέ τίς ἀνὴρ εἶναι, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
ἀσπασάμενος, “Ti det πολέμων," φάναι, “ καὶ
μάχης ἡμῖν, ᾿Αλέξανδρε, πρὸς ἀλλήλους, εἰ μήτε
ὕδωρ ἀφαιρησόμενος ἡμῶν ἀφῖξαι μήτε τροφὴν
ἀναγκαίαν, ὑπὲρ ὧν μόνων ἀνάγκη διαμάχεσθαι
νοῦν ἔχουσιν ἀνθρώποις; τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις χρήμασι
καὶ κτήμασι λεγομένοις, εἰ μέν εἰμι κρείττων,
ἕτοιμος εὖ ποιεῖν, εἰ δὲ ἥττων, οὐ φεύγω χάριν
ἔχειν εὖ παθών." ἡσθεὶς οὖν ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος καὶ
δεξιωσάμενος αὐτόν, “ Ἦ που νομίζεις," ἔφη,
% δίχα μάχης ἔσεσθαι τὴν ἔντευξιν ἡμῖν ἀπὸ
τοιούτων λόγων καὶ φιλοφροσύνης; ἀλλ᾽ οὐδέν
σοι πλέον" ἐγὼ γὰρ ἀγωνιοῦμαι πρὸς σὲ καὶ
διαμαχοῦμαι ταῖς χάρισιν, ὥς μου χρηστὸς ὧν
μὴ περυγένῃ.᾽ λαβὼν δὲ δῶρα πολλὰ καὶ δοὺς
πλείονα τέλος χίλια τάλαντα νομίσματος αὐτῷ
προέπιεν. ἐφ᾽ οἷς τοὺς μὲν φίλους ἰσχυρῶς
ἐλύπησε, τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων πολλοὺς ἐποίησεν
ἡμερωτέρως ἔχειν πρὸς αὐτόν.

᾿Επεὶ δὲ τῶν ᾿Ινδῶν οἱ μαχιμώτατοι “μισθοφο-
ροῦντες ἐπεφοίτων ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐρρωμένως ἀμύ-
νοντες καὶ πολλὰ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐκακοποίουν,
σπεισάμενος ἔν τινι πόλει πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπιόντας
év ὁδῷ λαβὼν ἅπαντας ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ τοῦτο
τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῦ, τὰ ἄλλα νομίμως
καὶ βασιλικῶς πολεμήσαντος, ὥσπερ κηλὶς πρόσ-
εστιν. οὐκ ἐλάσσονα δὲ τούτων οἱ φιλόσοφοι
πράγματα παρέσχον αὐτῷ, τούς τε προστιθε-
μένους τῶν βασιλέων κακίζοντες καὶ τοὺς ἐλευ-
θέρους δήμους ἀφιστάντες. διὸ καὶ τούτων
πολλοὺς ἐκρέμασε.

392

ALEXANDER, ux. 1-4

was also a wise man in his way, and after he had
greeted Alexander, said: “ Why must we war and
fight with one another, Alexander, if thou art not
come to rob us of water or of necessary sustenance,
the only things for which men of sense are obliged
to fight obstinately ? As for other wealth and pos-
sessions, so-called, if I am thy superior therein, I am
ready to confer favours; but if thine inferior, I will
not object to thanking you for favours conferred.”’
At this Alexander was delighted, and clasping the
king’s hand, said: “Canst thou think, pray, that
after such words of kindness our interview is to end
without a battle? Nay, thou shalt not get the
better of me; for I will contend against thee and
fight to the last with my favours, that thou mayest
not surpass me in generosity.” So, after receiving
many gifts and giving many more, at last he lavished
upon him a thousand talents in coined money. This
conduct greatly vexed Alexander’s friends, but it made
many of the Barbarians look upon him more kindly.

The best fighters among the Indians, however,
were mercenaries, and they used to go about to the
different cities and defend them sturdily, and wrought
much harm to Alexander’s cause. Therefore, after
he had made a truce with them in a certain city and
allowed them to depart, he fell upon them as they
marched and slew them all. And this act adheres
like a stain to his military career; in all other in-
stances he waged war according to usage and like a
king. The philosophers, too, no less than the mer-
cenaries, gave him trouble, by abusing those of the
native princes who attached themselves to his cause,
and by inciting the free peoples to revolt. He there-
fore took many of these also and hanged them.

393

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a \ a
LX. Ta δὲ πρὸς Πῶρον αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστο-
A e 3 ip / \ \ >’ ,
Nats ws ἐπράχθη γέγραφε. ; φησὶ γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ
τῶν στρατοπέδων τοῦ Ὕδάσπου ῥέοντος ἀντι-
/ e ie \ > , aN \ al
πόρους ἱστάντα τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἀεὶ τὸν Πῶρον
a \ 95 ’
ἐπιτηρεῖν τὴν διάβασιν. αὑτὸν μὲν οὖν καθ
id / ς / f a \ / 2 a
ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ψόφον ποιεῖν καὶ θόρυβον ἐν TO
/ 7 ΘΝ Ἢ \ /
στρατοπέδῳ πολύν, ἐθίζοντα τοὺς βαρβάρους
\ nr \ \ / \ >’ /
μὴ φοβεῖσθαι" νυκτὸς δὲ χειμερίου Kal ἀσελήνου
“ an , “
λαβόντα τῶν πεζῶν μέρος, ἱππεῖς δὲ τοὺς κρατί-
, rn
στους, καὶ προελθόντα πόρρω τῶν πολεμίων
διαπερᾶσαι πρὸς νῆσον οὐ μεγάλην. ἐνταῦθα
/ / Ω
δὲ ῥαγδαίου μὲν ἐκχυθέντος ὄμβρου, πρηστήρων
δὲ πολλῶν καὶ κεραυνῶν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον
/ ef € fal
φερομένων, ὅμως ὁρῶν ἀπολλυμένους τινὰς Kal
\ a lal fol
συμφλεγομένους ὑπὸ τῶν κεραυνῶν ἀπὸ τῆς
lal 4 / a 5
νησῖδος ἄρας προσφέρεσθαι ταῖς ἀντιπέρας ὄχ-
\ € a
Oats. τραχὺν δὲ tov Ὕδάσπην ὑπὸ τοῦ χει-
a ’ / a
μῶνος ἐπιόντα καὶ μετέωρον, ἔκρηγμα ποιῆσαι
/ A
μέγα, καὶ πολὺ μέρος ἐκείνη φέρεσθαι τοῦ
«ς Uh >? \ \ / Ἂν / >
ῥεύματος: αὐτοὺς δὲ δέξασθαι τὸ μέσον οὐ
/ ee \ / \ ΄
βεβαίως, ἅτε δὴ συνολισθάνον καὶ περιρρηγνύ-
>} nO δὲ Ψ' a 3 , oc #
μενον. ἐνταῦθα δὲ εἰπεῖν φασιν αὐτόν: “Ὧ
» a = jy / XN e [4 ς
Αθηναῖοι, apa γε πιστεύσαιτε ἂν ἡλίκους ὑπο-
/ a a
μένω κινδύνους ἕνεκα τῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῖν evdokias;”
Ἰλλὰ Lal \ Oo / v ’ \ δέ
ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ᾿Ονησίκριτος εἴρηκεν, αὐτὸς δέ
\ / / a
φησι τὰς σχεδίας ἀφέντας αὐτοὺς μετὰ τῶν
/ bY lal
ὅπλων TO ἔκρηγμα διαβαίνειν ἄχρι μαστῶν Bpe-
χομένους, διαβὰς δὲ τῶν πεζῶν εἴκοσι σταδίους
-- a I ’ Lf a
προϊππεῦσαι, λογιζόμενος, EL μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι τοῖς

394

ALEXANDER, tx. 1-4

LX. Of his campaign against Porus! he himself
has given an account in his letters. He says,
namely, that the river Hydaspes flowed between
the two camps, and that Porus stationed his ele-
phants on the opposite bank and kept continual
watch of the crossing. He himself, accordingly, day
by day caused a great din and tumult to be made in
his camp, and thereby accustomed the Barbarians not
to be alarmed. Then, on a dark and stormy night,
he took a part of his infantry and the best of his
horsemen, and after proceeding along the river to a
distance from where the enemy lay, crossed over
to a small island. Here rain fell in torrents, and
many tornadoes and thunder-bolts dashed down
upon his men; but nevertheless, although he saw
that many of them were being burned to death by
the thunder-bolts, he set out from the islet and made
for the opposite banks. But the Hydaspes, made
violent by the storm and dashing high against its
bank, made a great breach in it, and a large part of
the stream was setting in that direction; and the
shore between the two currents gave his men no
sure footing, since it was broken and slippery. And
here it was that he is said to have cried: “O
Athenians, can ye possibly believe what perils I am
undergoing to win glory in your eyes?”’ This, how-
ever, is the story of Onesicritus; Alexander himself
says that they left their rafts and crossed the
breach with their armour on, wading breast-high in
water, and that after he had crossed he led his
horsemen twenty furlongs in advance of his infantry,
calculating that, in case the enemy attacked with

1 See Arrian, Anab. v. 9-19. It was in the spring of
326 B.C.

395

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ivf / \ , > ἣν
ἵπποις προσβάλοιεν, πολὺ κρατήσειν, εἰ δὲ κιν-
“ \ ΄ ΄ \ \ ϑὺν A
oiev τὴν φάλαγγα, φθήσεσθαι τοὺς πεζοὺς αὐτῷ
προσγενομένους" θάτερον δὲ συμβῆναι. τῶν γὰρ
ἱππέων χιλίους καὶ τῶν ἁρμάτων ἑξήκοντα συμ-
΄ὔ \ Ν al
πεσόντα τρεψάμενος, τὰ μὲν ἅρματα λαβεῖν
ἅπαντα, τῶν δ᾽ ἱππέων ἀνελεῖν τετρακοσίους.
x rn
οὕτω δὴ συμφρονήσαντα tov Il@pov ws αὐτὸς
᾽
εἴη διαβεβηκὼς ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ἐπιέναι μετὰ πάσης
a \ a
τῆς δυνάμεως, πλὴν ὅσον ἐμποδὼν εἶναι τοῖς
OC A
διαβαίνουσι τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀπέλιπε. φοβηθεὶς
Ν \ / \ Ν a a / >. ON
δὲ τὰ θηρία καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων αὐτὸς
a \ a a
μὲν ἐνσεῖσαι κατὰ θάτερον κέρας, Κοῖνον δὲ τῷ
an ta) “ 4 \ a
δεξιῷ προσβαλεῖν κελεῦσαι. γενομένης δὲ τροπῆς
e “
ἑκατέρωθεν ἀναχωρεῖν ἀεὶ πρὸς τὰ θηρία καὶ
a \ > / “ δ) \
συνειλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐκβιαζομένους, ὅθεν ἤδη τὴν
, 3 ef
μάχην ἀναμεμιγμένην εἶναι, καὶ μόλις ὀγδόης ὥρας
a a Cs a
ἀπειπεῖν TOUS πολεμίους. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ τῆς
Ν Ὁ“ Ὁ
μάχης ποιητὴς αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς εἴρηκεν.
ce n e n
Oi δὲ πλεῖστοι τῶν συγγραφέων ὁμολογοῦσι
a / n
tov Πῶρον ὑπεραίροντα τεσσάρων πηχῶν σπιθα-
a a / \ a
μῇ TO μῆκος ἱππότου μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν πρὸς τὸν
2 . f ’ Ν \ / Ν \ ”
ἐλέφαντα συμμετρίᾳ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος Kal τὸν ὄγκον
“ ΄ / 7 €
τοῦ σώματος. καίτοι μέγιστος ἣν ὁ ἐλέφας"
σύνεσιν δὲ θαυμαστὴν ἐπεδείξατο καὶ κηδεμονίαν
τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐρρωμένου μὲν ἔτι θυμῷ τοὺς
προσμαχομένους ἀμυνόμενος καὶ ἀνακόπτων, ὡς
δὲ ἤσθετο βελῶν πλήθει καὶ τραυμάτων κάμ-
\ a a \ ,
vovta, δείσας μὴ περιρρυῇ, τοῖς μὲν γόνασιν εἰς
aA a 1d A
γῆν ὑφῆκε πράως ἑαυτόν, TH δὲ προνομαίᾳ λαμ-

396

(

ALEXANDER, Lx. 4-7

their cavalry, he would be far superior to them, and
in case they moved up their men-at-arms, his infantry
would join him in good season. And one of these
suppositions came to pass. For after routing a
thousand of the enemy’s horsemen and sixty of their
chariots which engaged him, he captured all the
chariots, and slew four hundred of the horsemen.
And now Porus, thus led to believe that Alexander
himself had crossed the river, advanced upon him
with alt his forces, except the part he left behind
to impede the crossing of the remaining Mace-
donians. But Alexander, fearing the elephants and
the great numbers of the enemy, himself assaulted
their left wing, and ordered Coenus to attack their
right. Both wings having been routed, the van-
quished troops retired in every case upon the
elephants in the centre, and were there crowded
together with them, and from this point on the
battle was waged at close quarters, and it was not
until the eighth hour that the enemy gave up.
Such then, is the account of the battle which the
victor himself has given in his letters.

Most historians agree that Porus was four cubits
and a span! high, and that the size and majesty of
his body made his elephant seem as fitting a mount
for him as a horse for a horseman. And yet his
elephant was of the largest size; and it showed re-
markable intelligence and solicitude for the king,
bravely defending him and beating back his assailants
while he was still in full vigour, and when it perceived
that its master was worn out with a multitude of
missiles and wounds, fearing lest he should fall off,
it knelt softly on the ground, and with its proboscis

1 Six feet and three inches,

397

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βάνων ἀτρέμα τῶν Sopatiwv ἕκαστον ἐξήρει τοῦ

8 σώματος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ληφθέντα τὸν Πῶρον ὁ ᾿Αλέ-
ξανδρος 7 ἠρώτα πῶς αὐτῷ χρήσηται, “ΞΒασιλικῶς,"
εἶπε; προσπυθομένου “Se pay TL ἄλλο λέγει,
“Πάντα, εἶπεν, “ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ βασιλικῶς. οὐ
μόνον οὖν ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν ἄρχειν ὧν ἐβασίλευε,
σατράπην καλούμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσέθηκε χώ-
ραν τοὺς" αὐτονόμους καταστρεψάμενος, ἐν ἡ
πεντεκαίδεκα μὲν ἔθνη, πόλεις δὲ πεντακισχιλίας
ἀξιολόγους, κώμας δὲ παμπόλλας elvat φασιν"
ἄλλην δὲ τρὶς τοσαύτην ἧς Φίλιππόν τινα τῶν
ἑταίρων σατράπην ἀπέδειξεν.

LXI. Ἐκ δὲ τῆς πρὸς Πῶρον μάχης καὶ ὁ
Βουκεφάλας ἐτελεύτησεν, οὐκ εὐθύς, ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον,
ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι λέγουσιν ἀπὸ τραυμάτων θερα-
πευόμενος, ὡς δὲ ᾿Ονησίκριτος, διὰ γῆρας ὑπέρ-
πονος γενόμενος" τριάκοντα γὰρ ἐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν
αὐτόν. ἐδήχθη δ᾽ ἰσχυρῶς ᾿Αλέξανδρος, οὐδὲν
ἄχλο ἢ Feith Kal φίλον ἀποβεβληκέναι νομίζων"
καὶ πόλιν οἰκίσας ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ τὸν ὙὝξάσπην
Βουκεφαλίαν προσηγόρευσε. λέγεται δὲ καὶ
κύνα Περίταν ὄνομα τεθραμμένον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ

στεργόμενον ἀποβαλὼν κτίσαι πόλιν ἐπώνυμον.
τοῦτο δὲ Σωτίων φησὶ Ἰ]Ποτάμωνος ἀκοῦσαι τοῦ
Λεσβίου.

LXII. Τοὺς μέντοι Μακεδόνας ὁ “πρὸς Πῶρον
ἀγὼν ἀμβλυτέρους ἐποίησε καὶ τοῦ πρόσω τῆς
ἸΙνδικῆς ἔτι προελθεῖν ἐπέσχε. μόλις γὰρ ἐκεῖνον

1 τρὺς with Bekker, after Coraés: καὶ τούς.

1 Cf. Arrian, Anab. v. 19, 4 f.
* Alexander carried his conquests from the Indus to the

398

ALEXANDER, Lx. 7-Lxu. 1

gently took each spear and drew it out of his body.
Porus was taken prisoner, and when Alexander asked
him how he would be treated, said: “ Like a king”’;
and to another question from Alexander whether he
had anything else to say, replied: “ All things are
included in my ‘like a king.’’’ Accordingly, Alex-
ander not only permitted him to govern his former
kingdom, giving him the title of satrap, but also
added to it the territory of the independent peoples
whom he subdued, in which there are said to have
been fifteen nations, five thousand cities of con-
siderable size, and a great multitude of villages.
He subdued other territory also thrice as large as
this and appointed Philip, one of his companions,
satrap over it.

LXI. After the battle with Porus, too, Bucephalas
died,—not at once, but some time afterwards,—as
most writers say, from wounds for which he was
under treatment, but according to Onesicritus, from
old age, having become quite worn out;! for he was
thirty years old when he died. His death grieved
Alexander mightily, who felt that he had lost nothing
less than a comrade and friend; he also built a city
in his memory on the banks of the Hydaspes and
called it Bucephalia. It is said, too, that when he
lost a dog also, named Peritas, which had been
reared by him and was loved by him, he founded a
city and gave it the dog’s name. Sotion says he
heard this from Potamon the Lesbian.

LXII. As for the Macedonians, however, their
struggle with Porus blunted their courage and stayed
their further advance into India.? For having had

Hyphasis (Arrian, Anab. v. 25), subduing the Punjab. It
was now September, 326 B.c.

399

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ ,ὕ , A \ , e a
ὠσάμενοι δισμυρίοις πεζοῖς Kal δισχιλίοις ἱππεῦσι
a ’ /
παραταξάμενον, ἀντέστησαν ἰσχυρῶς ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ
a ,
βιαζομένῳ καὶ tov Γάγγην περᾶσαι ποταμόν,
εὖρος μὲν αὐτοῦ δύο καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων εἶναι
, XK /
πυνθανόμενοι Kal βάθος ὀργυιὰς ἑκατόν, ἀντι-
΄ Ν ‘A ” > / /
πέρας δὲ τὰς ὄχθας ἀποκεκρύφθαι πλήθεσιν
[γι NC ΓΟ ΚΡ» ΄ wT \
ὅπλων καὶ ἵππων καὶ ἐλεφάντων. ἐλέγοντο yap
ὀκτὼ μὲν μυριάδας ἱπποτῶν, εἴκοσι δὲ πεζῶν,
“ τοι 4 \ [4 /
ἅρματα δὲ ὀκτακισχίλια καὶ μαχίμους ἐλέφαντας
€ , 7 e a \
ἑξακισχιλίους ἔχοντες οἱ Γανδαριτῶν καὶ ἸΠραι-
σίων βασιλεῖς ὑπομένειν. καὶ κόμπος οὐκ ἣν
περὶ ταῦτα. ᾿Ανδρόκοττος γὰρ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ
“ ΄ / + /
βασιλεύσας Σελεύκῳ πεντακοσίους ἐλέφαντας
ἐδωρήσατο, καὶ στρατοῦ μυριάσιν ἑξήκοντα τὴν
᾿Ινδικὴν ἐπῆλθεν ἅπασαν καταστρεφόμενος.
Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ὑπὸ δυσθυμίας καὶ ὀργῆς
\ 7
αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν καθείρξας ἔκειτο, χάριν
/ “-
οὐδεμίαν εἰδὼς τοῖς διαπεπραγμένοις εἰ μὴ περά-
iN , > ’ ’ / Ὁ“ ,
σειε τὸν Layynv, arr ἐξομολόγησιν ἥττης τιθέ-
μενος τὴν ἀναχώρησιν. ὡς δὲ οἵ τε φίλοι τὰ εἰκότα
παρηγοροῦντες αὐτὸν οἵ τε στρατιῶται κλαυ-
[οἱ \ a i A
θμῷ καὶ Bon προσιστάμενοι ταῖς θύραις ἱκέτευον,
ἐπικλασθεὶς ἀνεζεύγνυε, πολλὰ πρὸς δόξαν ἀπα-
τηλὰ καὶ σοφιστικὰ μηχανώμενος. καὶ γὰρ ὅπλα
μείζονα καὶ φάτνας ἵππων καὶ χαλινοὺς βαρυ-
τέρους κατασκευάσας ἀπέλιπέ τε καὶ διέρριψεν
ἱδρύσατο δὲ βωμοὺς θεῶν, ods μέχρι νῦν οἱ
ΠΙραισίων βασιλεῖς διαβαίνοντες σέβονται καὶ

400

oc

ALEXANDER, tx. 1-4

all they could do to repulse an enemy who mustered
only twenty thousand infantry and two thousand
horse, they violently opposed Alexander when he
insisted on crossing the river Ganges also, the width
of which, as they learned, was thirty-two furlongs,
its depth a hundred fathoms, while its banks on the
further side were covered with multitudes of men-
at-arms and horsemen and elephants. For they
were told that the kings of the Ganderites and
Praesii were awaiting them with eighty thousand
horsemen, two hundred thousand footmen, eight
thousand chariots, and six thousand fighting ele-
phants. And there was no boasting in these reports.
For Androcottus, who reigned there not long after-
wards, made a present to Seleucus of five hundred
elephants, and with an army of six hundred thousand
men overran and subdued all India.

At first, then, Alexander shut himself up in his
tent from displeasure and wrath and lay there, feel-
ing no gratitude for what he had already achieved
unless he should cross the Ganges, nay, counting a
retreat a confession of defeat. But his friends gave
him fitting consolation, and his soldiers crowded
about his door and besought him with loud cries and
wailing, until at last he relented and began to break
camp, resorting to many deceitful and fallacious
devices for the enhancement of his fame. For in-
stance, he had armour prepared that was larger than
usual, and mangers for horses that were higher, and
bits that were heavier than those in common use,
and left them scattered up and down. Moreover,
he erected altars for the gods, which down to the
present time are revered by the kings of the Praesii
when they cross the river, and on them they offer

401

to

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θύουσιν ᾿λληνικὰς θυσιας. ᾿Ανδρόκοττος δὲ pet-
ράκιον ὧν αὐτὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἶδε, καὶ λέγεται
πολλάκις εἰπεῖν ὕστερον ὡς παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἦλθε τὰ
πράγματα λαβεῖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος, μισουμένου τε
καὶ καταφρονουμένου τοῦ βασιλέως διὰ μοχθη-
ρίαν καὶ δυσγένειαν.

LXIII. ᾿Εντεῦθεν ὁρμήσας ᾿Αλέξανδρος τὴν
ἔξω θάλασσαν ἐπιδεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ πορθμεῖα
Komp Kal σχεδίας πηξάμενος, ἐκομίξετο τοῖς
ποταμοῖς ὑποφερόμενος σχολαίως. ὁ δὲ πλοῦς
οὐκ ἀργὸς ἣν οὐδὲ ἀπόλεμος, προσβάλλων δὲ
ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ ἀποβαίνων ἐχειροῦτο πάντα.
πρὸς δὲ τοῖς καλουμένοις Μαλλοῖς, οὕς φασιν
᾿Ινδῶν μαχιμωτάτους γενέσθαι, μικρὸν ἐδέησε
κατακοπῆναι. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἀνθρώπους βέλεσιν
ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἀπεσκέδασε, πρῶτος δὲ διὰ
κλίμακος τεθείσης ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος, ὡς ἥ τε
κλίμαξ συνετρίβη καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ὑφιστα-
μένων παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἐλάμβανε πληγὰς κάτωθεν,
ὀλιγοστὸς ὧν συστρέψας ¢ ἑαυτὸν εἰς μέσους ἀφῆκε
τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ κατὰ τύχην ὀρθὸς ἔστη.
τιναξαμένου δὲ τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἔδοξαν οἱ βάρβαροι
σέλας τι καὶ φάσμα πρὸ τοῦ σώματος φέρεσθαι.
διὸ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἔφυγον καὶ διεσκεδάσθησαν'
ὡς δὲ εἶδον αὐτὸν μετὰ δυεῖν ὑπασπιστῶν, ἐπι-
δραμόντες οἱ μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς ξίφεσι καὶ δόρασι διὰ
τῶν ὅπλων συνετίτρωσκον ἀμυνόμενον, εἷς δὲ
μικρὸν ἀπωτέρω στὰς ἐφῆκεν ἀπὸ τόξου βέλος
οὕτως εὔτονον καὶ βίαιον ὥστε τὸν θώρακα δια-
κόψαν ἐμπαγῆναι τοῖς περὶ τὸν μασθὸν ὀστέοις.

' Hydaspes, Acesines, and Indus (Arrian, Anab. vi. 1).

402

ALEXANDER, cxu. 4-Lxi1. 3

sacrifices in the Hellenic manner. Androcottus,
when he was a stripling. saw Alexander himself, and
we are told that he often said in later times that
Alexander narrowly missed making himself master
of the country, since its king was hated and despised
on account of his baseness and low birth.

LXIII. From thence, being eager to behold the
ocean, and having built many passage-boats equipped
with oars, and many rafts, he was conveyed down the
rivers! in a leisurely course. And yet his voyage
was not made without effort nor even without war,
but he would land and assault the cities on his route
and subdue everything. However, in attacking the
people called Malli, who are said to have been the
most warlike of the Indians, he came within a little
of being cut down. For after dispersing the in-
habitants from the walls with missiles, he was the
first to mount upon the wall by a scaling ladder, and
since the ladder was broken to pieces and he was
exposed to the missiles of the Barbarians who stood
along the wall below, almost alone as he was, he
crouched and threw himself into the midst of the
enemy, and by good fortune alighted on his feet.
Then, as he brandished his arms, the Barbarians
thought that a shape of gleaming fire played in
front of his person. Therefore at first they scattered
and fled; but when they saw that he was accom-
panied by only two of his guards, they ran upon him,
and some tried to wound him by thrusting their
swords and spears through his armour as he de-
fended himself, while one, standing a little further
off, shot an arrow at him with such accuracy and
force that it cut its way through his breastplate and
fastened itself in his ribs at the breast. Such was

403

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a δὲ \ Ἂν b] 60 > a \ Ν A
4 πρὸς 0€ τὴν TANYNHY EVOOYTOS αὐτοῦ Kal TO σῶμα

aa

κάμψαντος, ὁ μὲν βαλὼν ἐπέδραμε βαρβαρικὴν
μάχαιραν σπασάμενος, [Πευκέστας δὲ καὶ Λιμναῖος
προέστησαν: ὧν πληγέντων ἑκατέρων ὁ μὲν
ἀπέθανε, Πευκέστας δὲ a ἀντεῖχε, τὸν δὲ βάρβαρον
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀπέκτεινεν. αὐτὸς δὲ τραύματα
πολλὰ λαβών, τέλος δὲ πληγεὶς ὑπέρῳ κατὰ τοῦ
τραχήλου, προσήρεισε τῷ τείχει τὸ σῶμα, βλέπων
πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν Μακε-
δόνων περιχυθέντων ἁρπασθεὶς. ἀναίσθητος ἤδη
τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἐκομίζετο. καὶ
παραυτίκα μὲν ὡς τεθνεῶτος ἣν λόγος ἐν τῷ
στρατοπέδῳ" χαλεπῶς δὲ καὶ πολυπόνως τὸν
ὀϊστὸν ἐκπρισάντων ξύλινον ὄντα, καὶ τοῦ
θώρακος οὕτω μόλις ἀπολυθέντος, περὶ τὴν
ἐκκοπὴν ἐγίνοντο τῆς ἀκίδος ἐνδεδυκυίας ἑνὶ τῶν
ὀστέων. λέγεται δὲ τὸ μὲν πλάτος τριῶν δακτύ-
λων εἶναι, τὸ δὲ μῆκος τεσσάρων. διὸ ταῖς
λιποθυμίαις ἔγγιστα θανάτου συνελαυνόμενος
ἐξαιρουμένης αὐτῆς, ὅμως ἀνέλαβε. καὶ διαφυγὼν
τὸν κίνδυνον, ἔτι δὲ ἀσθενὴς ὧν καὶ πολὺν χρόνον
ἐν διαίτῃ καὶ θεραπείαις ἔχων αὑτόν, ἔξω θορυ-
βοῦντας ὡς nodero ποθοῦντας αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν τοὺς
Μακεδόνας, λαβὼν ἱ ἱμάτιον. προῆλθε. καὶ θύσας
τοῖς θεοῖς αὖθις ἀνήχθη καὶ παρεκομίζετο χώραν
τε πολλὴν καὶ πόλεις μεγάλας καταστρεφόμενος.

LXIV. Τῶν δὲ Πυμνοσοφιστῶν τοὺς μάλιστα
τὸν Σάββαν.͵ ἀναπείσαντας ἀποστῆναι καὶ κακὰ
πλεῖστα τοῖς Μακεδόσι παρασχόντας λαβὼν
δέκα, δεινοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι περὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις

1 Leonnatus, according to Arrian, vi. 10, 2.

404

ALEXANDER, tx. 3-vx1v. 1

the force of the blow that Alexander recoiled and
sank to his knees, whereupon his assailant ran at him
with drawn scimitar, while Peucestas and Limnaeus !
defended him. Both of them were wounded, and
Limnaeus was killed ; but Peucestas held out, and at
last Alexander killed the Barbarian. But he himself
received many wounds, and at last was smitten on
the neck with a cudgel, and leaned against the wall,
his eyes still fixed upon his foes. At this instant his
Macedonians flocked about him, caught him up,
already unconscious of what was going on about him,
and carried him to his tent. And straightway a
report that he was dead prevailed in the camp; but
when with much difficulty and pains they had sawn
off the shaft of the arrow, which was of wood, and
had thus succeeded at last in removing the king's
breastplate, they came to the excision of the arrow-
head, which was buried in one of the ribs. We are
told, moreover, that it was three fingers broad and
four long. Its removal, therefore, threw the king
into swoons and brought him to death’s door, but
nevertheless he recovered. And after he was out
of danger, though he was still weak and kept him-
self for a long time under regimen and treatment,
perceiving from their tumult at his door that his
Macedonians were yearning to see him, he took his
cloak and went out to them. And after sacrificing to
the gods he went on board ship again and dropped
down the river, subduing much territory and great
cities as he went.

LXIV. He captured ten of the Gymnosophists
who had done most to get Sabbas to revolt, and had
made the most trouble for the Macedonians. These
philosophers were reputed to be clever and concise

VOL. VII. Oo 495

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kal βραχυλόγους, ἐρωτήματα προὔβαλεν αὐτοῖς
ἄπορα, φήσας ἀποκτενεῖν τὸν μὴ ὀρθῶς a ἀποκρινά-
μενον πρῶτον, εἶτα ἐφεξῆς οὕτω τοὺς ἄλλους"
ἕνα δὲ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἐκέλευσε κρίνειν. ὁ μὲν
οὖν πρῶτος ἐρωτηθεὶς πότερον οἴεται τοὺς ζῶντας
εἶναι πλείονας ἢ τοὺς τεθνηκότας, ἔφη τοὺς ζῶν-
τας" οὐκέτι γὰρ εἶναι τοὺς τεθνηκότας. ὁ δὲ
δεύτερος, πότερον τὴν γῆν ἢ τὴν θάλατταν μεί-
ζονα τρέφειν θηρία, τὴν γῆν: ταύτης γὰρ μέρος
εἶναι τὴν θάλατταν. ὁ δὲ τρίτος, ποῖόν ἐστι
ζῷον πανουργότατον, “5, G μέχρι νῦν, εἶπεν,

“ ἄνθρωπος οὐκ ἔγνωκεν." ὁ δὲ τέταρτος a ἀνα-
κρινόμενος τίνι λογισμῷ τὸν Σάββαν ἀπέστησεν,
ἀπεκρίνατο, “ Καλῶς ζῆν βουλόμενος αὐτὸν ἢ
καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν. ὁ δὲ πέμπτος ἐρωτηθεὶς πό-
τερον οἴεται τὴν ἡμέραν ἢ τὴν νύκτα προτέραν
γεγονέναι, - Τὴν ἡμέραν," ἘΠ “ἡμέρᾳ pa”
καὶ προσεπεῖπεν. οὗτος, θαυμάσαντος τοῦ βασι-
λέως, ὅτι τῶν ἀπόρων ἐρωτήσεων ἀνάγκη καὶ τὰς
ἀποκρίσεις ἀπόρους εἶναι. μεταβαλὼν οὖν τὸν
ἕκτον ἠρώτα πῶς ἂν τις φιληθείη μάλιστα: “ἂν
κράτιστος ὦν," -ἔφη, “μὴ φοβερὸς ἡ. τῶν δὲ
λοιπῶν τριῶν ὁ μὲν ἐρωτηθεὶς πῶς av τις ἐξ
ἀνθρώπων γένοιτο θεός, “ Ki τι πράξειεν, ἵ εἶπεν,
‘SG πρᾶξαι δυνατὸν ἀνθρώπῳ μὴ ἔστιν" ὁ δὲ περὶ
ζφῆς καὶ θανάτου, πότερον ἰσχυρότερον, ἀπε-
κρίνατο τὴν ἕῳὴν τοσαῦτα κακὰ φέρουσαν. ὁ δὲ
TEN evTaios, μέχρι τίνος ἀνθρώπῳ καλῶς ἔχον. ζῆν,
‘ Μέχρι. οὗ μὴ vopiter TO τεθνάναι τοῦ ζῆν ἄμει-
νον. οὕτω δὴ τραπόμενος πρὸς τὸν δικαστὴν
ἐκέλευσεν ἀποφαίνεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ ἕτερον ἑτέρου

a ἢ , / ἐξ ᾽ ΑΓ 5.51.5 ὲ \
χεῖρον εἰρηκέναι φήσαντος Οὐκοῦν," ἔφη, “σὺ

406

70

ALEXANDER, Lx1v. 1-5

in answering questions, and Alexander therefore put
difficult questions to them, declaring that he would
put to death him who first made an incorrect answer,
and then the rest, in an order determined in like
manner; and he commanded one of them, the oldest,
to be judge in the contest. The first one, accord-
ingly, being asked which, in his opinion, were more
numerous, the living or the dead, said that the living
were, since the dead no longer existed. The second,
being asked whether the earth or the sea produced
larger animals, said the earth did, since the sea was
but a part of the earth. The third, being asked what
animal was most cunning, said: “ That which up to
this time man has not discovered.” The fourth, when
asked why he had induced Sabbas to revolt, replied :
“ Because I wished him either to live nobly or to die
nobly.” The fifth, being asked which, in his opinion,
was older, day or night, replied: “ Day, by one day’;
and he added, upon the king expressing amazement,
that hard questions must have hard answers. Pass-
ing on, then, to the sixth, Alexander asked how a
man could be most loved ; “ If,” said the philosopher,
“he is most powerful, and yet does not inspire fear.”
Of the three remaining, he who was asked how one
might become a god instead of man, replied: “ By
doing something which a man cannot do” ; the one
who was asked which was the stronger, life or death,
answered: “Life, since it supports so many ills.”
And the last, asked how long it were well for a man
to live, answered: “ Until he does not regard death
as better than life.” So, then, turning to the judge,
Alexander bade him give his opinion. The judge
declared that they had answered one worse than
another. “ Well, then,” said Alexander, “thou shalt

407

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρῶτος ἀποθανῇ τοιαῦτα κρίνων." “Οὐκ ἄν ye,”
εἶπεν, “ ὧ βασιλεῦ, εἰ μὴ σὺ ψεύδῃ φήσας πρῶ-
τον ἀποκτενεῖν τὸν ἀποκρινάμενον ray te
LXV. Τούτους μὲν οὖν ἀφῆκε δωρησάμενος"
πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐν
ἡσυχίᾳ ζῶντας ἔπεμψεν ᾿Ονησίκριτον, ἀφικέσθαι
δεόμενος. πρὸς αὑτόν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ονησίκριτος ἣν φιλό-
σοφος τῶν Διογένει τῷ Κυνικῷ συνεσχολακότων.
καί φησι τὸν μὲν Καλανὸν ὑβριστικῶς πάνυ καὶ
τραχέως κελεύειν ἀποδύντα τὸν χιτῶνα γυμνὸν
ἀκροᾶσθαι τῶν λόγων' ἄλλως δὲ οὐ διαλέξεσθαι
πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐδ᾽ εἰ παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς apiktat τὸν
δὲ Δάνδαμιν πρᾳότερον εἶναι, καὶ διακούσαντα
περὶ Σωκράτους καὶ Πυθαγόρου καὶ Διογένους
εἰπεῖν ὡς εὐφυεῖς μὲν αὐτῷ γεγονέναι δοκοῦσιν οἱ
ἄνδρες, λίαν δὲ τοὺς νόμους αἰσχυνόμενοι βεβιω-
κέναι. ἄλλοι δέ φασι τὸν Δάνδαμιν οὐδὲν εἰπεῖν
ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τοσοῦτον μόνον" “ Tivos χάριν ὁ ᾿Αλέξαν-
δρος ὁδὸν τοσαύτην δεῦρ᾽ ἦλθε; " τὸν μέντοι
Καλανὸν ἔπεισεν ὁ Ταξίλης ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ᾿Αλέ-
ξανδρον. ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Σφίνης: ἐπεὶ δὲ κατ᾽
Ἰνδικὴν γλῶτταν τῷ Καλὲ προσαγορεύων ἀντὶ
τοῦ Χαίρειν | τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἠσπάξετο, Καλα-
νὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Ελλήνων ὠνομάσθη. τοῦτον δὲ
λέγεται καὶ τὸ παράδειγμα τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ ᾽Αλε-
ξάνδρῳ προθέσθαι. καταβαλὼν γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ
βύρσαν τινὰ ξηρὰν καὶ κατεσκληκυΐαν ἐπάτησε
τὸ ἄκρον' ἡ δὲ εἰς ἕν πιεσθεῖσα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπήρ-
θη μέρεσι. καὶ τοῦτο περιϊὼν ἐν κύκλῳ καὶ
πιέζων καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐδείκνυε γιγνόμενον, ἄχρι οὗ
τὸ μέσον ἐπιστὰς κατέσχε καὶ πάντα οὕτως ἠρέ-

408

ALEXANDER, txiv. 5-Lxv. 4

die first for giving such a verdict.” “That cannot
be, O King,” said the judge, “unless thou falsely
saidst that thou wouldst put to death first him who
answered worst.”’

LXV. These philosophers, then, he dismissed with
gifts; but to those who were in the highest repute
and lived quietly by themselves he sent Onesicritus,
asking them to pay him a visit. Now, Onesicritus
was a philosopher of the school of Diogenes the
Cynic. And he tells us that Calanus very harshly
and insolently bade him strip off his tunic and listen
naked to what he had to say, otherwise he would
not converse with him, not even if he came from
Zeus; but he says that Dandamis was gentler, and
that after hearing fully about Socrates, Pythagoras,
and Diogenes, he remarked that the men appeared
to him to have been of good natural parts but to
have passed their lives in too much awe of the laws.
Others, however, say that the only words uttered by
Dandamis were these: “Why did Alexander make
such a long journey hither?’’ Calanus, nevertheless,
was persuaded by Taxiles to pay a visit to Alexander.
His real name was Sphines, but because he greeted
those whom he met with “ Cale,” the Indian word of
salutation, the Greeks called him Calanus. It was
Calanus, as we are told, who laid before Alexander
the famous illustration of government. It was this.
He threw down upon the ground a dry and shrivelled
hide, and set his foot upon the outer edge of it; the
hide was pressed down in one place, but rose up in
others. He went all round the hide and showed
that this was the result wherever he pressed the
edge down, and then at last he stood in the middle
of it, and lo! it was all held down firm and still.

409

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μησεν. ἐβούλετο δὲ ἡ εἰκὼν ἔνδειξις εἶναι τοῦ
τὰ μέσα δεῖν μάλιστα τῆς ἀρχῆς πιέζειν καὶ μὴ
μακρὰν ἀποπλανᾶσθαι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον.

LXVI. Ἡ δὲ διὰ τῶν ποταμῶν πρὸς τὴν θά-
λατταν ὑπαγωγὴ μηνῶν ἑπτὰ χρόνον ἀνάλωσεν.
ἐμβαλὼν δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶν εἰς τὸν ᾿Ωκεανὸν ἀνέ-
πλευσε πρὸς νῆσον ἣν Σκιλλοῦστιν αὐτὸς ὠνό-

“ \ ἴω » “ \ > \
μᾶσεν, ἕτεροι δὲ Ψιλτοῦκιν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἀποβὰς
ἔθυε τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐπεῖδε τοῦ πελα-
yous καὶ τῆς παραλίας ὅσον ἐφικτὸν ἦν. εἶτα
ἐπευξάμενος μηδένα μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων ὑ ὑπερ-
βῆναι τοὺς ὅρους τῆς στρατείας ἀνέστρεφε. καὶ
τὰς μὲν ναῦς ἐκέλευσε περιπλεῖν ἐν δεξιᾷ τὴν
᾿Ινδικὴν ἐχούσας, ἡγεμόνα μὲν Νέαρχον ἀποδεί-
Eas, ἀρχικυβερνήτην δὲ ᾿Ονησίκριτον' αὐτὸς δὲ
πεξῇ δι᾽ ᾿Ωρειτῶν πορευόμενος εἰς ἐσχάτην ἀπο-
ρίαν προήχθη καὶ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἀπώλεσεν,
ὥστε τῆς μαχίμου δυνάμεως μηδὲ τὸ τέταρτον
ἐκ τῆς Ἰνδικῆς ἀπαγαγεῖν. καίτοι δώδεκα μὲν
μυριάδες ἦσαν οἱ πεζοί, τὸ δ᾽ ἱππικὸν εἰς μυρίους
καὶ πεντακισχιλίους. ἀλλὰ καὶ νόσοι χαλεπαὶ
καὶ δίαιται πονηραὶ καὶ καύματα ξηρὰ καὶ
πλείστους ὁ λιμὸς διέφθειρεν, ἄσπορον χώραν
ἐπιόντας ἀνθρώπων κακοβίων, ὀλίγα καὶ ἀγεννῆ
πρόβατα κεκτημένων, ἃ τοὺς θαλαττίους ἰχθῦς
εἰθισ μένα προσφέρεσθαι. σάρκα μοχθηρὰν εἶχε
καὶ δυσώδη. μόλις οὖν ἐν ἡμέραις ἑξήκοντα
ταύτην διελθὼν καὶ τῆς Γεδρωσίας ἁψάμενος εὐ-
θὺς ἐν ἀφθόνοις ἣν πᾶσι, τῶν ἔγγιστα σατραπῶν
καὶ βασιλέων παρασκευασάντων.

1 In midsummer of 328 Β.0.
2 It is Cilluta in Arrian (Anab. vi. 19, 3).

ALEXANDER, xv. 4-Lxv1. 3

The similitude was designed to show that Alexander
ought to put most constraint upon the middle of his
empire and not wander far away from it.

LXVI. His descent of the rivers to the sea con-
sumed seven months’ time. And after emerging
with his fleet into the ocean,! he sailed out to an
island to which he himself gave the name of Scillus-
tis, others that of Psiltucis.2 Here he landed and
sacrificed to the gods, and studied the nature of the
sea and of all the sea-coast that was accessible.
Then, after praying that no man after him might
pass beyond the bounds of his expedition, he turned
to go back. His fleet he ordered to go round by sea,
keeping India on the right ; Nearchus was appointed
admiral of the fleet, Onesicritus its chief-pilot. But
he himself proceeded by land through the country
of the Oreites, where he was reduced to the direst
straits and lost a multitude of men, so that not even
the fourth part of his fighting force was brought
back from India. And yet his infantry had once
numbered a hundred and twenty thousand, and _ his
cavalry fifteen thousand. But grievous diseases,
wretched food, parching heats, and, worst of all,
famine destroyed them, since they traversed an un-
tilled country of men who dragged out a miserable
existence, who possessed but few sheep and those of
a miserable sort, since the sea-fish which they ate
made their flesh unsavoury and rank. It was
with difficulty, then, that Alexander passed through
this country in sixty days; but as soon as he
reached Gedrosia he had all things in abundance,
for the nearest satraps and princes had provided
them.

41}

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

LXVII. ᾿Αναλαβὼν οὖν ἐνταῦθα τὴν δύναμιν
ἐξώρμησε κώμῳ χρώμενος ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ διὰ
τῆς Καρμανίας. αὐτὸν μὲν οὖν ἵπποι σχέδην
ἐκόμιζον ὀκτώ, μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ὑπὲρ θυμέλης
ἐν ὑψηλῷ καὶ περιφανεῖ πλαισίῳ πεπηγυίας εὐ-
ὠχούμενον συνεχῶς ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτός" ἅμαξαι
δὲ παμπληθεῖς, αἱ μὲν ἁχουργοῖς καὶ ποικίλοις
περιβολαίοις, αἱ δ' ὕλης ἀεὶ ,προσφώτου καὶ
χλωρᾶς σκιαζόμεναι κλάδοις, εἵποντο τοὺς ἀλ-
λους ἄγουσαι φίλους καὶ ἡγεμόνας ἐστεφανωμέ-
νους καὶ πίνοντας. εἶδες δ᾽ ἂν οὐ πέλτην, οὐ
κράνος, οὐ σάρισαν, ἀλλὰ φιάλαις καὶ ῥυτοῖς καὶ
θηρικλείοις παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἅπασαν οἱ στρατιῶται
βαπτίζοντες ἐκ πίθων μεγάλων καὶ κρατήρων
ἀλλήλοις προέπινον, οἱ μὲν ἐν τῷ προάγειν ἅμα
καὶ βαδίξειν, οἱ δὲ κατακείμενοι. πολλὴ δὲ μοῦ-
σα συρίγγων καὶ αὐλῶν pois τε Kal “ψαλμοῦ καὶ
βακχείας γυναικῶν κατεῖχε πάντα τόπον. τῷ δὲ
ἀτάώκτῳ καὶ πεπλανημένῳ τῆς πορείας παρείπετο
καὶ παιδιὰ βακχικῆς ὕβρεως, ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ παρ-
OVTOS αὐτοῦ καὶ συμπαραπέμποντος τὸν κῶμον.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἧκε τῆς Pedpwcias εἰς TO βασίλειον, αὖ-
θις ἀνελάμβανε τὴν στρατιὰν πανηγυρίζων. λέ-
γεται δὲ μεθύοντα αὐτὸν θεωρεῖν ἀγῶνας χορῶν,
τὸν δὲ ἐ ἐρώμενον Βαγώαν χορεύοντα νικῆσαι καὶ
κεκοσμημένον διὰ τοῦ θεάτρου παρελθόντα καθί-
σαι παρ᾽ αὐτόν: ἰδόντας δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνας
κροτεῖν καὶ βοᾶν φιλῆσαι κελεύοντας, ἄχρι οὗ
περιβαλὼν κατεφίλησεν.

' According to Arrian (Anab. vi. 28, 1 f ), this bacchana-
lian procession through Carmania rests on no credible
authority.

412

ALEXANDER, txvn. 1-4

LXVII. Accordingly, after refreshing his forces
here, he set out and marched for seven days through
Carmania in a revelling rout. He himself was con-
veyed slowly along by eight horses, while he feasted
day and night continuously with his companions on
a dais built upon a lofty and conspicuous scaffolding
of oblong shape; and waggons without number fol-
lowed, some with purple and embroidered canopies,
others protected from the sun by boughs of trees
which were kept fresh and green, conveying the
rest of his friends and commanders, who were all
garlanded and drinking. Not a shield was to be
seen, not a helmet, not a spear, but along the whole
march with cups and drinking-horns and flagons the
soldiers kept dipping wine from huge casks and
mixing-bowls and pledging one another, some as
they marched along, others lying down; while pipes
and flutes, stringed instruments and song, and revel-
ling cries of women, filled every place with abundant
music. Then, upon this disordered and straggling
procession there followed also the sports of bacchan-
alian license, as though Bacchus himself were present
and conducting the revel.1 Moreover, when he
came to the royal palace of Gedrosia, he once more
gave his army time for rest and held high festival.
We are told, too, that he was once viewing some
contests in singing and dancing, being well heated
with wine, and that his favourite, Bagoas, won the
prize for song and dance, and then, all in his festal
array, passed through the theatre and took his seat
by Alexander’s side; at sight of which the Mace-
donians clapped their hands and loudly bade the
king kiss the victor, until at last he threw his arms
about him and kissed him tenderly.

413

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

LXVIII. ᾿Ενταῦθα τῶν περὶ Νέαρχον avaBav-
των πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡσθεὶς καὶ διακούσας τὰ περὶ
τὸν πλοῦν, ὥρμησεν αὐτὸς πλεύσας κατὰ τὸν
Εὐφράτην στόλῳ μεγάλῳ, εἶτα περὶ τὴν ᾿Αραβίαν
καὶ τὴν Λιβύην παρακομισθεὶς διὰ στηλῶν Ἥρα-
κλείων ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν ἐντὸς θάλασσαν. καὶ
πλοῖα παντοδαπὰ περὶ Θάψακον ἐπήγνυτο, καὶ
συνήγοντο ναῦται καὶ κυβερνῆται πανταχόθεν.
ἡ δὲ ἄνω στρατεία χαλεπὴ γενομένη καὶ τὸ περὶ
Μαλλοὺς τραῦμα καὶ ἡ φθορὰ πολλὴ λεχθεῖσα
τῆς δυνάμεως a ἀπιστίᾳ τῆς “σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ τά τε
ὑπήκοα πρὸς ἀποστάσεις ἐπῆρε καὶ τοῖς στρατη-
γοῖς καὶ σατράπαις ἀδικίαν! πολλὴν καὶ πλεονε-
ξίαν καὶ ὕβριν ἐνεποίησε: καὶ ὅλως διέδραμε
σάλος ἁπάντων καὶ νεωτερισμός. ὅπου καὶ
πρὸς ᾿Αντίπατρον ᾿Ολυμπιὰς καὶ Κλεοπάτρα
στασιάσασαι διείλοντο τὴν ἀρχήν, Ὀλυμπιὰς
μὲν Ἤπειρον, Κλεοπάτρα δὲ Μακεδονίαν παρα-
λαβοῦσα. καὶ τοῦτο ἀκούσας ᾿Αλέξανδρος βέλ-
τιον ἔφη βεβουλεῦσθαι τὴν μητέρα: Μακεδόνας
γὰρ οὐκ ἂν ὑπομεῖναι βασιλευομένους ὑπὸ
γυναικός.

Διὰ ταῦτα Νέαρχον μὲν αὖθις ἐπὶ θάλασσαν
ἔπεμψεν, ἐμπλῆσαι πολέμων ἅπασαν ἐγνωκὼς
τὴν παραλίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ καταβαίνων ἐκόλαζε τοὺς
πονηροὺς τῶν στρατηγῶν. τῶν δὲ ᾿Αβουλήτου
παίδων ἕνα μὲν ᾿ΟΟξυώρτην αὐτὸς ἀπέκτεινε
σαρίσῃ διελάσας, ᾿Αβουλήτου δὲ “μηδὲν τῶν
ἀναγκαίων παρασκευάσαντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τρισχίλια
τάλαντα νομίσματος αὐτῷ προσαγαγόντος, ἐκέ-

1 ἀδικίαν Bekker reads ἀκηδίαν (indifference) with a Munich
MS. (M.).

414

108

ALEXANDER, txvin. 1-4

LXVIII. Here Nearchus came up to meet him, and
Alexander was so delighted to hear of his voyage
that he eagerly desired to sail down the Euphrates
himself with a large fleet,! and then, after circum-
navigating Arabia and Africa, to enter the Mediter-
ranean by way of the pillars of Heracles. And vessels
of every sort were built for him at Thapsacus, and
sailors and pilots were assembled from all parts.
But the increasing difficulties of his march back, his
wound among the Malli, and the losses in his army,
which were reported to be heavy, led men to doubt his
safe return, inclined subject peoples to revolt, and bred
great injustice, rapacity, and insolence in the generals
and satraps whom he had appointed. Ina word, rest-
lessness and a desire for change spread everywhere.
For even against Antipater, Olympias and Cleopatra
had raised a faction, and had divided his realm
between them, Olympias taking Epirus, and Cleopatra
Macedonia. When he heard of this, Alexander said
that his mother had made the better choice; for the
Macedonians would not submit to be reigned over
by a woman.

For these reasons he sent Nearchus back to the
sea,” determined to fill all the regions along the sea
with wars, while he himself, marching down from
Upper Asia, chastised those of his commanders who
had done wrong. One of the sons of Abuletes, Oxy-
artes, he slew with his own hand, running him through
with a spear; and when Abuletes failed to furnish
him with the necessary provisions, but brought him
instead three thousand talents in coin, Alexander

1 It was after his return to Persepolis that this desire
seized him (Arrian, Anab. vii. 1, 1).
* Early in 324 B.c.

415

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

lal “, Ν » / a e
λευσε τοῖς ἵπποις TO ἀργύριον παραβαλεῖν. ὡς
τ᾿ ’ 4, ΄ ΄ ‘6 , 5 ” cia a
δ᾽ οὐκ ἐγεύοντο, φήσας, “Tt οὖν ὄφελος ἡμῖν τῆς

a a » a Ν ’ ,
ons παρασκευῆς; καθεῖρξε τὸν ᾿Δβουλήτην.

/ a
LXIX. ᾿Εν δὲ Πέρσαις πρῶτον μὲν ἀπέδωκε τὸ
a lA “
νόμισμα ταῖς γυναιξίν, ὥσπερ εἰώθεισαν οἱ βασι-
al it
Nels, ὁσάκις εἰς Πέρσας ἀφίκοιντο, διδόναι χρυ-

a \ rn
σοῦν ἑκάστῃ. καὶ διὰ τοῦτό φασιν ἐνίους μὴ
πολλάκις, Ὦχον δὲ μηδὲ ἅπαξ eis ἸΠέρσας παρα-

\ , a

γενέσθαι, διὰ μικρολογίαν ἀποξενώσαντα τῆς

/ e / ΕΣ Ν Ἃ ͵΄ ς
πατρίδος ἑαυτόν. ἔπειτα τὸν Κύρου τάφον εὑ-
ρὼν διορωρυγμένον ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ἀδικήσαντα,
καίτοι Ἰ]ελλαῖος ἣν οὐ τῶν ἀσημοτάτων ὁ πλημ-

΄ ” , Ν δ ΤΟ Ν